THE WAR: 
WHO'S TO BLAME? 



OR, 



THE EASTERN QUESTION INVESTIGATED 



OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS. 



By JAMES MACQUEEN, Esq. F.R.G.S. 

AUTHOR OF AFRICAN GEOGRAPHY, ETC. 



LONDON: 
JAMES MADDEN, LEADENHALL STREET. 
1854. 



/ 



1\ 

..jAVi 



LONDON : 

CLAY, PRINTER, BREAD STREET HILL. 



PREFACE. 



The writer of the following pages was induced, with much\ 
reluctance, to undertake the heavy and unpalatable labour of 
analyzing the voluminous documents (1,300 closely printed folio 
pages) that have been published by the British Government, 
^n what is technically called, " the Eastern Question.'' 
he labour became more irksome and unpleasant as, indep- 
endent of all other authority, the close examination of the 
| )cuments referred to compels him to come to the conclusion, 
I 'at his country was completely wrong in the proceedings 
hich have led to the terrible contest into which she has 
•guardedly rushed ; and that every step she takes in carrying 
on will only add to her complications, difficulties, dangers, 
and expenses, without acquiring therefrom one additional (quite i 
the reverse) solid mark or point of national honour, power, or/ 
security, The regret that he felt at seeing this generous country 
so misled and maddened by the greatest, and the grossest, and 
most extensive system of error and fabrication ever before 
organized in any age or country, urged and impelled him in the 
discharge of a duty which he considered was due to his country, 
even if he should stand alone in the em test, to do his utmost to 
expose and condemn the disgraceful and dangerous system 
alluded to. 

How far the work undertaken has been satisfactorily per- 
formed, is left to the reader to decide. Amidst considerable 



iv 



PREFACE. 



experience in attending to and investigating public documents, 
the writer never had occasion to witness so much deceit, 
concealment, misrepresentation, and mystification, not to use 
harsher names, than the papers under consideration contain. 
Our ambassadors, and the ambassadors of our ally, cut a 
deplorable figure in the eyes of plain dealing and truth. The 
errors, fabrications, and misrepresentations, to which these 
papers have at the same time given rise, are scarcely credible, 
and can hardly be believed. The work itself will sufficiently 
show and prove this. Sir II. Seymour has taught us that it 
is lawful to call things by their right names : truth demands it. 
Republican France abrogated the treaties of 1815. She next 
violated the treaty of 1841, by thrusting a three-decker through 
the Dardanelles, to menace Turkey, and promise her support 
against Russia, if she would beard the latter. She succeeded. 
She "frightened the unhcq^jy Turks,'' and "gained moral 
weight" by her "threats," says Seymour. Turkey broke her 
engagements with Russia under this pressure. Russia sought 
redress calmly. After much delay and chicanery, it was given : 
a firman by the Sultan, and an autograph letter from him to the 
Emperor Nicholas, appeared to settle everything. Both were 
instantly violated. The question was reopened by France. 
Prince Menchikoff was sent to Constantinople. The tales of 
his menaces and threats, and arrogance, were all Turkish, 
French, and English fabrications. It is not true that he fir$ 
settled the question of the Holy Places, and then brought 
forward new and severer propositions. His propositions were 
one and the same throughout, and all well known to Lord 
Stratford, though he has denied it : his letters will show this. 
He settled the question of the Holy Places as between Russia 
and France ; but as between Russia and Turkey, that part, the 
most important part, " reparation for the past and security for 



PREFACE. 



V 



the future," — in other words, a "national engagement" in one 
binding shape or another, embracing the recognition of the 
treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople, — was pointedly refused ; 
and this, too, done by the advice of Lord Stratford, the British 
ambassador. This refusal of a just demand justified Russia in 
declaring war against Turkey. She took, as Lord Stratford 
admits, a milder course, by first occupying the Principalities, a 
fief of, but not an integral portion of Turkey. 

This state of things produced the war in which we are now 
engaged. Europe framed a pacific note to satisfy both parties. 
Russia at once accepted it. Turkey refused it, as she had been 
secretly taught to do. Our declaration of war against Russia 
suppresses the truth at this point : it asserts that Russia refused 
the acceptance of the Vienna note, though urged repeatedly 
upon her by the four great powers of Europe ! That is not 
correct ; the first note framed by these four powers was accepted 
by Russia at once. It was sent to Lord Stratford at Constan- 
tinople, to urge, in the most earnest manner, its acceptance by 
the Turkish Government. His Lordship tells us (Part II. 
p. 69), " When I delivered it to the Turkish minister, I called 
his attention to the strong and earnest recommendation to the 
Porte, not only by her Majesty's Government, but also by the 
cabinets of Austria, France, and Prussia" See. This fact is 
wholly suppressed in the declaration, and a note as amended 
by Turkey was substituted for it, which the Emperor of Russia 
did decline to accept, though subsequently recommended by 
the four powers to do so, because it gave no satisfaction for the 
wrong committed, and at the same time destroyed the letter 
and spirit of the treaties existing between the two empires, — 
the great and secret object of the new alliance to accomplish ! 

Several notes were subsequently presented, and made out by 
the four powers. All were rejected by Turkey; one, especially, 

b 



vi 



PREFACE. 



by Lord Clarendon himself, was summarily dismissed with 
the taunt, that it was worse for them than Prince Menchikoffs 
proposition ! 

Prince Menchikoff reached Constantinople on the 5th March. 
The French fleet was, without consulting this country, and con- 
trary to our remonstrances, ordered on the 22d March, to 
proceed from Toulon to Salamis, to overawe Greece, and to he 
at the command of their ambassador, to proceed to Constantino- 
ple to support Turkey ; and all this done, before any point of 
MenchikofF's proceedings were known, and ten weeks before the 
occupation of the Principalities was thought of, and sixteen 
weeks before that took place. 

What are we to think of such suppressions and such conduct ? 
But still worse took place under the Secret Correspondence. 
Thus, while Lord John Russell and Lord Clarendon both 
admitted and advised the superintendence of Russia over the 
Greek Christians in Turkey, as a matter of right and of duty, 
their ambassador at Constantinople denied both, and taught the 
Turks to deny them. The Secret Correspondence, moreover, 
ended, as it was sought and intended it should end, namely, in 
an understanding or agreement between England and Russia, 
that they, as the parties most deeply interested, should both do 
their utmost to uphold, as long as possible, the existence of 
the Ottoman Government, should dangers which could not be 
foreseen or prevented precipitate its fall ; and that both parties 
should always cordially work together to render its dissolution 
as little injurious to the great interests of Europe as possible. 
This is and was the result of the Secret and Confidential Cor- 
respondence violated by France and England, not by Russia.V 
/'Moreover, almost every despatch from Lord Stratford, and also 
from Lord Clarendon, went to show that Turkey was not only 
and simply " $t<j$? s but dying of an incurable disease, brought on 



♦ 



PEEFACE. 



Vll 



by a long life spent in immorality, cruelty, and oppression. Let 

Lord Clarendon (June 24th, 1853) himself tell the tale: — 

" Your Excellency is instructed to state to the Porte, that it is the deli- 
berate opinion of her Majesty's Government .... that it is impossible to 
suppose that any true sympathy for their cause will be felt by the 
Christians, so long as they are made to experience, in all their daily trans- 
actions, the inferiority of their position, as compared with that of their 
Mussulman fellow-subjects — so long as they are aware that they will seek 
in vain for justice for wrongs done either to their persons or their proper- 
ties, because they are deemed a degraded race unworthy to be put into 
comparison with the followers of Mahomet. Your Excellency will 
plainly and authoritatively state to the Porte, that this state of things 
cannot be longer tolerated by Christendom. The Porte must decide be- 
tween the maintenance of an erroneous religious principle, and the loss of 
the sympathy and support of its allies. You will point out to the Porte 
the immense importance of the election which it has to make ; and her 
Majesty's Government conceive that very little reflection will suffice to 
satisfy the Turkish Ministers, that the Porte can no longer reckon upon its 
Mussulman subjects alone as a safeguard against external danger ; and 
that without the hearty assistance of its Christian dependents, and the 
powerful sympathy and support of its Christian allies, the Turkish 
...Empire must soon cease to exist ! " 

Was Russia wrong, then, to seek to retain the power she 
possessed by treaty, to repress as far as possible such intolerable 
evils ? " The cruel wrongs," says Lord Stratford, " of 400 
years ! " Already the artful promises and pretences of the allies, 
and their professed objects as regards Turkey, are blown 
to the winds; and, as a beginning of evils, insurmountable 
difficulties rise before them. They cannot maintain the Mahom- 
medan power in independence. Its days are numbered by 
unerring Wisdom. Its " power to make war" was to continue 
1260 prophetic years, and no longer. The allies, as they are 
called^ cannot roll back the tide of time, nor even reproduce 
yesterday. Every one who studies the official documents re- 
ferred to, and the subject seriously, must come to the conclusion 
that Count Nesselrode did ; namely, that France and England 
are solely and entirely to blame for the melancholy results that 



Vlll 



PREFACE. 



have taken place ; and also concur in his opinion, expressed in 
Part II. p. 181, on the evils of " war between two powerful 
countries — two old allies, like England and Russia — countries 
which, whilst they may be of infinite use to one another, 
possessed each the means of inflicting great injury upon its 
antagonist; and that if, for any motives known to him, war 
should be declared against Russia by England, it must be the 
most unintelligible and the least justifiable war ever entered upon'." 
Lord Clarendon, Part II. p. 144, characterizes the contest 
with equal force and accuracy: " If," says he, "Europe is for 
such causes to be exposed to the calamities of war, they will 
be without parallel in history /" and at p. Ill, he says, u war 
would entail the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire! " Yet we are 
at war. Our " rowers have brought us into deep waters/' 
Unparalleled in history, this war will be, and most certainly 
unparalleled in its results. It will terminate for ever a cruel 
system — a daring imposture and delusion, the opponent of the 
Majesty of Heaven, that has tyrannised over, and trampled 
upon, a very large portion of the human race for 1260 years. 
It must perish, like all its great tyrannic predecessors. We 
see, we know, the fate of the Egyptian, the Assyrian, the 
Babylonian, the Persian, the Macedonian, and the Roman 
empires ; all swept from the face of the earth ! So, too, Mahom- 
medanism must perish. 

England stands before the world in a new character. She 
now avows that her object is to waste and to destroy utterly, 
whatever she can ; and not to preserve and protect, as formerly ! 
Moreover, dignify or degrade it as we may, the truth stands 
prominent, that she is leagued with France to sustain the 
impiety and blasphemy of " the false Prophet,'* and to exalt 
" the Latin Church " as the supreme Church of this world ! ! 

London, Wlh Ort. 1854. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

Preliminary Observations^- Speech of Napoleon III. — French Policy — 
French Protectorate — Latin Church in the East — Occurrences and 
Proceedings till Prince MenchikofF was sent to Constantinople . . 1 

CHAPTER II. y 

Mission of MenchikofF— Arrival at Constantinople — His Proceed- 
ings there — Official Notes, Demands, and Correspondence with 
British Ambassadors and the Turkish Government — Declarations — 
Emperor of Russia — Failure of MenchikofF's Mission — His Depar- 
ture — Consequences 30 

CHAPTER III. 

Constantinople after the Departure of MenchikofF— Movements of the 
Fleets — Occupations of the Principalities — Declarations and Corre- 
spondence of England, France, Russia, and Turkey — The Vienna 
Conference — The Vienna Note, Proceedings regarding it, &c. . . . 75 

CHAPTER IV. 

Vienna Note — Its Rejection by Turkey — Opinions of Government 
through the "Times" about it — Alterations by the Turks in that 
Note — Nesselrode's Remarks thereon — Lord Clarendon's long and 
able Letter on Rejection of the Vienna Note — French Proposals, 
and New Note — Correspondence about it by the different Powers . 113 



X 



CHAPTER V. 

pass 

Declaration of War by Turkey — Important Concession, and Declara- 
tions by Russia, France, England, and Turkey — Movement of Fleets 
— Protocol of 5th December — Several other Notes and Protocols — 
All refused by Turkey, &c. &c 146 



CHAPTER VI. 

Sinope — Fleets enter the Black Sea— Conference at Vienna— Labours 
— Fresh Protocols — Correspondence and Declarations about them 
by the different Powers — Hostile Message to Russia — Recal of 
Ambassadors — War announced — Secret Correspondence — Russian 
important Memorandum — Correspondence with this Country about 
Turkey, 1844— Treaty of 1841, &c. &c 17G 



CHAPTER VII. 

Declaration of War against Russia — Misstatements and False State- 
ments made therein— Official Authorities for this — Professed Objects 
of the War — Destruction of Russian Towns, Harbours, Fleets and 
Commerce — Authorities for this — Statements made that Russia 
made it a Religious War — Various Authorities to show that the 
Turks and French, and others, make it decidedly a Religious War . 207 



CHAPTER VIII. 

State of the Christian Population in Turkey — Falsehoods told by 
Ambassadors and Statesmen about it— -Consuls' Reports — Lord 
Clarendon's Official Letters about their degraded and hopeless 
State — Layard's Accounts of their Cruel Treatment — Neale's ditto, 
&c. &c 227 



CHAPTER IX. 

Russia — Sufferings, Campaign of 1812 — Become stronger than before — 
Population, Army, Navy, and Resources — Trade and Commerce — 
Great Improvement — Empire under Nicholas I. — Reformation Laws 
— State of Society — Native Industry protected — Religious Tolera- 
tion — Refined Society in Siberia — Freedom of Serfs — Judicious Steps 
to effect it — Don Cossacks — Character — Christians 204 



CONTENTS. 



XI 



CHAPTER X. 

PAGE 

Circassia — Character of its People — Schamyl the Impostor — White 
Slave Trade in Circassia and Turkey — Black Slave Trade in Ottoman 
Territories — Georgia as it was and is, &c. &c 297 

CHAPTER XI. 

Mahommedanism and Christianity — Rise, Decay, and Destruction of 
the former — Rise, Increase, and Final Supremacy of the latter — 
Historical and Scriptural References and Proofs — The Year 1854 the 
Period determined for the Overthrow of Mahommedanism, as an 
Independent Power, both as calculated by the Mahommedan Era 
and the Scriptural Prophetic Writings 312 

CHAPTER XII. 

CONCLUSION. 

Recapitulation of Principal Topics — Additional Official References to 
general Heads — Lord John Russell's Navigation Laws — Fight for 
the Food we are to eat — Distortions and Misrepresentations by the 
Allies — Their crooked Policy — Bind Turkey Neck and Heel — French 
and English Alliance — Dangers from it — Union with Austria, 
Alliance still more dangerous — Clarendon and Saxony — Menacing 
Despatch — The Four Points — Rejected by Russia — Saxon spirited 
Reply — Government, through the " Times," threatens to extinguish 
Prussia, and sweep away all the States of Europe as established by 
the Treaties of 1815 — Threats of the Allies ineffectual — Mahom- 
medan Power must fail — The Scriptures point out their Fate — Cost 



of War, &c. &c 343 



APPENDIX. 

Nesselrode's Circular about Greek Revolt 399 

Nesselrode's Memorandum, Agreement between Russia and England, 

Tartars — Their Character and Manners — Remains of them in Southern 
Russia — Improvement and Education progressing among them — 
Propositions to rouse them to Rebellion 404 

Firman abolishing Circassian Slavery 407 



I 



THE WAR: 
WHO'S TO BLAME? 



CHAPTER I. 



PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS — SPEECH OP NAPOLEON III. — FRENCH POLICY- 
FRENCH PROTECTORATE — LATIN CHURCH IN THE EAST — OCCURRENCE AND 
PROCEEDINGS TILL PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF WAS SENT TO CONSTANTINOPLE. 

" We are at war ! We are at war — at war after we and Europe have 
been forty years at peace." Such are the hypocritical lamentations and 
avowals of all those who have been the great advocates for war, who 
are now its principal supporters, and whose fables, inventions, and 
mischievous falsehoods, have been the chief cause of producing the 
deplorable result. Their fables and inventions, which have chiefly 
tended to produce hostilities, are, at the same time, as baseless as their 
thoughtless averment, — that the world, Great Britain included, had been 
m a state of profound tranquillity during the last thirty-nine years. 

Let us, for a moment, attend to facts. During the period men- 
tioned, France has had about half-a-dozen great and bloody internal 
revolutions, — a war with Spain, — a war with and the conquest of 
Rome, — a war in and the conquest (not yet concluded) of Algiers — 
a war which has continued for twenty-four years, and which is not yet 
finished, 1 — a tousel with Mexico, Morocco and Tunis, Buenos Ayres 
and Tahiti, exclusive of some serious conflicts in which she acted in 

1 Prom a Paris paper. — "Algiers, June 25th; Marseilles, June 30th, 1851. The army in 
Africa had had, to them, a disastrous engagement with a tribe of the Kabyles, numbering 
100,000 souls, and mustering 15,000 warriors. Their country is very difficult, consisting of 
mountains and rocks. They are more civilized than the Bedouins, and are becoming more 
formidable daily. The Prench army was commanded by General Renden, the governor of the 
colony. He was completely defeated. A colonel and major were killed, several officers wounded, 
and 300 men put hors de combat" 

What a strange contrast does the conduct of nations afford to the close observer of human 
affairs ! Here we have a great European nation crushing independent Mahommedan tribes on 
Mount Atlas, at " the same moment that she is encouraging and advising the wilder and more 
barbarous tribes of the Caucasus to rush into war in order to secure their independence." 



B 




THE WAR*. 



conjunction with England. In Africa she has conquered a coun try- 
equal in extent, to France herself, besides the addition of the Society- 
Islands, the Friendly Islands, New Caledonia, and a settlement on 
New Guinea. Austria has had a terrible revolution which nearly 
overthrew her empire, and two bloody contests with Piedmont, and 
serious disputes with Switzerland. Switzerland herself has had 
serious internal commotions. Naples has been engaged in bloody 
strife with her dependency, Sicily. Prussia, besides a war with Den° 
mark, has had a revolution which nearly overthrew her monarchy. 
Russia has had a bloody civil war in Poland, one bloody war against 
Turkey, two serious wars with Persia, and two wars to support Turkey 
against Mehemet Ali, exclusive of her interference to quell the Hun- 
garian insurrection, and her aid to separate Greece from Turkey. 
The latter power, when not engaged in war with her neighbours, is 
almost constantly engaged in quelling revolts of her barbarous pashas, 
or in aiding them, by the application of brute force, to oppress and 
massacre her unhappy Christian subjects. Russia, since 1815, has 
only added to her territory a few points on the eastern coast of the 
Black Sea, and a small slip on the Georgian frontier not larger than 
the county of Kent. 

During the period in question, the United Kingdom has had a 
rebellion in Canada, a rebellion in Ireland, a bloody contest, in con- 
junction with France, to deprive our old ally, the King of Holland, 
of Belgium, allotted to him by the treaties of 1815 ; one war to 
deprive Turkey of Greece ; one to deliver Turkey from the victorious 
march of Mehemet Ali ; a mongrel war in and about Spain ; another 
such in and about Portugal • and nearly another such about Tahiti ; 
a mighty tousel with' poor Greece about Don Pacifico's bed and his 
wife's linen or flannel petticoats. She has also had two Kaffir rebel- 
lions and wars ; a severe war with China, the chief object of which was 
to compel the Chinese to purchase from us and to eat smuggled opium ; 
two bloody wars with Affghanistan, two bloody wars with the Sikhs ; 
one bloody war with the Ameers of Scinde, and two wars with the 
Burmese ; in which three latter we have added to our territories a 
greater extent of dominion than the whole superficies of the United 
Kingdom ! and, lastly, we had an important contest amidst the 
swamps of Nicaragua to maintain the sovereignty of our illustrious 
ally, the drunken king of the Musquito coast ! 

Such a state of things, we are confidently but audaciously told, 
constituted general and profound tranquillity ; therefore, by way of 
change, we must now have a war, the sweeping operations and ter- 
rible results of which, shall eclipse all those tumults combined! 



who's to blame? 



3 



England especially calls for such a contest, because she has not for 
centuries known what war really is within the boundary of her own 
shores, and because the present generation does not recollect the war 
of twenty-five years' duration, which cut off 8,000,000 of men, the 
flower of Europe, and which covered Europe with misery, destruc- 
tion, and blood, and added 560,000,000£. to her National Debt, 
besides 750,000,000/. more to her National Expenditure. 

Under such circumstances Great Britain, in conjunction with 
France, have entered into war with Russia. The reasons for this ter~. 
rible step — for terrible it will be found to be before all is over — may be 
given in the words of two Ministers of the Crown in their place in 
Parliament, when the subject was officially brought before it by com- 
mand of her Majesty, thus : 1 — 

Lord Palmerston. — " It is said these were the military armaments of 
Russia. But then the armaments, we were always assured, were only to 
counteract the menacing language which had been held by the represen- 
tative of France on the question of the Holy Places. It is said there was 
a secret treaty by reason of the disregard of pledges and firmans already 
issued by the Sultan. There never, Sir, was the slightest intimation given 
that there was any other question than that to be settled. And when 
Count Nesselrode asserted that the Government of this country had been 
from the beginning informed of the demands of Russia, he states what was 
utterly untrue {sensation). Sir, it is painful to speak of a Government like 
that of Russia in such terms of condemnation, but I must say, in vindica- 
tion of the Government of her Majesty, that through the whole course of 
these negotiations, Russia exhausted all her agents, and by every means, 
by every modification of untruth, concealment, and equivocation, ending 
in the assertion of utter falsehood {considerable sensation). Well, Sir, has 
anything been lost by the forbearance which the Government of her 
Majesty has manifested ? " &c. 

- Lord John Russell. — " The whole of her (Russia) conduct was no 
doubt deception {Hear, hear). There was concealment, and there was 
deception, on the part of Russia toward the Government of this country 
{renewed Hear, hear). But they (the British Government) feel the cause is 
still more — it is to maintain that peace of Europe, of which the Emperor of 
Russia is the wanton disturber {Hear, and cheers). It is to throw back on the 
head of that disturber of the peace of Europe, the consequences which he 
has so violently, and I believe so imprudently, evoked. It is to maintain the 
independence, not only of Turkey, but of Germany and all the European 
nations," &c. " But if this is not to be done, and if peace is not consistent 
with our duty to England, with our duty to Europe, and with our duty to 
the world — if this enormous power of Russia is to go to such a pitch that 
even its moderation is more ambitious than the ambition of other nations—* 
if Russia will not be content with any less than the possession of Constant 

1 First Debate, Eastern Question, House of Commons, April 17th, 1864. 



4 



THE WAR: 



tinople, — if such are her meaning and her objects, we can only enter into 
the contest with strong heart, and may God defend the right ! In fact, I will 
willingly bear my share of the burden and responsibility {cheers)'' — Rep. 
Speech, Stamford, April 18th. 

The responsibility, terrible as that is, Lord John has yet to learn in 
the injury and humiliation of his country • while the wicked bravado 
discovers the bitter feeling of a statesman having unexpectedly, and 
from his own imprudence, had some secret, selfish, and roguish poli- 
tical scheme prematurely forced into the light of day, and compelled 
to appear in all its naked deformity. 1 

The statements here made, and the language here used, against a 
great nation, are indeed strong, and may well be supposed to be able 
to stand the strictest scrutiny ; but which the use of so many " ifs " 
fully leads us to doubt. Lord John's appeal bears that he is 
right, and that certain and complete victory is to be for him ! Lord 
Palmerston's great political experience and prudence give his decla- 
rations great weight, and confer on them an importance which, coming 
from any other quarter, they would not have deserved. Still, the 
subject is of such vast importance, that, as it is the right, so it 
becomes the duty of every free British subject, to inquire into the 
matter, and, by the lights which Government has given us, to ascer- 
tain if his Lordship is, in all points, strictly correct. With refer- 
ence to Lord John Russell, he is so well known to allow, on particular 
occasions, his feelings to outrun his discretion (witness * mummeries 
of religion " — denounced, then succumbed to), that his words might 
be left to pass for what they are considered worth, and his " ifs," and 
objects, and "great heart," be left to find their level with those clap- 
traps which statesmen, when they feel their cause to be feeble, and 
their conduct to have been wrong, are so apt to launch forth, and to 
brave by boast what cannot stand inquiry. 

The appeal, however, which his Lordship here makes is most serious 
and most solemn, and is, and ought always to be, the last resort of 
pure innocence — it is to the Almighty ! to Him to whom all hearts 
are open, and from whom no secrets are hid ; to Him by whom kings 
reign, and princes decree judgment ; to Him who always "mustereth the 
hosts of the battle to Him who alone gives, and who alone can give, 
victory ; and to Him who " ruleth among the kingdoms of men, and 

1 A close examination of the official Papers alone will, it is to be feared, and as we shall learn, 
prove the conclusion to he just, that a less solemn hut more appropriate appeal ought to have 
been made; such as, We are in for it — we have brought the country into it — we mean to main- 
tain our position by war. — " The sword of Mahomet is the key of heaven," and it does not 
recmire absolute wisdom to make it also the key of Downing Street — "a material guarantee" 
for our future security ! 



who's to blame? 



giveth them to whomsoever He 'will." This is the great Being that is 
appealed to ! and his Lordship makes the appeal under the clearest 
conviction that he, and this country, and France, are right, and that 
the Emperor of Russia is wholly wrong. It will be fortunate for this 
country if he is so. It may be presumed that .the matter will stand 
inquiry. If Lord John has not supplied us with all the documents 
which can enable us to judge correctly, that is his blame ; but, taking 
the ponderous volumes with which we have been furnished, let us care- 
fully examine who is right, or who is wrong, and, finally, who is to 
blame in the matter. The inquiry will be laborious — it cannot be 
pleasant — and is most certain, for the moment, to be unpopular. 
But truth can know no fear; and, while guided by her, every personal 
offence against individuals or communities of men will, in our pursuit, 
be carefully, and to the utmost that is possible, avoided. Yet, thus 
situated, it must be permitted, without giving offence, " to call things 
~by their right names" — which Sir H. Seymour told his wondering 
hearers, at the Mansion House, is never done, " in English," at St. 
Petersburg. This he proved in his own person. 

In order to understand the Eastern question fully, and the strange 
proceedings which have plunged Europe and Asia into a dreadful war, 
it is necessary to turn to the beginning of the diplomatic discussions 
which have taken place in our day, and also to revert shortly to the 
proceedings and views of European Powers in reference to the Turkish 
Empire in former times. It is proposed to do this in a narrative, as 
continued and as connected as possible, and in regular order of the 
dates belonging to each subject ; the whole selected from the volu- 
minous official Papers that have been published, extending, to this 
date (Sept. 20th), to 1,300 closely printed folio pages. The confused 
manner in which these documents have been published — where we find 
confusion worse confounded reigning — together with the endless repe- 
titions and extraneous rubbish connected with each particular portion 
of the subject, renders the task undertaken all but impracticable, and 
might well induce the boldest to avoid such a work, in despair of 
getting through it in a satisfactory * manner : it is something like 
seeking for a grain of wheat in a sack of chaff. Lord Derby acknow- 
ledged (House of Lords) that he had lost his way, and got bewildered, 
before he got to the end of the first volume (400 pages). Still, it is 
evident, notwithstanding the very great number of Papers that have 
been published, that many of those have been mutilated ; while it is 
also clear that others have been withheld— a practice very reprehen- 
sible, but very common with official people, when it does not suit their 
purpose to tell all things that relate to public affairs of great moment. 



6 



THE "WAR: 



The continued and steady policy of the French Government and the 
French nation, more than any other European power, England scarcely 
excepted, it is here proper to observe, has, as is well known, long been 
to extend the authority and the influence of France around the shores 
of the Mediterranean. This has been the policy of her rulers for cen- 
turies. Many of the severest wars between the Mahommedans and 
Christians, in Eastern Europe, were produced or instigated by the 
influence and intrigues of France ; whilst she pursued her aggressive 
and ambitious policy against Christian powers in Germany, and Italy, 
and other parts of the world. The records of history so fully confirm 
this truth, that it would be a waste of words and time to dwell on 
or to particularise the instances. The present Emperor, in his opening- 
speech to his legislature this year, emphatically reminds them of this 
policy; and others of his countrymen are equally explicit. He says: — 

" France has as much, and perhaps more interest than England in pre- 
venting the influence of Kussia from extending itself indefinitively over 
Constantinople ; for to be supreme in Constantinople is to be supreme in 
the Mediterranean ; and no one of you, gentlemen, I think, will say that 
England alone is largely interested in a sea which waters 300 leagues of 
our coast." — " This policy does not date from yesterday ; for ages every 
national Government in France has maintained it, and / will not desert it. 
Let them not come and ask us, "What are you going to do at Constantinople ? 
We are going there with England to defend the cause of the Sultan, and 
none the less to protect the rights of the Christians. We are going there 
to defend the freedom of the seas, and our just influence in the Mediterranean. 
We are going there with Germany, to aid her in preserving the rank from 
which it seems they wish to degrade her, — to secure her frontiers against 
the preponderance of its principal neighbour. We are going there, in 
fact, with all those who desire the triumph of right, of justice, and of crvTLl- 
zatiox."— Speech of Napoleon III. March 2d, 1854. 

This special-pleading document is of pure French manufacture, and 
is made to cover the most determined and insatiable ambition. " The 
freedom of the seas," in French phraseology, was formerly well under- 
stood by England, and cost her a war of twenty-five years duration 
against France to oppose it. The "just rights of France in the Mediter- 
ranean," — in the true object thereof, will soon.be made apparent to the 
world ; and the consideration expressed for the freedom and rights of 
Germany, will soon be found to mean, to coerce her to combat for 
French interests and ambition. How far the Emperor intends to 
carry out this French policy at this season, time will show, and may 
also depend upon what the general feeling in France may direct 
him to do. Professions of politicians and states are not worth a straw 
when opportunity offers to gratify national feeling, policy, interest, 



who's to blame? 



7 



and ambition. History tells us that nearly all the wars that afflicted 
Europe and Germany, especially of Turkey against the latter, during 
a period of 200 years, were all encouraged by the intrigues and advice 
of France ; that by means of the Turks, always ready pupils for the 
work of war, she might attack Germany — Christians — from the south- 
east and east, while she directed her immediate power and strength 
against Germany and the rest of Europe, on the Rhine, and on the 
sea, as long as she was able to do the latter. If the policy and ambi- 
tion of France, directed to the Mediterranean, a few years ago alarmed, 
and justly alarmed, eminent Whig statesmen and writers, when that 
power held only 240 geographical miles of the coast of that sea, what 
must be their feeling now, when they are told by the French sovereign 
that they have — as they really have — 720 geographical miles (840 
English) of the coasts of that sea, — with, moreover, a French garrison 
at Rome, a French garrison in Greece, and a preponderating military 
force in the Dardanelles and Bosphorus 1 Rut let one of these autho- 
rities speak for themselves : — 

" Turkey — First Step to Improvement, to improve the Army. — The inter? 
course with a powerful ally would certainly tend to weaken the hatred and 
contempt in which infidels and their institutions are at present held. Nor 
can it be doubted, that in every point of view, by their power, their 
abilities, their manners, and their activity, the French are peculiarly well 
adapted to work the changes in question. Indeed, were it not from the 
dangerous consequences of such an event to our own country, we should be 
justified in wishing well to the progress of the Turks in their new alliance. 
Certainly between the Russians and the French, in so far as regards 
Turkey, there can be no room for hesitating. But who can view, without 
dismay, the addition of all the coasts and forests of Greece to the already enor- 
mous maritime resources of France in the Mediterranean 1 Our desire 
for the improvement of the Turks must be vehement indeed, if it can 
lead us to deprecate their having Russian instructors. 

" But, unhappily, the influence of France in the affairs of the Porte is 
no longer a matter of speculation. The ascendant, which Russia might 
have gained in them, had she reserved herself for better opportunities, is 
now sacrificed to her premature efforts in the cause of the German powers. 
The subjugation of Austria and the destruction of Prussia, have brought 
France and Russia together. Instead of fighting for Germany, or even for 
Turkey, they are now contending for Petersburg." — Edinburgh Review, vol. x. 
p. 271. 

Moreover, the spiritual supremacy in the Eastern world, or rather 
in those portions of Eastern Europe and Western Asia at present 
ruled by Mahommedan powers, has for nearly 1,200 years been the 
steady aim of the Roman or Latin Church ; and the proceedings taken 
to attain this end have been the means of frequently entailing much 



8 



THE war: 



misery on different places and upon many millions of meii. The 
Republican Revolution that dethroned Louis Philippe was encouraged 
and supported by the whole weight and influence of the more domi- 
neering and ambitious Romanists in France. Every form of govern- 
ment that has lately succeeded Republicanism in France has based its 
chief support upon the same power and influence, and which is pre- 
pared to act, as opportunity may occur, upon and with the vast 
increasing Romanist power in every portion of the world, preparatory 
to that great contest with Protestantism, which rash and headstrong 
Romanists court, and calculate to be near at hand. The present 
Emperor of France is looked upon by them as their great champion ; 
and policy, supposing no other motive, leads him and his Government 
to flatter them and to seek their support. The Papers which we are 
about to consider will bring some of these facts before us in a very 
striking point of view. 

This Lord Clarendon knows and acknowledges. " Her Majesty's 
Government," says he, u were not insensible to the superior claims of 
Russia, both as respected the treaty obligations of Turkey, and the loss 
of moral influence that the Emperor would sustain throughout his 
dominions, if, in the position occupied by his Majesty with reference 
to the Greek Church, he was to yield any privileges it had hitherto 
enjoyed to the Latin Church of which the Emperor of the French 
claimed to be the protector." — Secret Correspondence, p. 23. 

The veiy first act of the French Revolutionary Government of 1848 
was to abrogate all the treaties between France and the other European 
powers made in the year 1815, at the conclusion of the bloody and 
destructive war wholly entailed on Europe by the restless and un- 
scrupulous ambition of France. The decree proclaiming this abroga- 
tion of treaties stands to this day unrepealed, ready to be acted upon 
as occasion may present itself and events may draw forth. The 
first step taken by the Revolutionary Government was to send an 
ambassador to Constantinople to demand of the Government of 
Turkey concessions and privileges which, granted, would have consti- 
tuted the Church of Rome, or the Latin Church, the supreme Christian 
Chmch in the Eastern world, and the French Government, as a matter 
of course, the ruler and protector thereof. This step was taken and 
supported by the Pope of Rome and all his more ambitious followers 
throughout Europe. Religion was to be made the moving spring to 
aid and extend ambition and political power. In this movement the 
projectors calculated, and calculated correctly, that they would speedily 
come in contact with the Greek Church and the power of Russia, 
against which they considered that they might readily depend upon 



who's to blame? 



9 



the Turks as their willing assistants. With their aid, and probably also 
with the assistance of some other stupid European power, prompted 
by hostility to Russia, France doubtless calculated that she would 
revenge on Russia the terrible disasters which in a just war Russia had 
made France suffer in 1812, and in subsequent years. 

Before entering upon the minute consideration of these Official Papers, 
it is necessary to observe that more than one of the most important 
are wanting. Thus in No. 140, 1 Sir H. Seymour adverts to a 
despatch shown to him by Count Nesselrode, and which was to be 
despatched to London nest day, of which he says, " The whole language 
and purport of this paper gave me very great pleasure.'" His summary 
is, first, the satisfaction felt by the Emperor at the proof of confidence 
in his word manifested by her Majesty's Government — this is expressed 
in plain words ; second, which is plainly to be seen, the apprehension 
entertained by the Russian Cabinet of an alliance, having for its object 
a joint action upon the affairs of Turkey, between England and France; 
and, third, the almost equally evident desire of proving that such an 
alliance must, from the opposing interests of the two parties, exist 
more in appearance than in reality We search in vain through the 
papers for any such despatch of the date alluded to. 

Next, in No. 66, 2 Count Nesselrode adverts strongly to "the late 
confidential overtures which Sir Hamilton Seymour has been instructed 
to make to us, manifested on the part of the British Government, of a 
conciliatory disposition on which we set a high value" &c. Where is 
this despatch? It must have been very important, and must bear 
strongly upon the question in dispute. 

Again, it must be asked, what has become of the despatch which 
was written (such a despatch must have been penned) to Lord Strat- 
ford, calling for explanation about the difference in the Menschikoff 
note of the 14th March, 3 as sent to the Foreign Office by Colonel Rose, 
and the genuine note transmitted from St. Petersburg to Baron 
Brunow in London, and which he was directed to place in Lord 
Clarendon's hands'? It is easy to perceive that the nature of this 
despatch must have had a direct and important bearing upon the 
dispute going on. It is, howevQr, nowhere to be found amongst the 
papers that have been produced ! Such conduct and proceedings are 
most discreditable. 

Everything must have a beginning, and a small spark may produce 
a most extensive and destructive conflagration. The Holy Places in 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, April 7th, 1853, Part I. p. 120. 

2 Nesselrode to Brunow, 13th August, 1853, Part II. p. 51. 

3 Sec Stratford's reply, Part I. p. 264, May, 1853. 



10 



THE war: 



Palestine were made the first bone of contention ; bnt it is clear from 
the Official Papers about to be considered, that this was merely the 
small edge of the wedge that was intended to be driven home as soon 
as possible, and that a supremacy of a much more extensive kind 
was contemplated and intended. Sir Stratford Canning, now Lord 
Stratford de Redcliffe, in his letter No. I, 1 states that by General 
Aupeck's instructions from Paris, " it appears that the Pope of Home 
has been made to exert his influence in furtherance of the views 
adopted by France, and that all the Catholic powers will be engaged 
by his Holiness to co-operate for the same purpose." The same autho- 
rity tells us, No. 3, 2 that the Spanish, Sardinian, and Neapolitan 
representatives have severally given in notes to the Porte, seconding 
the French demand, and stating that they act by the express command 
of their respective Governments. In No. 5, 3 the same authority tells 
us that "the Portuguese charge des affaires is seconding General 
Aupeck, by means of an official note." In No. 13, 4 the same 
authority transmits us the official note of the Austrian charge des 
affaires, M. de Klere, dated 3d July, 1851, "that he had received orders 
from the Imperial Government to support the claims of the Latin 
monks in Palestine," &c. The same authority tells, No. 10, 5 that 
" General Aupeck is not at liberty to modify his present course, with- 
out fresh instructions from Paris." In an enclosure with No. II, 6 we 
find General Aupeck in the matter, protesting, both in the name of 
France, and in that of Catholicism at large ; and in another enclosure 
in No. 12/ we find General Aupeck contending with the Russian 
Government, for "the just rights" and for the "essential interests of 
a cause which it is defending in behalf of Catholicism at large." In 
No. 5, s Sir Stratford Canning, on perceiving the serious contest going 
on, and after having in No. 3 told us, that " the Porte is fully aware of 
the important 'political considerations involved, and the strong con- 
flicting passions likely to be engaged in the pending controversy," 
obseiwes, " No Englishman, alive to the interests of a true Euro- 
pean policy in the East, could witness without regret and anxiety 
the triumph of a political influence, which would always be ready 
to overflow its bounds." " No one seems to doubt that every nerve 

1 Stratford to Palmerston, May 20th, 1850, Part L p. 1. 

2 Stratford to Palmerston, June 5th, 1S50, Part I. p. 2. 

3 Stratford to Palmerston, July 5th, 1850, Part I. p. 3. 

4 Stratford to Palmerston, March 6th, 1 850, Part I. p. U. 

5 Stratford to Palmerston, January 6th, 1851, Part I. p. 11. 

6 Stratford to Palmerston, January 7th, 1851, Part I. p. 11. 

7 Stratford to Palmerston, Pehruary 25th, 1S51, Part I. p. 12. 

8 Stratford to Palmerston, July 5th, 1850, Part I. p. 2. 



who's to blame ? 



11 



will be strained by the Greek Church and nation to maintain their 
vantage-ground ; and that Russian influence, however masked, will be 
vigorously exerted, as on former occasions, to defeat the attack of the 
Latin party." In No. 8, 1 Sir Stratford emphatically says, " Those of 
her (Turkey) friends who wish to see her free from foreign influences, 
and who cannot shut their eyes to the probable political conse- 
quences of that success which the French Government seeks naturally to 
obtain at the head of the Roman Catholic representatives, cannot fail to 
sympathise with the Turkish Ministry in their view, if such be really 
their view of the pending case." 

History establishes the fact that France both claimed and exercised 
the right of the Protector of the Roman Catholic Religion in the East. 
In 1819, when an understanding was come to between the Porte, the 
Emperor Alexander, and Louis XVIII. of France, regarding the state 
of the Greeks, the latter acted upon the ground that he was acknow- 
ledged Protector of the Roman Catholics in the East ; and the Em- 
peror of Russia, that he was the sovereign of the greater number of 
the followers of the Greek Church, &c. (see article in Times, March 
29th, 1853). Furthermore, and to the point, it was only a few months 
ago that the French Minister at Constantinople (Gen. Baraguay 
d'Hilliers), on the occasion of the expulsion of all the Greeks belonging 
to the Government of Greece, resisted the expulsion of the Roman 
Catholic Greeks, in his capacity as representative of France, and doubt- 
less by the authority of his Government, as the Protector of the 
Roman Catholics throughout the Turkish empire. The Divan yielded 
to his remonstrances, till opposed by the British Minister, Lord Strat- 
ford de RedclifFe. The dispute became so serious that the French 
minister broke off all communication with the Ottoman Government, 
at that critical moment, and with much difficulty was prevented from 
taking his departure for France. The peculiar crisis induced his 
Government to suspend their claim ; but there can be no doubt that 
he acted in the affair in obedience to his instructions, and that France 
considers herself now, as she has always done, the legitimate and 
acknowledged Protector of the Roman Catholics in all the Turkish 
empire. 2 The following clear and unanswerable document sets the 
point disputed completely at rest : — 

1 Stratford to Palmerston, September 4th, 1850, Part I. p. 8, 

2 Yet M. Drouyn de Lhuys affects boldly to deny this. On his authority, Lord Cowley tells 
Lord Clarendon, May 31st, 1853, p. 210, that " the ambassadors of France have always 
repudiated the religious protection of Turkish Roman Catholic subjects." In his letter tq 
Count Walewski, June 25th, 1853, p. 305, M. Drouyn de Lhuys denies that Prance was, 
entitled, or ever exercised such a power. It suited his purpose to do so at this moment ; and 
thus statesmen, to suit their views and their countries' ambition, trifle with facts, however 



12 THE was: 

" French Protectorate. — The French, and English press, with refer- 
ence to Prince Menschikoff's mission, is seeking to prove that the Protec-. 
t orate exercised by France over the Catholics in the East cannot be cited 
by Russia, at the present time, as an example and precedent, inasmuch as 
that Protectorate only applies to foreign Catholics domiciled in Turkey, 
and not to Catholics subject to the rule of the Porte. 

" Those who follow the movements of French policy in the East, espe- 
cially as regards the Syrians and the Maronites, can easily adduce facts to 
the contrary. Moreover, the idea, which in this respect has always influ- 
enced the French Government, is expressed in an unequivocal manner in a 
public document, namely, in a protocol on the affairs of Greece, of the 3d 
of February, 1830, No. 3. That protocol, which was signed on behalf of 
France by her plenipotentiary, the Count de Montmorency Laval, contains 
the following passage, which we will quote word for word : — 

" ' The French plenipotentiary requested the attention of the conference 
to the particular position in which his' Government is placed relative to a 
portion of the Greek population. 

" ' He represented that, for many ages, France has been entitled to 
exercise, in favour of the Catholics subject to the Sultan, an especial pro- 
tection, which his most Christian Majesty deems it to be his duty to 
deposit, at the present time, in the hands of the future sovereign of 
Greece, so far as the provinces which are to form the new state are con- 
cerned ; but, in divesting himself of this prerogative, his most Christian 
Majesty owes it to himself, and he owes it to a people who have lived so 
long under the protection of his ancestors, to require that the Catholics of the 
Continent and of the islands shall find, in the organization which is about 
to be given to Greece, guarantees which may stand in lieu of the influence 
which France has hitherto exercised in their favour. 

" ' The plenipotentiaries of Great Britain and Russia appreciated the 
justice of this demand, and it was decided that the Catholic religion shall 
enjoy, in the new state, the free and public exercise of its worship ; that 
its property shall be guaranteed to it ; that its bishops shall be maintained 
in the integrity of the functions, rights, and privileges which they have 
enjoyed under the protection of the kings of France ; and that, lastly, 
agreeably to the same principle, the properties belonging to the ancient 
French missions, or French establishments, shall be recognised and re- 
spected.' 

" Thus, on the one hand, we perceive that France in nowise hesitates to 
declare, in a formal diplomatic act, that she exercises a special patronage in 
behalf of the Catholic subjects of the Sultan, and that she deems it to be 
her duty to place that patronage in the hands of the future sovereign of 
Greece, in so far as regards the provinces which are to compose the new 
state ; on the other hand, that the plenipotentiary of Great Britain has, in 

obvious and important, considering that their rank and authority will insure them credit 
amongst the mass of mankind. On the establishment of the kingdom of Greece, Prance 
relinquished her right, as Catholic Protector in the East, in favour of that kingdom, but of 
it only. 



If 



who's to blame? 



13 



like manner, no scruple to affix his signature thereto, probably because his 
Government did not perceive, in the explicit mention of the French Pro- 
tectorate, any impeachment of the independence of Turkey and the sove- 
reignty of the Sultan. 

"Why, then, has this manner of looking upon the question changed, 
from the time that there is a question of applying it to Eussia V — No. 284, 
June 17th, 1853, Part I. p. 296. Seymer — Russian Memorandum. 

This speaks for itself, and if we wanted further proof of its accu- 
racy, we have it in the annexed article in the Times, intimating that 
it will be withdrawn, to establish a more general system : — 

" "We observe with satisfaction, that as France herself proposes that no 
official protectorate should be exercised over the subjects of the Porte, to 
whatever ritual they may belong, and Austria concurs in the same principle, 
those Catholic powers are prepared to offer the protectorate they have hitherto 
claimed over certain of the Catholic subjects of Turkey, to merge in the general 
guarantee secured by the Sultan and his allies to every denomination of 
Christians." — Times, August \Mh, 1854. 

But the following, from the same superior source of information, 
proves still stronger, that that which has been so positively and offi- 
cially denied as not existing, has 'always been claimed and exercised by 
France and other powers, in Turkey. " It is," says that well-informed 
journal — 

" No slight sign of the sincerity of the three friendly powers, that they have 
declared their willingness to forego those exclusive religious claims which 
defeated all hopes of tranquillity, and were only kept up through a mis- 
taken sense of honour. If the French Emperor yields his hereditary right 
in favour of the Catholics, he will have conferred a service on the world, 
and even, whatever they may think, on the Levantines themselves. Above 
all, he will render the policy of France more reputable, and her influence 
really stronger, as it will no longer be in the hands of a class which is far 
from being popular. Hitherto the course has been this. Every French 
ambassador has, on his arrival, found himself surrounded by a body of 
co-religionists, demanding his protection, and offering their assistance. A 
fanatical body of Levantine Catholics exists in the capital, under the name 
of Perites. These people, without country, position, intellectual culture, or 
elevated aims, have taken up or inherited ultramontane views, which, by 
the natural process of religious antagonism, have been dispersed by the con- 
tact with Greeks and Armenians." — "A French ambassador arrives. . . What- 
ever may be the power of the nation he represents, his personal authority 
in a strange country, and at an ignorant court, is but small ; and that per- 
sonal authority is the only means of influence. The Catholics can give him 
nearly all he wants. They have an agent in every remote town of Roumelia 
and Anatolia, who can supply him with intelligence, and get up little 
grievances, which will give him an opportunity of showing his spirit at the 



14 



THE WAR: 



Porte. He will have a net-work of co-operators throughout'the country, far 
superior to that given by the consular system." — " Furthermore, there is 
an impulse of national vanity, connected, in some manner, with the Crusades, 
Louis IX., Francis I., and the various chapels at Calvary and Bethlehem ; 
therefore he enters into all the ecclesiastical schemes of the degenerate race 
that surrounds him, and becomes a potentate like Jiis rivals" &c. — Times, Sept. 
21st, 1851. Correspondent, Constantinople, Sept. 10th. 

It is no mean source or authority that furnishes the above truthful 
particulars. Stratford de Redcliffe has already got a rival potentate — 
a master. He feels it — he deserves it. Let Protestant England, Europe, 
and America look to it. 

The Porte declined to comply with the peremptory and exclusive 
demand of General Aupeck, and referred to a general commission to 
examine the treaties under which the French Government founded 
their claims. Against this General Aupeck strongly protested, stating 
(August 12th, 1850) that his "basis was incontestable," and that 
a Catholic Europe, friendly to the Ottoman empire, awaits with 
impatience the satisfactory solution of the negotiation which has been 
begun." 

During these proceedings it appears that M. Titofi^ the Eussian 
ambassador, did little more than communicate with his court what 
was going on ; and we have no documents in the papers before us, to 
show anything*that that court said or directed. At this time General 
Aupeck was recalled, and M. de Lavalette succeeded him as French 
ambassador at Constantinople. He assumed a high and decided tone, 
and in his first communication (No. 15), 1 stated "the high importance 
attached to the matter by his Government." In No. 17, p. 18, we 
find him stating, " that if the moderation of his Government, in seek- 
ing only a joint participation of the buildings in question were not 
appreciated, the claim of undivided possession by the Latins would be 
urged with all the weight of a demand warranted by treaty." At this 
stage Russia began to be heard of. Sir Stratford Canning (No. 19 2 ) 
informs Lord Palmerston that M. Titoff, by command of the Emperor 
of Russia, had intimated, " that no change would be allowed to take 
place in the possession of those sanctuaries." Lavalette proceeded. 
The Divan declined to agree to his dictation, and asserted that " no 
one Government can prevent another Government from exercising 
that right," or " of explaining and determining, by common consent, 
articles of treaties. This right appertains equally to all powers" 

1 Stratford to Palmerston, May 19th and July 10th, 1851, with enclosures, Part I. 
pp. 14, 17. 

2 Stratford to Palmerston, Oct. 17th, 1853, Part I. p. 18. 



who's to blame? 



15 



(p. 17). In No. 20 1 Sir Stratford Canning informs Lord Palmerston 
that "the question has assumed a character of extreme gravity." 
Neither Lavalette, nor the Russian ambassador Titoff, nor the Divan, 
could agree upon various points. In reference to the point of joint 
possession, Lavalette would agree to that, yet, " in so doing, he would 
have anticipated the instructions of his Government, and exposed him- 
self to the animadversion of Rome, and of certain parties in France." 
At the same time, he thinks it impossible to submit with honour to 
the present plan of proceeding. His Government having embarked in 
the question, cannot, with any degree of credit or consistency, stop 
short under the dictation of Russia ; the national party in France, 
the Catholic party there and elsewhere, will press for the full 
assertion of right under treaty; and as for himself, he will retire 
rather than be made the instrument, as he conceives he would be in 
the supposed case, of his country's humiliation; nay more, if [it 
depended upon him, he would not hesitate to make use of the great 
naval force in the Mediterranean, and by blockading the Dardanelles, 
bring the question in debate forthwith to a satisfactory issue /" 

At this stage of the business Sir Stratford tells us (No. 20 2 ), "their 
(the Turks') object, as usual, is to temporise; their inclination would seem 
to be rather towards France ; not that they can feel any direct con- 
cern in the question at issue, but, as deeming a concession to French 
influence less dangerous than the triumph of Russian sympathy for the 
Greeks, whose cause, however, as that of an important section of their 
own fellow- subjects, they can hardly afford to neglect." It would be 
tedious, and is deemed unnecessary, to quote the treaties and conces- 
sions made with and to Christian powers (these occupy eight pages), 
especially as the points immediately connected with them were ulti- 
mately settled to the satisfaction, at least the apparent satisfaction, of 
both Russia and France. This position of the subject is dwelt upon 
chiefly to show the spirit in which the dispute was carried on, and the 
political feeling and jealousy which that dispute called forth amongst 
the contending powers. The conduct of France was the most violent 
and menacing, and Turkey clearly wanted to favour her at the expense 
of her relations with Russia. To carry the object in their favour, a 
mixed commission was appointed, who, to show the partiality in 
favour of French claims, actually threw aside, as valueless, the original 
charter granted to the Greek Christians at Jerusalem by Caliph Omar, 
on the conquest of that place in 636, "by virtue of which the Holy 
Sepulchre and its dependencies were placed under the control of the 

1 Stratford to Palmerston, Nov. 10th, 1851, Part I. p. 19. 
? Stratford to Palmerston, Nov. 6th, 1851, Part I. p. 19. 



16 



THE WAR: 



Greek Patriarch, and the other rites and religions made subject to him 
in this respect, so that complete immunity was accorded to the con- 
vent of the Holy Sepulchre," &c. (p. 25.) This decision being about 
to be communicated to M. Titoff, the Russian ambassador, he warmly 
remonstrated against it. and said, a that he thought it his duty to tell 
him (Ali Pasha) frankly, that any further step, foreign to the status 
quo of the Holy Places, would exceedingly annoy the Emperor ; in 
which case he (M. Titoff) would find himself compelled to abandon the 
confidential ground upon which he had acted up to this moment, and 
officially to protest against the Porte. He further added, that he very 
clearly saw the Porte's intention to accept the protectorate of France 
in this affair." In No. 25 1 Sir Stratford tells that the Turks, "in 
order, no doubt, to gain time," proposed to refer the question to " a 
council of state, composed of members of the Ulemah and some of the 
principal ministers." "M. Lavalette (No. 20) objected to this course, 
and the Porte persisted in pm'suing its own course/' In No. 30 p. 33, 2 
Sir Stratford informs us that M. Lavalette, with great difficulty, con- 
sented to allow the Turkish minister a few days more to produce his 
final answer, adding, " that if the answer of the Porte was such as to 
hurt the honour of France, he should be obliged to break off the nego- 
tiation." At last, after considerable squabbling, the dispute was 
arranged, as Sir Stratford informs us (No. 33, 3 Jan. 17th, 1852), " by 
the concession to the Latins of the right of officiating at the shrine of 
the Virgin, near Jerusalem, together with the keys to the Church of 
the Nativity, at Bethlehem." "This intended departure from the 
status quo has induced the Eussian envoy to look out for some conces- 
sion in favour of the Greeks ; and I am informed, that an equivalent 
is to be given to them in the shape of an admission to the right of 
officiating, on certain occasions, in the Mosque of Mount Olivet." In 
No. 38 4 Lord Cowley tells us, in reference to the negotiations con- 
nected 'with this matter, " M. Turgot had more than once been urged 
to make a demonstration to back the claim of the French Legation at 
Constantinople, by ordering a French fleet to the Dardanelles ; but he 
had always resisted having recourse to anything like a threat, because 
he felt the peril of provoking a collision in that part of the world." 

In conclusion of the arrangement No. 40, 5 "an imperial firman 
invested with a hatti-scheriff was delivered to the Greeks, and a lega- 

1 Stratford to Palmerston, Nov. 19th, 1851, Part I. p. 30. 

2 Stratford to Palmerston, Dec. 18th, 1851, Part i, p. 33. 

3 Stratford to Granville, Jan. 17th, 1851, Part i, p. 34. 

4 Cowley to Granville, March 5th, 1852, Parti, p. 38. 

s Stratford to Malmesbury, March 19th, 1852 Part I. p. 39. 



who's to blame? 



17 



lized copy of the same to the Latins. This document," says M. Pisani, 
"is addressed to the Governor, the Cadi, and the members of the 
Council of Jerusalem, with an injunction to attend scrupulously to the 
execution of its contents, and to have it duly registered in the Meh- 
Jceme, or court of justice." At the same time, and in company with a 
copy of these documents, an autograph letter of congratulation was 
addressed by the Sultan (July 9th, 1852) to the Emperor of Russia, 
who, relying on the correspondence and documents sent to him as 
being sincere and correct, was satisfied with the arrangement. 

In the meantime, and immediately after this, Sir Stratford Canning 
returned to England, and was succeeded at Constantinople by Colonel 
Rose. Lavalette also returned to France on leave of absence. During 
all these discussions, and for some time subsequent, the British ministers 
at the Porte were directed by the British Government, viz. by Lord 
Palmerston, Lord John Russell, Lord Granville, Lord Malmesbury, and 
Lord Clarendon, not to interfere in the matter in any way as principals, 
but simply to confine themselves to giving calm advice to both parties, 
and to transmit what took place to the British Government. That 
was a great oversight and a great misfortune, as there can be little 
doubt that if Great Britain had interfered in a decided and friendly 
manner, the dispute would then have been completely settled. The 
declarations of the Russian Government decidedly enable us to come 
to this conclusion. 

In the meantime, official and accredited individuals from the Otto- 
man Government, the French Legation, and the Russian Legation, 
proceeded to Jerusalem with the firmans, &c, to have these legally and 
publicly read and recorded. After some delay, and to the surprise of 
the Russian delegates, the Turkish authorities refused to read the 
Greek firmans, and not only so, but the very secretary who had in 
Constantinople written the papers, denied that he had done so, or that 
he had been directed by his superiors to read any such document. 
Mr. Basily afterwards, (No. 49, 1 ) called on the Commissioner at his 
own house, and insisted upon the Greek firman being read. The latter 
inquired, " What firman 1 " "That which you yourself drew up, and' 
wrote with your own hand, as second secretary, in Constantinople, 
declaring that the Latin claims to the Sanctuaries were null and void. 
The Bey explained that he had no directions to read it, that he had no 
copy of it with him, and could not go beyond his special instructions ! /" 

But this is not all. M. Lavalette returned to Constantinople about 
the middle of August, and by order of his Government immediately 
reopened the dangerous question, and disputed the validity of the 

1 Consul Finn to Malmesbury, Jerusalem, Oct. 27th, 1852, Part I. p. 45. 
C 



18 



THE WAS : 



firmans of February. Colonel Rose, (No. 41, 1 ) tells us, that "His 
Excellency says that, even allowing that the firman does not state that 
the claims of the Latins are ' injustes et mat fondh, the whole purport 
of it goes to deny the right of the Latins, that is, France, to the Holy 
Places," " that the Porte gave, the day after he left Constantinople on 
leave, a firman to the Greeks, which made out the treaty (French) to be 
valueless ! " Colonel Rose, (No. 42, 2 ) states that the Russian ambassador, 
M. de Ozeroff, " says positively that M. de Lavalette knew the tenor of 
the firman from the Porte, before it was issued." Sir Hugh Seymour, 
(No. 4&, 3 ) tells Lord Malmesbury, the account of these fresh disputes 
having then reached St. Petersburg, " his conviction was that very 
serious consequences would be likely to follow any successful attempt, on 
the part of the French Government, to have explained away or modified 
the firman regarding the Holy Places which has lately been issued." M. 
de Siniavine's language upon this point appears to be very significant. 
He says that " the firman has been officially notified to the Imperial 
Cabinet, though it has not been published, because the Government 
are always desirous of avoiding causes of offence and altercation ; but 
that the Government are prepared to uphold provisions which they 
consider to be only such as the Greeks are justly entitled to ; that the 
Emperor is always ready to make allowance for the interests and feel- 
ings of others ; but that unquestionably, upon a subject to which he 
attaches so much importance, his Majesty is little disposed to permit 
his rights to be encroached upon." 

Colonel Rose, in No. 50, 4 repeats his alarm at the conduct of the 
Divan. "'All the evils," says he, a arising from the contradictory 
nature of the concessions made in February last by the Porte, in the 
note of the 9th February and the firman to the Greeks, to the two 
rival interests engaged in this ill-omened difference, are coming into 
evident and striking contrast, as the time approaches when Asif Bey, 
the Porte's commissioner at Jerusalem, is to perform the difficult task 
of executing the Porte's conflicting decisions as to the Sanctuaries. 
The Russian Government consider the firman the charter of the 
Greek Church. The President (Louis Napoleon) and M. Lavalette 
consider it an affront to France, because it describes her claims, 
grounded on the treaty of 17-40, as 'haksig' (unjust), and establishes 
a status quo which wholly invalidates that treaty. M. Lavalette tells 
me that the Porte promised to M. Sabatier that it should not be read 

1 Rose to Malmesbury, August 14th, 1S52, Part L p. 42. 

2 Rose to Malmesbury, August 18th, 1852, Part I. p. 43. 

3 Seymour to Malmesbury, Sept. 17th, 1852, Part L p. 43. 

4 Rose to Malmesbury, Sept. 23d, 1853, Part I. p. 4*. 



who's to blame ? 



19 



at Jerusalem. M. de Ozeroff tells the Porte that the firman must be read 
at Jerusalem ; he declares that if it be not read, according to usage, in 
the Medgliss at Jerusalem, before the Pasha, Cadi, members of the 
Council, Patriarch, and the different sects, it will be valueless and a 
dead letter, and that, consequently, faith will have been broken with 
Russia." In No. 51, 1 Colonel Rose gets alarmed. "The question of 
the Holy Places," says he, " is becoming more serious." " M. Lavalette 
menaces to defend the advantages that he has gained since his return 
from leave, whilst M. de Ozeroff menaces to regain what he has lost." 
"M. de Lavalette has induced the Porte to address to him a note 
which nullifies the status quo established by the firman to the Greeks, 
and states that nothing can be done by the Porte affecting the treaty 
of 1740, without the consent of France. The French Government 
have expressed their approbation of this note. M. de Lavalette has 
also addressed instructions to M. Botta, at Jerusalem, in which he 
enjoins him to watch vigilantly over the strict execution of the note of 
the 9th February;" and "protects his position by announcing the 
extreme measures he would take, should the Porte leave any engage- 
ments to him unfulfilled. He has, more than once, talked of the 
appearance, in that case, of a French fleet off J affa ; and once he 
alluded to a French occupation of Jerusalem, ' when,' he said, ' we 
shall have all the Sanctuaries !' " The struggle, Colonel Rose is obliged 
to confess, is " in reality a vital struggle between France and Russia for 
political influence, 2 at the Porte's cost, in her dominions." 

In this menacing state of things, all parties began to be alarmed, 
and to pause in their hasty course. The "French Government, by the 
advice of Lord Cowley, 3 who represented that his Government had 
desired him "to press earnestly on the French Government the 
necessity of its (the dispute) being terminated as promptly as pos- 
sible • " and M. Drouyn de Lhuys said he would instruct the French 
ambassadors accordingly. The Grand Vizier and Fuad Effendi applied 
to Colonel Rose 4 for advice, stating that they were "resolved to extri- 
cate the Porte from the critical position in which she had been involved 
by the contradictory promises of the last ministry respecting the ques- 
tion of Jerusalem," &c. ; when he (Colonel Rose) was obliged to reply 

1 Rose to Malmesbury, Nov. 20th, 1852, Part I. p. 47. 

2 M. Drouyn de Lhuys, when he comes to be more explicit, speaks of Turkey (Part I. p. 305) 
thus, — "Embarrassments of a power who, under the influence of two opposing currents of equal 
force, conceived it could only keep its balance by alternately contracting contradictory engage- 
ments." Thus opposed by Trance, Russia was justified in attending to her own safety and 
interests. 

3 Cowley to Russell, Dec. 30th, 1852, Part I, p. 53. 

4 Rose to Malmesbury, Dec. 5th, 1852, Part I. p. 51. 

C 2 



20 



THE WAR : 



that my " instructions did not permit me to interfere in that question; 
and that even if they did, I could not safely have given an opinion as 
to decisions of one day, contradicted by those of the next, not knowing, 
besides, whether other counter engagements may not have been given 
secretly, or unknown to me." It was therefore just and proper, on the 
part of Russia, to require from such a Government something more 
binding than promises. 

During all these equivocations and delays on the part of the Turkish 
Government, and menaces on the part of the French ambassador, the 
utmost length that M. Titoff, the Russsian ambassador, went, was (see 
enclosure, No. 53), 1 to state to Ali Pasha, in November last, that if a 
single thing was changed in the status quo 2 as to the Holy Places, it 
would be considered as an offence by the Emperor, and that he 
(M. Titoff) would in that case leave Constantinople, with all the mem- 
bers of his mission, in twenty-four hours." It is necessary here to 
glance for a moment to what was passing at Jerusalem. Consul Finn 
tells us, (No. 58), 3 "that the firman which confirms the property of 
the Sanctuaries to the Greek community here, as alluded to in my 
dispatch of the 27th October, was read in public Divan on the 29th 
November, in presence of the three Patriarchs and the French consul." 
Colonel Rose (No. 80, January 4th, 1853, p. 69) denies the accuracy of 
this statement, and says, " neither the Latin Patriarch nor the French 
consul were present at the reading of the firman." And in No. 63, 4 
Consul Finn states, "I have to report that, on Wednesday last, the 
22d instant, the silver star for the sanctuary of Bethlehem was depo- 
sited, in place of the long-missed one, by the Latin Patriarch, with great 
ceremony. It had been brought up a few days before, with much 
pomp, from Jaffa. Some of the Moslem Effendis went down to Jaffa 
to escort it, and the rest rode out a considerable distance on the road, 
to bring it into Jerusalem with triumph. At the time of depositing 
the star, the Latin authorities received the keys into possession, not 
only of the inner, but of the outer church at Bethlehem, which were 
taken from the Greeks to be given to them" 

Colonel Rose (No. 152, March 21st, 1853) denies the accuracy of 
this. M. Pisani says " that Asif Bey, who was at Jerusalem at the time, 
assured him that the star was sent to him by the Pasha of Saida, in a 
box sealed up with the seal of the ministry of Foreign Affairs, and that 

1 Hose to Malniesbury, Dec. 4th, 1853, Part I. p. 49 ; enclosure Dec. 4th, Pisani. 

2 M. Drouyn de Lhuys stated (May 17th, 1S53, p. 175), that "the status quo was more 
favourable for France than the arrangement subsequently made, and which he had insisted 
upon." 

3 Consul Finn to Malmesbury, Dec. 9th, 1852, Part L p. 52. 

4 Consul Finn to Malnresbury, Dec. 28th, 1853, Part I. p. 55. 



who's to blame? 



21 



it was accompanied by only one officer of the Pasha's household. The 
star remained sealed as it was for upwards of twenty days in Asif Bey's 
room, and nobody knew of its arrival until the moment it was brought 
into the Church of Bethlehem, to be fixed in the place of the older 
one." " The keys," as Mr. Finn states, " were not taken from the Greeks 
to be given to the Latins; but three new keys were made by the 
Pasha's orders, and delivered to the Latins the day the star was fixed." % 

Who are we to believe of these officials 1 The one who saw, or the 
one who only heard, such as Pisani ? 

It would have been strange indeed had Russia, the party most deeply 
interested, patiently submitted longer to such a state of things. She 
had either been grossly deceived and imposed upon by the Ottoman 
Government, or the latter had deceived the Government of France. 
This latter supposition, however, was certainly not the case, as every- 
thing shows that the Turkish Government intended and wished to 
advance the interests and influence of France at all hazards, and to 
look to her for protection and support. The annals of political diplo- 
matic profligacy afford no parallel to the disgraceful scenes here exhi- 
bited, and which the champions and admirers of Turkey keep wholly 
in the back-ground, nor venture even to allude to them. It is a most 
remarkable fact, that Lord Malmesbury (No. 52 1 ) had to that date 
never heard of Basily's, or the great Greek firman. Can Sir Stratford 
Canning have withheld this, or did the Turkish minister deceive him, 
and never inform him about it ? It is for the British ambassador to 
explain this, and the point most certainly demands clear and explicit 
explanation. Brevity compels me to pass over correspondence occu- 
pying several pages, and, for the reason mentioned, to prevent different 
parties each from telling his own tale regarding the dispute at this 
stage of it. This course becomes the more proper, because more 
important agents and actors come more immediately on the stage, 
while the whole subject is forcibly and fairly condensed, and brought 
before us, in the official documents about to be quoted, as addressed by 
the Russian Government to the Governments of Great Britain and 
France, at this stage of the dispute and the important negotiations. 
Amidst what may be considered the weightier metal now brought into 
the field, we find Sir H. Seymour, the British ambassador at St. Peters- 
burg, who, by every exertion and possibility, on all occasions to the 
utmost of his power, volunteers to cast doubts on the proceedings and 
declarations of Russia, while he extenuates to the utmost the reprehen- 
sible and dishonest proceedings of her opponents, and whose defence of 
the Turks is the most strange one, namely, that they do wrong and act 
1 Malmesbury to Rose, Dec. 14th, 1852, Part I. p. 49. 



22 



THE WAR ! 



dishonestly, "through weakness!" and (Part V. p. 11) "from the ex- 
cessive apprehensions of the French entertained by the unfortunate Turlcs" 
A striking instance of his partiality and error is found in his memo- 
randum, presented to Count Nesselrode, January 8th, 1853, p. 58. 
The moment he heard of the serious turn things had taken at Con- 
stantinople, and the scandalous proceedings there, he, without any 
instructions from his Government, gratuitously cautions Russia against 
anger or precipitation, because, he said, there is considerable reason 
for believing u that the critical state of things originated not so much 
in the decisions of the Cabinet (French), as in the personal views of 
a diplomatic agent;" and further, "that grounds are not wanting for 
imagining that the French Government may not be reluctant to with- 
draw, if enabled to do so with dignity, from a diplomatic contest 
entered upon without sufficient reflection." Unfortunately for this 
piece of special pleading, Colonel Rose tells us (No. 80, Constantinople, 
January 4th, 1853) that M. Drouyn de Lhuys instructed M. de 
Lavalette, that to allow the Latins to 'officier' in the tomb, and then 
not let them have the means of doing so, was ' derisoire ' and not to 
be thought of. M. de Lavalette says that he has received very strong 
instructions as to the Holy Places from his Government ; that they 
express the greatest displeasure at the public reading of the firman, and 
insist on a literal execution of all the provisions in favour of the Latins 
contained in the note of 9th February last. It appears that the firman 
was read with more publicity than Fuad Effendi had promised M. de 
Lavalette that it should be." What has Sir H. Seymour to say 
to this % 

In No. 72, 1 Count Nesselrode, in the name of his master, thus 
addressed Count Brunnow, the Russian ambassador in London, to be 
by him communicated to Lord John Russell for his Government : — 

" You had already touched upon the subject with Lord Malniesbury, when 
he was going out of office ; and your endeavours to make him see it in its 
true light could not but be approved by our august master. Unhappily the 
steps which your Excellency had sought to induce him to take, as well at 
Paris as at Constantinople, had reference to a state of things which is now 
no longer the same. At that time the proceedings of the French ambas- 
sador in Turkey, and his menaces to compel the Ottoman minister to 
evade the execution of the firman, had not as yet finally succeeded. 
A hope might still be entertained that the representations of England to 
the French Cabinet might have the effect of arresting M. de Lavalette in 
his course. That hope has been disappointed ; since that time the efforts 
of the French embassy have triumphed at Constantinople. Not only has 
the firman, sanctioned by the Sultan's hatfi-scherif not been executed at 
1 Nesselrode to Iu - uuuo\v, 14th June, 1S53, Part I. p. 43. 



who's to blame? 



23 



Jerusalem, but it has been treated with derision by his Highness's mini- 
sters. To the indignation of the whole Greek population, the key of the 
Church of Bethlehem has been made over to the Latins, so as publicly 

TO DEMONSTRATE THEIR RELIGIOUS SUPREMACY IN THE EAST. 

" The mischief, then, is done, M. le Baron ; and there is no longer any 
question of preventing it. It is now necessary to remedy it. The immu- 
nities of the orthodox religion, which have been injured — the promise 
which the Sultan had solemnly given to the Emperor, and which has been 
violated — require some reparation. We must labour to attain it. Such is 
the present state of the question. If we took for our example the impe- 
rious and violent proceedings which have brought France to this result ; 
if, like her, we were indifferent to the dignity of the Porte, to the conse- 
quences which an heroic remedy may have in a constitution already so 
shattered as that of the Ottoman empire, — our course would be already 
marked out for us, and we should not have long to reflect upon it. 
Menace, recourse to force, would be our immediate means. The cannon 
has been called the last argument of kings : the French Government has 
made it its first. It is the argument with which, at the outset, it declared 
its intention to commence its proceedings at Tripoli, as well as at Con- 
stantinople. Notwithstanding our legitimate causes of complaint, and at 
the risk of waiting some time longer for redress, we shall seek to take 
a less expeditious course. We still desire, as we have always desired, the 
maintenance of the Ottoman empire, as being, take it all in all, the least 
mischievous arrangement for all European interests, which would not fail 
to come into violent collision in the East, if the gap existed. We will 
accordingly use our utmost efforts to avoid to the last, as far as depends 
on us, without prejudice to our honour, whatever may be calculated still 
further to shake this body, at once so feeble and so tottering, at the risk 
of causing it to fall into powder. Although we have in vain attempted, up 
to the present time, to make the Porte accessible to reason, we are about 
to make one further and last conciliatory endeavour. We are, conse- 
quently, seeking at the present time for an arrangement which may restore 
to the firman the force of which it has been deprived — may replace at Jeru- 
salem the two creeds on an equal footing — and reconcile their pretensions 
without prejudice to the rights of either. The object of the pacific but 
firm advice with which this proposal might be accompanied, will be to 
enlighten the Porte as to the consequences of the fault which, out of weak- 
ness, it has committed towards us ; and at the same time reassure it 
against the contingencies which disturb and alarm it on the side of France. 
The Emperor has already made up his mind to the principal bases of this 
arrangement ; and as soon as his Majesty shall have finally decided upon 
them, I will not fail, M. le Baron, to communicate them to your Excellency. 

" But, while firmly desiring and wishing to employ only pacific means, 
there is one consideration of which we have not been able altogether to 
lose sight ; it is, that the moral ascendancy of France at Constantinople 
has acquired such dimensions, that it is much to be feared that all our 
endeavours may fail, before the impression entertained by the Sultan's 
counsellors of the irresistible force of the French Government. It may 



24 



THE WAR: 



happen that France, perceiving that the Porte hesitates, may again have 
recourse to her system of menace, and press upon it so as to prevent it 
from listening to our just demands. The match is too unequal between 
us and the French Government, if, while the latter moves its squadron 
about, without opposition, in all parts of the Mediterranean, and presents 
its least demand at the cannon's mouth, we allow the notion of our inability 
to defend them, and likewise to protect our own interests, indefinitely to 
lake root in the mind of the Turks. The Emperor has, therefore, consi- 
dered it necessary to adopt in the outset some precautionary measures, in 
order to support our negotiations, to neutralise the effect of M. de Laval- 
ette's threats, and to guard himself in any contingency which may arise 
against the attempts of a government accustomed to act by surprises. 
The object of our measures is not in any way to throw doubt on the independence 
of the Ottoman empire. On the contrary, they are designed to maintain that 
independence against foreign dictation, by securing the tranquillity of the 
Sultan, and re-establishing his authority, which the French ambassador 
has impaired in the estimation of his subjects of the Greek faith, who, in 
Europe, form the majority of the population of his dominions. Thus, 
M. le Baron, in the view of the Emperor, the purport of our preparations 
is to produce a moral rather than a material effect. 

" As the exaggerated reports which are already in circulation on this 
subject might give rise to alarm, it was important for us to explain clearly 
the true character of our intentions. We trust that the English Govern- 
ment will not misunderstand their nature. The proofs of moderation 
which the Emperor has given in his conduct towards Turkey, on so many 
former occasions, are a pledge that, on the present, he will not deviate 
from the same principles. A common interest requires England as well as 
Russia to watch over the maintainance of peace in the 'East. We appeal to this 
interest, while addressing ourselves with frankness, at the present time, to 
the impartiality of the British Government. If, as we do not doubt, it 
attaches as much importance as we do to the maintenance of the status quo 
in the East, it becomes it now to raise its voice, to assist us at Constan- 
tinople in dispelling the blindness or panic fear of the Turks ; at Paris, to 
bring back the French Cabinet to prudent counsels. Such, in our opinion, 
should be the two-fold task of the English ministers ; and, if they will be 
pleased to undertake it, the negotiations which we are about to commence 
will, we trust, be brought to a close without danger for the peace of the East. 

" The Emperor enjoins you, M. le Baron, to employ all your efforts and 
zeal in acting upon the British Government in this sense. 

" Receive, &c. (Signed) Nesselrode." 

Pages 67 to 77. — Lord John Russell to Lord Cowley. 

" Foreign Office, January 28th, 1853. 
" My Lord, — A few days ago M. Baudin, the Charge d' Affaires of France, 
read to me a despatch which he had received from his Government, 
addressed by M. Drouyn de Lhuys to General Castelbajac, the Minister of 
France at St. Petersburg. 



who's to blame? 



25 



" Some days later Baron Brunnow read to me a despatch, addressed to 
him by Count Nesselrode. 

" Both these despatches relate to the question of the Holy Places. 

"It is with great regret that her Majesty's Government have perceived 
that this question is not yet settled, although the instructions given to 
Castelbajac may lead to a favourable termination of this unfortunate dis- 
pute. As, however, this happy result may not be attained, it is desirable 
that you should be made aware of the view which is taken by her Majesty's 
Government. 

" In the first place, her Majesty's Government desire to abstain alto- 
gether from giving any opinion on the merits of the question. Treaties, 
conventions, and firmans are quoted with equal confidence on both sides. 

"But her Majesty's Government cannot avoid perceiving, that the am- 
bassador of France at Constantinople was the first to disturb the status quo 
in which the matter rested. Not that the disputes of the Latin and Greek 
Churches were not very active, lut that without some political action on the 
part of France, those quarrels would never have troubled the relations of 
friendly powers. 

" In the next place, if report is to be believed, the French ambassador 
was the first to speak of having recourse to force, and to threaten the 
intervention of a French fleet, to enforce the demands of his country. 

"I regret to say that this evil example has been partly followed by 
Eussia ; and, although the report of the march of 50,000 Eussian troops to 
the Turkish frontier appears to have been unfounded or premature, yet it 
is but too certain that, if the quarrel is prolonged, the Emperor means to 
support his negotiations by arms. 

***** 

"Your Excellency will understand, therefore, first, that into the merits 
of this dispute her Majesty's Government will not enter ; secondly, that 
her Majesty's Government disapprove of every threat, and still more of 
the actual employment of force ; thirdly, that both parties should be told, 
that if they are sincere in their professions of a desire to maintain the 
independence of the Porte, they ought to abstain from the employment of 
any means calculated to display the weakness of the Ottoman empire. 
Above all, they ought to refrain from putting armies and fleets in motion 
for the purpose of making the tomb of Christ a cause of quarrel among 
Christians. " I am, &c. (Signed) J. Eussell." 

Page 73, No. 83.— Count Nesselrode to M. de Kisselqff {communicated to Lord 
John Russell, by Baron Brunnow, February 1853). 

" You doubtless, Sir, recollect the communication which, in November 
1851, we instructed you to make to the French Ministry, and the reply 
which Count Turgot, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, made to it, giving 
you the most positive assurance that we might consider this affair as set 
at rest in Constantinople ; and that it was, consequently, useless to discuss 
it in Paris. 



26 



THE war: 



" The same assurances, and in still more explicit terms, were given 
to Baron Brunnow in London, by Count Walewski, on the part of the 
President. 

" From that time we were justified in looking upon this discussion as 
not to be again revived; at all events, in the terms in which General 
Aupick, and subsequently M. de Lavalette, had put it forward at Con- 
stantinople. 

" The Ottoman Government, for its part, had so well understood that by 
annulling all the edicts of the Sultan issued since 1756, and in going back 
more than one hundred years in order to revive disputed and disputable 
rights, for the benefit of a creed which is not that of nearly the whole of 
its Christian subjects, it would give occasion for the most violent discon- 
tent among its people, that it determined, on mature deliberation, and 
after having submitted the question, and the documents bearing upon it, 
to the scrutiny of a special commission of the chief Ulemas of the empire, 
to pronounce a final decision on the matter, expressed in a firman and 
autograph Jiatti-scheriff of the Sultan, which were formally delivered to 
the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and copies whereof were officially commu- 
nicated to our mission at Constantinople. This solution was, in our esti- 
mation, equitable, for, far from depriving the Catholic religion, and its 
ministers at Jerusalem, of the establishments and oratories possessed by 
them, it granted to them, on the contrary, access to certain sanctuaries, 
reserved, up to this time, to other creeds. Far from placing the Bonian 
Catholic religion, in Palestine, in an inferior or humiliating position, it 
placed it more on an equality with the other sects. It appears to us, that 
it was not possible to demand more from a Mussulman Prince, who reckons 
in his dominions more than ten million subjects belonging to the Orthodox 
Greek Church. None of the Catholic powers represented at Constan- 
tinople, and as much interested in the question, on moral and religious 
grounds, as France herself, remonstrated or complained, as far as we know, 
against these arrangements made by the sovereign of Turkey. In a word, 
we were entitled to suppose that the Cabinet of Paris, which had just 
expressed to us its intention of letting this matter rest, and of restraining 
the excessive zeal of its ambassador, would at least have tacitly acquiesced 
in the conciliatory course adopted by the Porte. 

" We will leave the French Ministry to judge of the painful surprise 
which we have experienced, on learning that, upon his return to Constan- 
tinople after a short stay in France, M. de Lavalette had again mooted the 
question, requiring the Porte, in peremptory terms and under threat of a 
rupture with France, to suppress the last firman ; to send a Turkish com- 
missioner to Jerusalem, with fresh instructions ; to make over to the 
Latin clergy the key and the guardianship of the great Church at Beth- 
lehem ; to place on the altar of the Grotto of the Nativity, a star with the 
French arms, which it was said was formerly there, and which had been 
removed ; to attach to the Latin Convent at Jerusalem, a building belong- 
ing to the Cupola of the Holy Sepulchre ; to make, in fine, other conces- 
sions, which at a distance may appear trifling, but which on the spot, and in 



who's to blame? 



27 



the estimation of the native population, including even the Mussulmans, are so 
many acts of injustice and wrong done to the other Christian communities ; 
so many grounds for dissension and animosity between them and the 
Church of Rome, whose interests it is sought to uphold by these means. 

"We are reluctant to recapitulate the scandalous scenes which have 
already occurred at Jerusalem, in consequence of these measures, to which 
the Porte has had the weakness to lend itself, and which have already 
been partly carried into execution, contrary to the tenor of the recent 
firman, which, by another strange contradiction, it caused to be read to 
the local authorities, at the very time that it directed them to violate its 
principal conditions. 

" We will mention, in the last place, a circumstance sufficiently recent to 
be within the memory of all persons, and which, upon a question, and in a 
country where precedent carries weight, may establish, in favour of the 
Orthodox Church, and of the nations who hold its dogmas, a right difficult 
to be contested. When, in 1808, a violent fire consumed the Church of the 
Holy Sepulchre, the Patriarch of Jerusalem claimed and obtained, from the 
Sultan, authority to rebuild the church according to its ancient form and 
dimensions, without any foreign intervention whatever, and by the sole 
means of offerings made by the Greco-Slave population. 

" It may be remembered, too, that at that time we were at open war 
with Turkey ; that no diplomatic pressure or intervention, on our part, 
could have influenced the determinations of the Porte, or counteract the 
representations which the Catholic Powers, and France herself, at that 
time governed by the Emperor Napoleon, might have considered them- 
selves authorized to prefer. 

" This precedent appears to us to be more particularly adapted to be put 
before the present Government of France, in support of the intentions 
which it has evinced, and of the assurances which it gives us of not having 
contemplated withdrawing, from the Christians of the Greek Church, the 
right to enjoy the advantages which length of time has secured to them. 

" On this basis, which is exactly what we desire, and which equally agrees 
with the text of the late firman of the Porte, of which we demand the 
faithful execution, an understanding on the principle would be, at once, 
established. The only difficulties which would then have to be removed 
would relate to its application, and to the questions of detail, which would 
necessarily have to be regulated on the spot, in the sense of the late firman, 
and which would probably have been so already, if the contradictory orders 
of the Porte, the duplicity of its agents, and the exaggerated pretensions op the 
Catholic clergy, had not essentially prejudiced this work of conciliation 
and of peace, and left everything undecided up to the present time. 

" The Imperial Cabinet will neglect no means for hastening a conclusion 
on so many grounds desirable, and in which the whole of Russia takes the 
most serious and most legitimate interest. It has pleasure in reckoning 
upon the disposition and concurrence of France. It entertains no doubt 
of the efficacious co-operation of the Imperial Court of Austria, which is 
called upon by its treaties with Turkey to take part in the question. 



28 



THE WAR: 



" It is in this sense that we are about to take at Constantinople further 
and energetic steps, which, while reminding the Porte of its engagements 
towards us, will, it is to be hoped, convince it that there is, in fact, neither 
contest nor antagonism between us and France at the present more than 
at any other time, as regards the state of things established for ages in the 
venerated spots of Palestine ; that all the great powers of Europe equally 
desire the preservation of the Ottoman empire, its internal tranquillity, 
and the independence of its Government, in the actions which may be 
prescribed to it by justice and by its own interests." 

The language used in all the preceding documents quoted is quite 
clear ; and also, in reference to the facts of the case, quite correct ; 
they cannot be gainsayed. Lord Clarendon (No, 94) 1 justly states 
that the privileges of the Greek Christians in Turkey is a question of 
tc vital importance " to Russia, while " political interest " was in it 
mixed up with " religious zeal." If it is of " vital importance " to 
Russia, so also must it be to the Turkish empire. Lord John Russell 
very properly states in his letter to Colonel Rose 2 (No. 6), " the real 
interest which the Porte must have in the appropriation of any portion 
of these Holy Places to any particular Christian sect, must be limited 
by the consideration of what is due to the feelings of its own Christian 
subjects, of whom the greater proportion are members of the Greek 
Church." His Lordship concludes this despatch with the following 
judicious advice: — 

" It appears, therefore, to her Majesty's Government, that the Porte 
might with honour extricate itself from the difficult and embarrassing 
position to which the discussions on this subject have reduced it, by 
expressing its willingness to sanction any arrangement in regard to these 
Holy Places not inconsistent with the rights of the Sultan as territorial 
sovereign, which might be recommended for its adoption conjointly by the 
French and Russian Governments, which, as advocates of the respective 
claims of the Latin and Greek Churches, have taken the prominent part in 
the late discussions." 

The advice here given was rejected by the Turks, which shows the 
true spirit that actuated them. " I endeavoured," says Colonel Rose, 
(No. 98, February 22d, 1853,) to induce his Excellency (Fuad Effendi) 
to come into the views of her Majesty's Government respecting the 
advantage to the Porte's sanctioning any arrangement about the Holy 
Places which might be recommended for its adoption conjointly by 
the French and Russian Governments. Fuad Effendi did not seem to 
approve the plan, alleging that it would be an acknowledgment of the 
right of Russia to interfere in and protect the Greek interest in 

1 Clarendon to Stratford, February 25th, 1853, Tart I. p. SO. 

2 llussell to Itose, January 28th, 1853, Part I. p. G7. 



who's to blame? 



29 



Turkey; " but " he ultimately yielded, and said he would recommend 
the council to adopt the suggestions of her Majesty's Government." 
This, however, he never did. 

His Lordship further adds (No. 77 1 ), and properly adds, " Her 
Majesty's Government cannot avoid perceiving, that the ambassador of 
France at Constantinople was the first to disturb the status quo in 
which the matter rested. Not that the disputes of the Latin and 
Greek Churches were not very active, but that without some political 
action on the part of France those quarrels would never have troubled 
the relations of friendly powers. In the next place, if report is to be 
believed, the French ambassador was the first to speak of having 
recourse to force, and to threaten the intervention of a French fleet to 
enforce the demands of his country." 

Lord Clarendon (p. 95) confirms this, and says, " Indeed, the posi- 
tion for some time occupied by France with respect to the Holy 
Places, and the interest as well as the political feeling embarked in the 
question, are the only grounds for now apprehending embarrassment 
in the East." 

It is of importance at this stage of the proceedings to notice the 
admission which Sir H. Seymour is compelled to make, (No. 64, 2 ) that 
in reference to the reports of military preparations on the part of 
Russia, — namely, that " he could not help connecting those military 
preparations with the threat partly made by the French Government 
of sending an expedition to Syria, in the event of satisfaction not being 
obtained for the claims of the Latin Church." Yet, without inquiry, 
every reported Russian movement, true or false, was asserted to be 
against Turkey! 

Considering the numerous references that have been made to the 
official documents, as quoted in the preceding pages, it is plain that 
political feelings and views guided the disputants, but 'more especially 
France, and that the Latin Church, through France, sought to exalt 
herself to the supremacy in the East ; while it is at the same time 
evident that, when they thought at all upon the subject, her Majesty's 
Government, through successive administrations, were of the same 
opinion. As we proceed in investigating the rest of the correspond- 
ence, these facts will even more clearly appear ; while it is scarcely 
necessary to observe that nothing could tend to produce more dis- 
astrous consequences in the East than for the Latin Church to attempt 
to gain the supremacy there and to attain it. The too probable con- 
sequences are frightful to contemplate. 

1 Russell to Cowley, January 28th, 1853, Part I. p. 67. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, January Gth, 1353, Part I. p. 86. 



30 



THE WAR: 



CHAPTER II. 

OCCURRENCES ON MENCHIKOFF'S ARRIVAL AT CONSTANTINOPLE— HIS PRO- 
CEEDINGS THERE — OFFICIAL NOTES, DEMANDS, AND CORRESPONDENCE 
WITH BRITISH AMBASSADORS AND THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT — DECLA- 
RATIONS — EMPEROR OF RUSSIA — FAILURE OF MENSCHIKOFF'S MISSION— 
HIS DEPARTURE — CONSEQUENCES. 

Considering the serious position in which affairs stood at the date of 
the close of the last chapter, it can occasion no surprise in any quarter 
that Russia should take more decided steps in the pending and pro- 
tracted negotiations, and that she should endeavour to put matters on 
a more permanent and satisfactory footing, both as regards the present 
and the future. Indeed, if the Emperor's advice and suggestions had 
been attended to earlier, much, if not the whole, of the complications 
might have been avoided. According to Lord Cowley (No. 75 1 ), his 
advice was that the two contending Christian powers, France and Russia, 
should, in a matter in which only Christians could feel an interest, 
come to a decision about what they would require from the Sultan, 
and then obtain his sanction thereto. This advice the Government, 
but when too late, readily adopted. Russia, in furtherance of her 
views, intimated (No. 83 2 ) to both France and England, that, in order 
to bring the discussions to a close, she intended to send an ambassador 
of high rank to Constantinople. Prince Menchikoff was selected for 
this important object. The Prince was a man of high rank and great 
abilities, and much in confidence of the Emperor. Bad health de- 
tained him at St. Petersburg till towards the middle of February. 
The Prince belonged to the high section of the Greek Church ; he had 
denounced (see Stratford, p. 139) the Latin Church as "the encroaching 
spirit which proclaims itself Universal /' and looked for its real cause in 
the unceasing desire to extend the sphere of its action and influence at 
every favourable opportunity. On that account alone it had become 

1 Cowley to Russell, January 24th, 1853, Part I. p. 65. 

2 Nessclrode to KisseM, February 8th, 1853, Tart I. p. 71. 



who's to blame? 



31 



necessary for Russia to fix some limit to such an objectionable ten- 
dency. All the world knows that what the Prince says of the Latin 
Church is quite true ; but, because he had acted thus, he drew down 
on his head the vengeance and reproaches of the Roman Catholic 
organs throughout Europe ; and, strange to say, Protestant organs in 
the United Kingdom followed their example in this inglorious warfare. 

The Prince reached Constantinople on the 5th March, and soon 
after entered upon the objects of his important mission. At this time 
matters stood nearly as follows : — At page 66, Part I., Lord Cowley 
informs us that "the Emperor of Russia wished to uphold, not to 
destroy, the Sultan's authority," and asked France to aid him in the 
work. At page 83, Lord Cowley again tells us that the Emperor of 
Russia assured M. Castelbajac, that he "would be too happy to act 
with France to prevent the dissolution of the Turkish empire. It was 
the last thing that his imperial majesty desired." At page 101, Col. 
Rose (March 15th) tells us that Menschikoff assured him it was his 
and Russia's wish to support the Porte. We shall soon see how all 
these peaceable views were blasted. 

a The policy of suspicion" the bane of every thing, was at once at 
work. The moment Prince Menchikoff's arrival at Constantinople 
was heard of at Paris, Lord Cowley informs us (No. 114 1 ), that, in 
opposition to his earnest advice and remonstrances, the French fleet 
was, on the 2 2d, ordered from Toulon to Salamis ; and that the 
French minister at Constantinople was instructed (No. 220 2 ) to call it 
to the assistance of Turkey, and additional forces, if necessary, to 
defend the Sultan against Russia ! Sir Stratford Canning, now Lord 
Stratford de Redcliffe, was directed to proceed from London to Con- 
stantinople, taking Paris and Vienna in his way. It is not easy, at 
this his outset, to ascertain whether he was secretly instructed to act 
in opposition to the views of France, or those of Russia, but, judging 
from the sequel, most probably the latter. In the meantime, let us 
see his instructions, thus (No. 80 3 ) : — 

" The Queen has been pleased to direct that, at this critical period of 
the fate of the Ottoman empire, your Excellency should return to your 
embassy for a special purpose, and charged with special instructions. 

" Your Excellency is aware that the preservation of the independence 
and integrity of Turkey enters into the general and established system of 
European policy ; that the principle is solemnly declared and sanctioned 
by the Convention of 1841, and is acknowledged by all the great powers of 
Europe. 

1 Cowley to Clarendon, March 24th, 1853, Part I. p. 95. 

2 Cowley to Clarendon, June 5th, 1853, Part I. p. 225. 

3 Clarendon to Stratford, February 25tli, 1853, Part I. p. 80, 



32 



THE TVAR : 



" The object of your Excellency's mission at this time, is to counsel 
prudence to the Porte, and forbearance to those powers who are urging her 
compliance with their demands. You are instructed to use every effort to 
ward off a Turkish war, and to persuade the powers interested, to look to 
an amicable termination of existing disputes. 

" The question of the Holy Places in Syria offers danger to the peace of 
Turkey. However indifferent to their respective merits, the Porte is now 
unavoidably exposed to the rival pretensions of Russia and France, each 
animated by a political interest as well as by religious zeal, and both appealing 
to engagements alleged to have been contracted towards each of them by 
the Porte. Threatened from both sides, and unable to satisfy one party 
without displeasing the other, the Sultan is placed in a position of embar- 
rassment and danger, rendered more critical by the internal weakness of the 
empire, and the special character of the points at issue. 

" It is, therefore, to be feared that if the two Governments do not 
modify their demands, and should continue to maintain towards the Porte 
the dictatorial, if not menacing, attitude they have lately assumed, they 
may, without any deliberate intention of departing from those principles 
of European policy to which I have above alluded, accelerate the dissolution 
of the Turkish empire, and produce the catastrophe that all are concerned 
in averting. 

" England, however, is in a position to neutralise, by her moral in- 
fluence, these alarming contingencies ; and the Porte will learn with 
satisfaction that, even before your arrival at Constantinople, the best 
efforts of her Majesty's Government have been directed to restrain en- 
croachment, and to obtain every fair concession calculated to settle the 
existing differences. 

" With this object, your Excellency is instructed to proceed to Constan- 
tinople, by way of Paris and Vienna. 

" You will inform the French Minister for Foreign Affairs that her 
Majesty's Government have great satisfaction in believing that the interests 
of France and England in the East are identical, and that nothing, there- 
fore, need prevent their cordial co-operation in maintaining the integrity 
and independence of the Turkish empire. In communicating with M. 
Drouyn de Lhuys respecting the Holy Places in Syria, your Excellency 
will govern yourself by the language of the despatches of Lord John 
Russell to Lord Cowley and Colonel Rose, copies of which are herewith 
enclosed ; and you will explain to him the fatal embarrassment to which 
the Sultan may be exposed, if unduly pressed by France upon a question 
of such vital importance to the potver from which Turkey has most to apprehend. 

" At Vienna, your Excellency will state to Coimt Buol that her Majesty's 
Government have received with sincere pleasure the assurances that the 
friendly disposition of Austria towards the Porte was unchanged, and that 
her conservative policy in the East would be rigidly adhered to ; that the 
increasing tendency to disorder and weakness in the Turkish empire calls for 
moderation and forbearance on the part of the Sultan's allies ; and in such 
a policy, the cordial co-operation of her -Majesty's Government ma be 
relied on by Austria. 



who's tg blame? 



33 



" To the Sultan you will say, that her Majesty, in directing your Excel- 
lency to proceed forthwith to Constantinople, manifests the feelings of 
friendship by which she is animated towards his Highness, and, at the 
same time, her opinion of the gravity of the circumstances in which her 
Majesty has reason to fear the Ottoman empire is now placed. 

" As regards the Holy Places, her Majesty's Government are unwilling 
to give you any special instructions, and prefer to leave your Excellency 
unfettered in the exercise of your judgment and discretion, as much may 
depend upon your communications with M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and upon 
the state in which you find the negotiation between Eussia and the Porte 
on your arrival at Constantinople. 

" Your Excellency will, with all the frankness and unreserve that may 
be consistent with prudence and the dignity of the Sultan, explain the reasons 
which lead her Majesty's Government to fear that the Ottoman empire is now in 
a position of peculiar danger. The accumulated grievances of foreign nations 
which the Forte is unable or unwilling to redress, the maladministration 
of its oion affairs, and the increasing weakness of executive power in Turkey, have 
caused the allies of the Porte latterly to assume a tone alike novel and 
alarming, and which, if persevered in, may lead to a general revolt among 
the Christian subjects of the Porte, and prove fatal to the independence 
and integrity of the empire, — a catastrophe that would be deeply deplored 
by her Majesty's Government, but which it is their duty to represent to 
the Porte, is considered probable and impending by some of the great 
European powers. 

" Your Excellency will explain to the Sultan that it is with the object 
of pointing out these dangers, and with the hope of averting them, that 
her Majesty's Government have now directed you to proceed to Constan- 
tinople. You will endeavour to convince the Sultan and his Ministers 
that the crisis is one which requires the utmost prudence on their part, 
and confidence in the sincerity and soundness of the advice they will receive from 
you, to resolve it favourably for their future peace and independence. 

" Your Excellency's long residence at the Porte, and intimate knowledge 
of the affairs of Turkey, will enable you to point out those reforms and 
improvements which the Sultan, under his present difficulties, may have 
the means of carrying into effect ; and in what manner the Porte may best 
establish a system of administration calculated to afford reasonable secu- 
rity for the development of its commercial measures, and the maintenance 
of its independence, recognised by the great Christian powers, on the pre- 
sumption of its proving a reality and a stable bond of peace in their 
respective relations with the Porte, and generally throughout the Levant. 
Nor will you disguise from the Sultan and his Ministers, that perseverance in their 
present course must end in alienating the sympathies of the British nation, and 
making it impossible for her Majesty's Government to shelter them from the im- 
pending clanger, or to overlook the exigencies of Christendom, exposed to the 
natural consequences of their unwise policy and reckless mal-administration. 

" It remains only for me to say, that in the event, which her Majesty's 
Government earnestly hope may not arise, of imminent danger to the 

D 



34 



TfTE ttae: 



existence of the Turkish Government, your Excellency will, in such case, 
dispatch a messenger at once to Malta, requesting the Admiral to hold 
himself in readiness ; but you will not direct him to approach the Darda- 
nelles without positive instructions from her Majesty's Government." 

Witfc such instructions in his hands, it might reasonably be sup- 
posed that this British ambassador would first have advised the Turks 
to act justly to their next neighbours, to remedy the insufferable 
abuses that disfigured and disgraced the whole of their internal esta- 
blishments, and to have watched at least as eagerly the proceedings of 
France as those of Eussia. And, it may be asked, was it to guard 
against the designs and works of France that the order to call in the 
assistance of the British fleet, if necessary, was at this time given 1 
The passage, however, directing that the fleet should not pass the 
Dardanelles without direct instructions from the Government of Eng- 
land to that effect, brings us to the conclusion that it was Russia, not 
France and Turkey, that was to be opposed. 

(i A policy of suspicion," says Lord Clarendon (No. Ill 1 ) to Count 
WalewsMj when adverting to the hasty steps taken, and sought to be 
taken, by France, — " a policy of suspicion vms neither wise nor safe, 
mid often led to hasty determinations.'" This, as Count Nesselrode 
justly remarks, (No. 208, 2 ) was the policy pursued towards Russia. 
" Count Nesselrode then/' says Seymour, " remarked upon the un- 
fair and prejudiced manner in which the claims and the grievances 
of Russia were always received by foreign cabinets. On those occasions 
the eternal jealousy of Russia came to light. France had intended to 
bombard Tripolis, — not a word of blame was to be heard; Russia 
sought temperately for redress of serious grievances, and exceptions 
were instantly raised. — instantly Russia was charged with a wish to 
destroy the independence of Turkey." This is quite true ; and to this 
(t policy of suspicion ; ' are we, is the whole world, indebted for the 
present state of things ; and all this merely to constitute the obstinate 
and suspicious Turk in the right, and to crown, as the acme of wisdom, 
the rash and inconsiderate proceedings of certain European cabinets, 
and their officious diplomatic servants. 

It has been stated that peremptory orders had been given by the 
British ministry, under all its varying and incessant changes, to their 
representatives at Constantinople, not in any way to interfere with, or 
take a part in, the discussions going on between France, Russia, and 
Turkey about the Holy Places. Order after order, command after 
command, was transmitted to Constantinople to that effect. But those 

1 Clarendon to Cowley, March 22d, 1853, Part I. p. 93. 
- Seymour to Clarendon, Juno lOtb, 1S53, p. 278. 



who's to blame? 



35 



orders were disobeyed. The arrival of Prince Menchikoff at Constan- 
tinople frightened Colonel Rose out of the little senses he ever had, 
and, acting upon the idle tales which he heard about Pera, and falsehoods 
intentionally circulated by the Turkish ministers, or, as he says, (p. 109,) 
the "results from the confidential statements made to me on those 
occasions by the Turkish ministers," especially by Fuad Effendi, the 
greatest offender in those matters, — he ordered Admiral Dundas to 
bring the British fleet from Malta to the Dardanelles, in order to sup- 
port him and his Turkish allies. This, too, he did in the face of the 
fact which he states (March 7th, 1853) to Lord John Russell, ''that 
the declarations of the Russian ambassador are pacific." But hear his 
reasons for this unauthorized and dangerous act. In his letter to 
Lord John Russell, dated March 7th, 1853 (p. 87), he proceeds, "The 
Grand Yizier said that the Russian Government evidently intended to 
win some important right from Turkey, which would destroy her 
independence, and asked me to request the British admiral to bring 
up his squadron to Vourla Bay from Malta. Feeling the intimate con- 
viction, that if the Sultan were not supported on this occasion, he 
would call to his councils a ministry selected under Russian influence, 
I informed his Highness that I would tell your Lordship that I felt 
convinced that the safety of Turkey required the presence of the 
British squadron in those waters. M. Benedetti (French Charge des 
Affaires) said the same as regards the French fleet. But those assu- 
rances did not tranquillize the Grand Vizier's mind; he thought 
Turkey would be lost before an answer could arrive from England and 
France." — " Under these circumstances, I acquainted the Grand Vizier 
that I would request the admiral commanding at Malta to bring up 
his squadron to Vourla Bay." For this act of willing obedience, he 
received the "sincere thanks and heartfelt gratitude" of the Grand 
Vizier and the Sultan (see Pisani, p. 88); and informing us, at the 
same time, that on the question of the Holy Places, Turkey " had been 
coerced " by France. 

" The French fleet, as we shall see by-and-by at greater length, was 
at Paris ordered, on the 21st or 2 2d of March, to proceed from Toulon 
to Salamis. These proceedings were justly condemned by Lord 
Clarendon (No. 111 1 ). "Her Majesty's Government had not thought 
Colonel Rose justified in requesting that the British fleet should come 
to Vourla, and they have learned with much satisfaction, that Admiral 
Dundas had considered it his duty to remain at Malta until he re- 
ceived instructions from England. For similar reasons, her Majesty's 
Government regretted the order given to the French fleet to sail for 
1 Clarendon to Cowley, March 22d, 1853, Part I. p. 93. 
D 2 



36 



THE WAR : 



the Greek waters." Count Walewski finally agreed with his Lordship 
that " if Prince Menchikoff's mission was of a friendly nature, the 
arrival of a fleet at Constantinople or the neighbourhood would be 
useless, or possibly worse than useless, as it might give a hostile charac- 
ter to the Russian policy." 

It was on the 2d or 3d of March that Prince Menchikoff reached 
Constantinople. Several days elapsed before he proceeded to actual 
official business, and it was before he opened his lips that Colonel Rose 
took the rash steps that he did. On his arrival at his destination, the 
most unfounded and false reports were circulated regarding his beha- 
viour, conduct, and objects. The press of Europe, and especially the 
press of Great Britain, resounded with these, and at the same time 
accompanied by every aggravating surmise and observation. We were 
told that previous to his leaving Russia he was engaged in reviewing 
hostile military corps ; that he commanded the dismissal of Fuad 
Effendi, "because he was," says Colonel Rose (p. 87), "the cleverest man 
in the Turkish ministry ;" that his behaviour was most insolent and 
overbearing, his language and propositions arbitrary and menacing ; 
that Russia intended to make war upon Turkey {Chabert, p. 110); that 
she sought "a secret treaty" with Turkey {Chabert, p. Ill); that Men- 
chikoff required that all his propositions and proceedings should be 
kept secret, especially from the British and French ministers {Chabert, 
p. Ill); that innumerable Russian armies were moving to attack and 
to crush Turkey ; that Menchikoff " secretly demanded an addition 
to the treaty of Kainardji, whereby the Greek Church should be 
placed entirely under Russian protection, without reference to Turkey " 
{Doria, p. 112). 

These and multitudes of similar stories, and fabricated pretended 
conversations, were eagerly circulated and swallowed by Doria, Chabert, 
Benedetti, and Rose ; and we shall by-and-by see that Lord Stratford 
de Redcliffe unfortunately believed in, and acted upon some of them. 
But the whole of them were mischievous and intentional fictions, cal- 
culated to irritate and mislead Europe. Lord Cowley, who had been 
shown Benedetti's (French minister) despatches, assures us (No. 100 1 ) 
his statement is "confined to surmises," and (No. 122 2 ) that he, Bene- 
detti, " continues to draw conclusions adverse to the good faith of 
Russia from what is passing at Constantinople, but he cites no facts to 
prove his case." In reference to the movement of some Russian 
troops, Rose tells us (No. 1 1 9 3 ) that he found that the movement was 

1 Cowley to Clarendon, March 19th, 1853, Part I. p. 91. 

2 Cowley to Clarendon, March 31st, 1853, Part I. p. 100. 

3 Rose to Pussell, March 10th, 1S53, Tart 1. p. 99. 



who's to blame? 



37 



connected with the Montenegro affair. This was. subsequently Con- 
firmed to Sir H. Seymour by Count Nesselrode. In reference to 
Fuad Effendi, Lord Clarendon tells us (No. Ill 1 ) that Fuad Effendi 
had " retired " because the Emperor of Russia had announced, nearly 
two months ago, that he had declined to hold official intercourse with 
Fuad Effendi, "because that minister, in the opinion of his Imperial 
Majesty, had acted with bad faith to Russia," — as was really the fact, — 
but Prince Menchikoff had not " required this,'" and still less de- 
manded his dismissal. He simply requested that another commissioner 
should be appointed to negotiate with him in place of the man who, 
as has been previously shown, had acted such a treacherous and dis- 
graceful part as Fuad Effendi had done. Lord Clarendon further tells 
us, (p. 93,) that he had seen a copy of the letter sent by the Emperor 
to the Sultan, " which was written in the most friendly spirit, and 
exhibited much respect for the authority of his Highness" Rose is 
compelled to acknowledge this truth, and that the retirement of Fuad 
Effendi from office "formed a part of that reparation" (No. 120 2 ) 
which Russia sought from Turkey. As regards the reviews and move- 
ments of troops in Russia by Prince Menchikoff, previous to his 
embarkation for Constantinople, Consul Yeames, in his letter to Lord 
Stratford, (No. 164, 3 ) disposes of that shortly, thus : " The ships have 
not yet left their winter berths. I need scarcely say that the news- 
paper reports of reviews by Prince Menchikoff, of armies and fleets, 
before proceeding on his mission, are entirely unfounded.'''' Further- 
more, in reference to the secret commission to frame a treaty with the 
Prince, Chabert is compelled to deny that report (No. 136 4 ). "At 
the interview with the Prince and Rifaat Pasha, March 31st, the 
Prince did not speak at all of a secret treaty which he was desirous of 
making between his Government and the Porte," — " and that the in- 
formation that had been given to us, that his Highness's Government 
had named three plenipotentiaries to confer with the Russian Prince, 
is as gratuitous as the. supposition that the object of their meeting was to 
make a secret treaty similar to that of Unhiar Skelessi." Again, the 
large military force which Russia offered, as it was said, to bring- 
forward, was not to attack Turkey and invade her, but to protect her 
and uphold her against France, as Nesselrode said, 5 but, in the words 
of Doria, (No. 136, 6 ) "to place a fleet and 400,000 men at her disposal, if 

1 Clarendon to Cowley, March 22d, 1853, Part I. p. 93. 

2 Rose to Kussell, March 10th, 1853, Part I. p. 99. 

3 Stratford to Clarendon, April 15th, 1853, Tnclosnre, April 11th, Part I. pp. 153, 154. 

4 Chabert to Hose, April 1st, 1853, Part I. p. 113. 

5 Seymour to Clarendon, April 21st, 1853, Part I. p. 140. 
fi Doria to Rose, April 1st, 1853, p. 112, Part I, 



38 



THE WAR: 



she ever needed aid against any Western Power whatever." Lastly, we 
find Colonel Rose telling us, (No. 123, 1 ) that " M. Benedetti had a long 
and pacific conversation with Prince Menchikoff, yesterday, respecting 
the Holy Places ;" and further, that " Prince Menchikoff assured both 
M. Benedetti and myself of Russia's wish to support the Porte." 

It is unnecessary to multiply quotations to show the rashness and 
dangerous precipitation of Colonel Rose and others, and of the ground- 
less nature of all the idle reports that they heard, and to which they 
cheerfully gave circulation. It is indeed probable that, in order to 
cover its own errors and objects, the Divan helped to propagate such 
stories ; but the duty of a British minister, placed in the position of 
Colonel Rose, ought to have been, to have made himself quite certain 
of their accuracy before he troubled his Government about them, and 
took steps that might have plunged his country and the world into a 
dreadful war without any just grounds; and those steps, too, taken by 
him without any authority. He was soon obliged to desire Admiral 
Dundas not to stir; but Lord Cowley informs us (No. Hi 2 ), that he 
had endeavoured in vain to induce the French Government to recal 
the order sent on the 22d, for their fleet to proceed from Toulon to 
Salamis, as it was most desirable that no false move should be made 
which might prove a source of future embarrassment. Lord Clarendon 
was of the same opinion, and energetically stated to Count Walewski 
(No. 118 3 ), that "he still thought the orders for the sailing of the 
fleet were given hastily and without reason; and that, although he 
hoped the two Governments would always act together when their 
policy and their interests were identical, yet, he must frankly say, that 
the recent proceedings of the French Government were not the best cal- 
culated to secure that desirable result; for the fleet had been ordered 
to sail without consultation or communication with us, at a moment, 
too, when the French Government were either in possession of their 
despatches from Constantinople, or were hourly expecting their arrival ; 
and when, moreover, they knew from him (Count Walewski) that her 
Majesty's Government hoped and believed that the Admiral at Malta 
would not comply with the request addressed to him by Colonel Rose ; 
and that, notwithstanding the earnest request of your Excellency, no 
delay in the departure of the fleet, nor change in its destination, could 
be procured." The Russian Government justly viewed the proceeding in 
a similar light. Count Nesselrode tells us (No. 138 4 ), that " in relying 

1 Rose to Clarendon, March 15th, 1853, Part I. p. 101. 

2 Cowley to Clarendon, March 24th, 1S53, Part I. p. 95. 

3 Clarendon to Cowley, March 29th, 1853, Parti, p. 98. 

4 Nesselrode to Brunnow, April 9th, 1853, Tart I. p. 108. 



who's to blame? 



39 



upon our assurances in refusing to follow France in a step, if not hos- 
tile, at least marked with distrust towards us, England, under present 
circumstances, has performed an act of wise policy." " Everythiug in 
Europe might at once have been placed in a false position. The simul- 
taneous appearance of the two fleets would have prevented the possi- 
bility of the question being settled at Constantinople. It would have 
placed us in a position in which we could not have acquiesced, and 
which would no longer have allowed the Emperor, thus exposed to a 
demonstration of a threatening nature, freely to follow his own pacific 
and conservative impulses." 

All these points and particular details have been minutely adverted 
to, in order to show more clearly the blunders that have been com- 
mitted by rashness, ignorance, and " a policy of suspicion ;" and 
which, if the fair details had been kept in mind, might have prevented 
much, if not the whole, of the mischief which subsequently took place. 
Bat these, instead of being attended to and guarded against, every suc- 
ceeding step taken by France and England tended only to increase the 
evils, and to bring both these great countries to "follow in the wake " 
of the unscrupulous Turks, in order, thereby, to save them, and to do 
the dirty work of the bigoted and untractable Mussulman. 

In following out the proceedings of Prince MenchikofF, to which 
particular attention must now be directed, it is considered unnecessary 
to advert minutely and largely to those points of the correspondence 
regarding the Holy Places, as that portion of the question was ultimately 
and in part settled to the satisfaction of the Greek and Latin Churches ; 
but rather to bring the subsequent inquiry into a shape as condensed 
as possible, so that the main and leading points in dispute between 
Russia and Turkey, which remained, and still remain, unsettled, may 
more readily appear. This great feature in the case has always been 
kept back from the public eye, or, when glanced at, attempted to be 
mystified or evaded. 

As the basis of Menchikoff's negotiations and mission with and to 
Turkey were founded, to some extent, upon the treaty of Kainardji, 
it becomes necessary to advert specifically to that treaty, and the 
.clauses of it on which the Russian right is founded. In doing this we 
shall show, from the specific clauses in the treaty itself, how these can 
be, and are mutilated by diplomatists to conceal, their secret ambi- 
tious views, and to support their erroneous arguments. Those articles 
in contrast stand thus : — 

Extracts from Treaty of Kainardji, as quoted by Rose, Part I. p. 51. 
" Art. 7 —The Porte promises to protect the Christian religion and its 
churches, and the ministers of Russia shall be allowed to make representa- 



40 



THE war: 



tions in favour of the new church of which mention is made in the 14th 
Article. 

" Art. 8. — The subjects of the Russian empire shall be permitted to visit 
the city of Jerusalem and the Holy Places ; and no duty or contribution 
shall be exacted from them, either at Jerusalem or elsewhere. 

" Art. 14. — The Court of Russia is permitted, besides the chapel built in 
the minister's house, to build in the quarter of Galata, in the street named 
Bey Aglon, a public church of the Greek rite, which shall always be under 
the protection of the Russian minister, and secure from all vexation and 
exaction." 

Explanatory Convention of Constantinople of the 21st March, 1779. 

" Art. 7. — 1. The Porte shall not interfere in any manner with the 
exercise of the Christian religion in those provinces (W allachia and Mol- 
davia), and the Greeks shall be perfectly at liberty to build new churches, 
as well as to repair the old ones. 

" 2. It will restore to the convents, as well as to private individuals, the 
lands and property which belonged to them in the environs of Brailow, of 
Choczim, of Bender, &c. 

H 3. It will grant to the ecclesiastics of these principalities all the con- 
sideration and distinctions due to their rank." — Quoted by Sir Stratford Can- 
ning, Part I. p. 28. 

Extracts from the correct copy of the Treaty of Kainardji. 1 

"Art. 7. — The Sublime Porte promises to protect constantly the Christian 
religion and its churches, and it also allows the ministers of the Imperial 
Court of Russia to make, upon all occasions, representations as well in 
favour of the new church at Constantinople, of which mention will be 
made in Article 14th, as on behalf of its officiating ministers, promising 
to take such representations into due consideration, as being made by a 
confidential functionary of a neighbouring and sincerely friendly power. 

" Art. 8. — The subjects of the Russian empire, as well laymen as eccle- 
siastics, shall have full liberty and permission to visit the holy city of 
Jerusalem, and other places deserving of attention. No charatsch, contri- 
bution, duty, or other tax, shall be exacted from those pilgrims and tra- 
vellers by any one whomsoever, either at Jerusalem or elsewhere, or on the 
road ; but they shall be provided with such passports and firmans as are 
given to the subjects of the other friendly powers. During their sojourn 
in the Ottoman empire, they shall not suffer the least wrong or injury ; 
but, on the contrary, shall be under the strictest protection of the laws. 

"Art. 14. — After the manner of the other powers, permission is given 
to the high court of Russia, in addition to the chapel built in the minister's 
residence, to erect, in one of the quarters of Galata, a church of the Greek 
ritual, which shall always be under the protection of the ministers of that 
empire, and secure from all coercion and outrage. 

" Art. 11. — For the convenience and advantage of the two empires, there 
shall be a free and unimpeded navigation for the merchant ships belonging 
1 Treaties Russia and Turkey, Paper liy command, No. 8S of 1854", \. 41. 



who's to blame? 



41 



to the two contracting powers, in all the seas which wash their shores. The 
Sublime Porte grants to Kussian merchant vessels, namely, such as are 
generally employed by the other powers for commerce, and in the ports, 
a free passage from the Black Sea into the White Sea, and reciprocally from 
the White Sea into the Black Sea, as also the power of entering all the 
ports and harbours situated either on the sea coasts, or in the passages and 
channels which join those seas. In like manner the Sublime Porte allows 
Russian subjects to trade in its states by land as well as by water, and 
upon the Danube, in their ships, in conformity with what has been speci- 
fied above in this article, with all the same privileges and advantages as are 
enjoyed in its states by the most friendly nations whom the Sublime Porte 
favours most in trade, such as the French and English ; and the capitula- 
tions of those two nations and others shall, just as if they were here 
inserted word for word, serve as a rule under all circumstances, and in 
every place, for whatever concerns commerce, as well as Russian mer- 
chants, who, upon paying the same duties, may import and export all kinds 
of goods, and disembark their merchandise at every port and harbour, as 
well upon the Black as upon the other seas, Constantinople being expressly 
included in the number." 

The treaty of Kainardji concluded a bloody war between Russia 
and Turkey. It was most disastrous to the latter power ; but it was 
a war of her own seeking, and to which she was instigated by France. 
Russia restored a great extent of conquest to Turkey, and, for the first 
time, got the whole of the coasts of the Black Sea, not shut up — as is 
asserted, and also in some quarters believed — but laid open to the com- 
merce of the world. The treaty, in all its parts, was confirmed by the 
treaty of Adrianople in 1829, and by every other and subsequent treaty 
between Russia and Turkey, down to the last concluded in 1849 
about Moldavia and Wallachia. Now, it is this treaty especially, and 
all the subsequent treaties between Russia and Turkey, and obliga- 
tions contained in them founded upon it, to protect the Christian 
religion and its teachers throughout the Ottoman dominions, and other 
just rights that Russia has enjoyed under them, that the Turks secretly 
seek to get clear of, and that France and England, the former more 
especially, seek to alter, nay, demand that they should be wholly done 
away with; and that all the future relations between Turkey and 
Russia, if the latter is suffered to exist an independent power, shall, at 
the point of the bayonet, and by the strength of military and despotic 
power, be maintained exactly as it may suit their policy and their 
interests during all time coming. This, a la Seymour, " to call things 
by their right navies" is the true state of the case. This is to be 
what is stupidly called the balance of power in Europe. Since the 
days of Napoleon the First, and of Mahomed IL, no such profligate 



42 i THE WAR: 

system and application of force, partial interests, and vindictive, 
political, and national, nay, it may even be said, in more points than 
one, personal pique and ill-will, was ever propounded to an astonished 
and terrified world. Like all the other hideous systems above alluded 
to, it will, however, after doing inconceivable mischief to the world, 
come to a similar disastrous and humiliating end. But, in the mean- 
time, woe to those who may, in future, disturb any false system or 
false prophet in any quarter of the world. 

It would be an insult to human reason to suppose, or to affirm, 
that the constant protection here promised to the Christian religion 
and its churches, does not include the whole Christian religion and its 
churches, especially the Greek Church, throughout the whole Turkish 
dominions ; and also all the privileges and immunities belonging to those 
who teach, conduct, and govern them in all spiritual matters, as those 
stood at the date of the treaty, and which were all to be protected in 
the same manner as the Russian Church and its ministers at Constan- 
tinople, by Article XIV. No quibble, and no chicanery or dishonesty 
of diplomacy, can get clear of this truth. We shall see as we proceed, 
that no statesman in Europe, not even the Turks themselves, for a 
period of many months, attempted to dispute or deny the full validity 
of those treaties. In No. 294, 1 Drouyn de Lhuys thus states and thus 
restricts the matter: — "The treaty of Kainardji specifically only 
confers on Eussia a limited defensive right of protection over a Church 
administered by Russian priests, which there was a question of found- 
ing at Galata." In No. 71, 2 Rifaat Pasha tells us: "As no one can 
deny the existence of that treaty, and that it is confirmed by that of 
Adrianople, it is clearly manifest that the exact provisions of it will 
be faithfully observed." Yet, referring specifically to this treaty, 
Rifaat Pasha (No. 163 s ) states to Prince Menchikoff : "I beg leave to 
observe, that the article stipulated in the treaty you mention, does not 
contain any jyrovisions for the churches in general, and the four patri- 
archs, but only bears upon particular points ; whereas what you now 
propose is a general and exclusive protection over the whole Greek 
population, their clergy, and their churches." In No. 202, 4 Sir H. 
Seymour gives us " the English view " of this treaty, namely, that 
what Menchikoff required " beyond being a confirmation, was a very 
great extension of the rights secured to the Russian crown by the 
treaty of Kainardji; that the old rights applied to the Danubian 

1 Drouyn de Lhuys to Walewski, June 25th, 1853, Part I. pp. 301—304. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, August 20th, 1853, Part II. p. 75 (Inclosure, p. 79). 
a Stratford to Clarendon, April 15th, 1853, Part I. p. 152 (Inclosure, p. 153). 
4 Seymour to Clarendon, May 27th, 1S53, Tart I. p. 211. 



who's to blame? 



43 



Provinces, whilst those proposed were to range over the whole of 
Turkey." 

These designing and deceitful statesmen read treaties to please them- 
selves, well knowing how few possess the means of contradicting them. 
The French minister had reasons of his own which it was not politic 
for him then to avow, for his mutilation of the treaty in question. By 
his restriction Eussia was, to some extent, wrong in what she de- 
manded ; but by the plain meaning of the treaty she is right, and 
France knows that she is so. Moreover, the Holy Places at Jerusalem 
being specifically mentioned and included in the treaty of Kainardji, 
besides being provided for by special and solemn promises, it follows 
that the deception practised upon Russia, and wrong inflicted upon 
her at the demand of France, in regard to those places, was a violation 
of that treaty, for which she has sought in vain for redress. It is, 
therefore, strange that Lord Clarendon (No. 234 should assert, as he 
does, that the Russian manifesto " declares that Turkey has violated 
treaties between her and Russia, but not a single instance of this has been 
adduced by Russia throughout the whole of the discussions /" The treaty 
of Kainardji, and the voluminous complaints and correspondence of 
Russia under this head, negative completely the assertions here made. 
Besides, his Lordship surely does not mean to say, and to maintain, 
that the violation of a solemn firman, by the Ottoman sovereign, is no 
violation of a national engagement ; or that such a firman was not, in 
justice, equal to a treaty. If this is his view of the subject, it is a 
miserable quibble, and fully justifies Russia in no longer trusting to 
any firman on any question between the two nations. 

Lord Stratford de RedclifFe succeeded Colonel Rose as British mi- 
nister at Constantinople ; but before his arrival (April 5th), some im- 
portant proceedings took place between Prince MenchikofF and the 
Turkish Government. These must be related, partly under the autho- 
rity of Colonel Rose, and his colleagues and assistants, British, French, 
Turks, Greeks, &c, and the intentional misrepresentations and false- 
hoods advanced by the Turkish ministers. Prince MenchikofFs first 
official communication to the Porte was dated March 16th, 1853 
(No. 134 2 ). It was left with Rifaat Pasha on the 17th. Dates are 
here of much importance to be attended to. It is a very able docu- 
ment, but brevity compels me to confine myself to the following im- 
portant paragraphs extracted from it (No. 160 3 ) : — 

1 Clarendon to Loftus, Nov. 14th, 1853, Part II. p. 2 33. 

2 Rose to Clarendon, March 25th, 1853, Part I. p. 107 (Indosure, p. 108). 

3 Nesselrode to Brunnow, 21st April, 1853 (Inclosurc, p. 147). 



THE WAR : 



Extracts from the Note verbale, addressed by Prince Menchikoff to the Ottoman 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, dated March * 6 th, 1853, Part I. p. 147. 

" Prince Menchikoff, ambassador from Russia, has the honour to state 
to the Sublime Porte as follows : — 

"His Majesty the Sultan, by his letter of SuSymk, 1852 > announced 
to the Emperor the definitive settlement of the question concerning the 
Holy Places, which had been raised by the French Embassy at Constan- 
tinople. That letter contained the most solemn promises as to the main- 
tenance of the ancient rights granted by the Sublime Porte to the Greek 
communities. It established, as the only alteration in the status quo, the 
admission of the Latins to Gethsemane, and, by way of compensation, the 
admission of the Greeks to Koublet ul Messad. 

" A firman was at the same time promulgated for the confirmation of 
this arrangement. A hatti-scherif, at the commencement of the firman, 
recognised and established in the most positive manner the former pri- 
vileges which had been accorded to the Greeks at different periods, and 
which were renewed by Sultan Mahmoud, of glorious memory, and con- 
firmed by his Majesty the present Sultan. 

" We accepted those instruments, and attached to them the character 
of a solemn and definitive transaction. Although differing both in spirit 
and in letter from the status quo, which we were always anxious to main- 
tain, they still appeared in some degree to satisfy the just solicitude of the 
Imperial Government for the interests of the Orthodox religion, and the 
immunities of the Patriarchal Church of J erusalem." * * * 

" During the delay which took place in sending out the Patriarch and 
a commissioner to carry out the firman, the most explicit promises as to 
the strict application of the hatti-scherif were reiterated by the ministers 
.of the Porte. * * * " * 

" The concealments and delays of the Porte, its unwillingness to commu- 
nicate to us, with all the sincerity which was our due, the instructions 
sent out to its commissioner in Jerusalem, inspired us, it is true, with just 
suspicions. But the Emperor placed the fullest confidence in the honour 
of his Majesty the Sultan. Positive information from Jerusalem soon 
proved to him how far the counsellors of his august Ally had succeeded in 
abusing his good faith, to the detriment of his own subjects, as well as in 
disregard of the consideration which he had a right to expect. 

" Our suspicions were very soon confirmed by facts, and we were able to 
prove that the august word pledged to the Emperor had been disregarded ; 
that an act emanating from the sovereign will of the Sultan had been 
treated as illusory. 

" Instead of proceeding to the immediate repair of the cupola, with the 
exclusive concurrence of the Greeks, the Ottoman authorities of Jeru- 
salem, in an unprecedented manner, took counsel with the delegates of the 
different sects, tempting them with a share in that undertaking, and thus 
awakening inveterate hatreds and jealousies. The Greek Patriarch was 



1 

J 



who's to blame? 45 

excluded from the councils which were held under these circumstances. 
This opportunity was taken to endow the Catholic monks with property 
on the terraces of the temple, which up to the present time belonged 
exclusively to the Greeks, in spite of the promises made to the Russian 
Legation that the buildings outside the dome should be made neutral 
ground, inaccessible to all the sects. 

" Although specially charged to promulgate and to carry into effect the 
last hatti-scherif the Ottoman commissioner loudly declared that he knew 
nothing of that document, and that he would confine himself strictly 
within the limits of his instructions. 

" In the sense of those instructions, he insisted that the firman should 
neither be read nor registered. Though it was read and registered afterwards, 
it was so with restrictions derogatory to the Orthodox faith, and which amounted 
to an act of disobedience to the sovereign will. Immediately after the 
accomplishment of these formalities, and while the Imperial Legation was 
receiving from the Ottoman Ministers the most solemn assurances of the 
strict execution of the firman, the principal provisions of that act were 
openly transgressed, in J erusalem. 

" The Porte, yielding to malicious suggestions, thought fit to decide 
upon a matter of great importance, without waiting for or taking the 
opinion of the august Ally, who had expressed himself with entire frank- 
ness and confidence on the subject to his Majesty the Sultan. Thus the 
dignity of both sovereigns was wounded ; and thus, in opposition to the strict 
meaning of the firman, the key of the great door of the Church of Beth- 
lehem was granted to the Latins, without heed to the protest of the 
Patriarch of Jerusalem and of the reports of the Ottoman commissioner 
himself, who considered this new concession as superfluous and unrea- 
sonable. The Latin monks were not slow in using this key to enter the 
Church of Bethlehem with pomp and with ostentation. Having had free 
access to it hitherto, they were eager thus to establish a new right, a fresh 
encroachment upon the privileges of the Greeks. 

* * * * 

"The right of precedency of the Greeks was assailed by the regulation, 
that at Gethsemane the Orthodox clergy and the Latins should perform 
the service there on alternate days. An unjust disproportion was thereby 
established between 15,000,000 of the Sultan's subjects and a community 
of foreign priests. 

" Finally, as, while the Imperial Mission kept aloof from all discussion 
on the subject of the Holy Places, the Porte was carrying on an official 
correspondence on the subject with the French Embassy, of which we were 
utterly ignorant, other advantages and concessions may have been granted, 
contrary to the engagements already entered into with the Imperial Court. 

* # * # 

" As far as a practical view of the question will admit, that arrangement 
will be framed in a spirit of toleration and good understanding ; but it can 
no longer be confined to barren and unsatisfactory promises, which may 
be broken at a future period. A solemn engagement must henceforward 




46 



THE WAR: 



attest the sincerity of the understanding which it has become so impor- 
tant to establish in this matter between the two Governments. 

" A review of the history of those countries, sufficiently proves that the 
whole of the existing property of the Latin monks in Palestine results 
from encroachments similar to those now committed, which, followed up 
step by step, with the assistance of the political support proceeding from 

I the West, have reached such a pitch as to threaten the Greek Church with 
a general assault, which would be at the same time a fatal blow to the 
sovereign rights of Turkey. 

" But, while indulging the most sanguine hopes that this good under- 
standing may be brought about, the ambassador cannot refrain from here 
expressing the painful impression which has been left upon the Imperial 
Government by the mistrust and ill-will which the ministers of the Porte 
have for some time past manifested, in regard to the pious and magnani- 
mous interest professed by the Emperor for the Christians of the East." 

The Prince then adds : — 

"It is sufficient in this place briefly to mention, in support of these 
assertions, the manner in which the Porte received the counsels of the 
Imperial Government on the questions of Montenegro, of the Patriarchate 
of Constantinople, and of the acts of injustice committed against the Chris- 
tian rayahs." 

"The ambassador is instructed to bring these complaints before his 
Majesty the Sultan, and to represent to him, with all the respect due to his 
I person, the necessity of appeasing the deep and well-grounded discontent 
felt on this account by his ancient and best ally, by an act of confidence 
which shall obviate for the future every shadow of disagreement between the two 
sovereigns. 

" The present ministers of the Sublime Porte will, I trust, be pleased to 
appreciate the full importance of the wish which the ambassador is in- 
structed to express to his Majesty the Sultan; and of which he has 
thought it right, in the first instance, to apprise his counsellors, in order 
to secure their intelligent and sincere concurrence for the interests of both 
countries, whose disunion might entail the most serious consequences 
upon the well-being of Turkey, as well as upon the peace of the whole of 
Europe." 

Here there is certainly no ambiguity or duplicity ; it is a clear and 
decided appeal, and, in every statement made, is borne out by all the 
previous proceedings, as these are recorded in the official papers under 
review. Sir H. Seymour (No. 158 l ) gives us his opinion of the docu- 
ment, which was shown to him at St. Petersburg, thus : — 

"As far as a hasty perusal enables me to form an opinion, 
no exception, I should say, could be taken to the language of this 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, April 21st, 1853, Tart I. p. 140. 



who's to blame? 



47 



document. It is -written in the language of remonstrance, rather 
than of menace, and contains a temperate although serious enun- 
ciation of the grievances of which the Emperor has to complain, in 
consequence of the concessions made to the Latin Church., at the 
expense of those interests which the Emperor is especially bound to 
peotect." " Count Nesselrode said, that it was intended that the 
Porte should redress the grievances which had been set forth in the 
preceding passages of the note, and that it was desired that recog- 
nition of the rights to be secured to the Greek Church should be 
sanctioned by such formalities as would give it the character of inter- 
national engagement between Russia and Turkey ;" in short, "it was 
therefore desired that an arrangement, which should be permanent, 
should possess an unquestionable character of this description^ Plainer 
and more comprehensive language could scarcely be used, and they 
must be dull indeed who cannot understand it, and the cogent reasons 
for adopting such a course. 

It was not till the 2d of May that these important documents were 
received in London, having been transmitted by the Russian Govern- 
ment for the information of the British Government. Why it was 
not transmitted from Constantinople direct, like other documents 
connected with the important question, is somewhat remarkable, and 
for more reasons than one demands inquiry. It would appear that 
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had been applied to about it ; but he 
denied all knowledge of it. In No. 249, received June 12th, 1 he says, 
" I think it my duty to record that the note verbale presented to the 
Porte by Prince Menchikoff on the ^ 6 th March, and inclosed with 
Count Nesselrode's despatch to Baron Brunnow of the 9 ^ t ultimo, 
was never communicated to this embassy. I have questioned M. Pisani 
on the subject, and he assures me that Rifaat Pasha would never be 
brought to admit its existence : that minister was probably restrained 
from disclosing it by the Russian ambassado7 : s intimidating language. 
Your Lordship has too much discernment not to have noticed the 
deceptive manner in which the intended demand of a guarantee is 
vaguely associated with the Greeks at large, while limited in ap- 
pearance to the sanctuaries in Palestine ! " 

It is difficult to find language to characterise the preceding remark- 
able communication, in the manner in which it appears to deserve. 
But, fortunately, there are references to show and to prove that what 
Lord Stratford has been led here to state is contrary to the fact. In 
reference to the supposed intimidating language of the Russian am- 



1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 27th, 1853, Part I. p. 264. 



48 



THE WAR : 



bassador about this note, we find, on turning to page 108, that M. 
Pisani says that Eifaat Pasha told him, that the identical note was 
left with that minister on the 17th March, and that he told him 
(Pisani) its general contents, as did also the Grand Vizier, all of which 
lie communicated to Colonel Eose ! Not a syllable is said about 
threatening or intimidating language on that occasion. The note being 
delivered on the 17th, we find Colonel Eose stating, that he had heard 
this, (No. 133 1 ) but that Eifaat Pasha "denied''' that he had received 
the- note on the 17th ; and, on the authority of M. Pisani, that the 
latter had, on the 19th, communicated, according to his instructions 
of that date, with Eifaat Pasha and the Grand Vizier, the latter of 
whom informed him, that (t the language now held by Prince Men- 
chikoff is exceedingly mild and very friendly" Again, in No. 134, 2 we 
find Colonel Eose stating that, in an interview which he had had on 
the preceding day with the Grand Vizier and Eifaat Pasha, they not 
only told him of this note, but declared that they were " determined " 
to make everything that Menchikoff said or proposed "known to her 
Majesty's Government ! !" 

Her Majesty's embassy, therefore, did know of it, and it also was 
certainly communicated to them. M. Pisani, who is attached to the 
British embassy, did know of it. Unless Colonel Eose made away with 
or concealed it, Lord Stratford must have received it. But, to show 
the profligacy that has been put in operation by the Turks and their 
admirers, let us place before the reader the whole of Pisani's (Eose's) 
version of it : — 8 

"Eifaat Pasha, in the interview which we had yesterday with him, 
stated that Prince Menchikoff had left him on the 1 7th instant a ' note 
verbale.' The note began by stating that the Emperor was very angry 
about what the Porte had done respecting the Holy Places, and that he 
would have receded from that arrangement ; but that, desirous not to 
involve the Porte in new difficulties with another power, he would have 
no objection to accept the arrangement of February last, provided the 
Porte would give unequivocal assurances that she would maintain the 
status quo of the sanctuaries in future ; that, as the Emperor could not 
rely upon verbal assurances after all the contradictions which had taken • 
place in the question at issue, he was very anxious that a treaty should be 
entered into between the Porte and Eussia respecting that matter. Eifaat 
Pasha observed, that he suspects that the object of the treaty would be 
the exclusive protectorate, by Eussia, of the Greeks and the Armenians 
throughout the Sultan's dominions ; that Prince Menchikoff does not 

1 Rose to Clarendon, March 24th, 1853, Part I. p. 107. 

2 Rose to Clarendon, March 24th, 1853, Part I. p. 107. 

3 Inclosure in No. 134, March 25th, p. 10S, (Memorandum of M. Tkmi to Col. Rose.) 



who's to blame? 



49 



make any objection to the cupola being repaired by the Sultan at his 
Majesty's expense, on condition that it will be so repaired under the super- 
intendence of the Greek Patriarch of Jerusalem. Prince Menchikoff 
demands permission to build an hospital and a church for the Eussian 
priests at Jerusalem ; he demands that the two houses next to the Church 
of the Holy Sepulchre, which are Tekes or Turkish convents, should be 
pulled down. They give to understand that the Greek Patriarchate of Con- 
stantinople should be entirely independent of the Porte. Eifaat Pasha said 
that the treaty proposed by Prince Menchikoff is more than the treaty 
of Unkiar Skelessi. The Grand Vizier, whom we subsequently saw, 
was more frank and communicative than Eifaat Pasha ; his Excellency 
said that, in the note verbale presented by Prince Menchikoff, it is stated 
that since some time, the Porte was misled by the advice of ill-disposed 
powers ; that in the end of the note France was mentioned, separately, as 
being one of those powers ; that Prince Menchikoff does not at all approve 
of the interference of foreign embassies concerning the Patriarchate, and 
highly disapproves of Lord Ponsonby's behaviour in the matter of the dis- 
missal of the Patriarch Gregorius, whom they wish to have reinstated ; 
and he expresses a wish that the Patriarch should be appointed for life. 
With respect to the treaty, the Grand Vizier repeated again what he said 
to me on the 19th instant, that as long as he was at the head of the 
ministry^ no such treaty shall be signed, as he considers it ruinous to the 
country. (Signed) "Et. Pisani." 

Contrary, therefore, to what Lord Stratford so confidently asserts, 
this note was not only well known to, but also communicated to the 
British embassy ; and if Colonel Rose did his duty, he must have deli- 
vered a copy of it, along with the archives of the embassy, to his suc- 
cessor, Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe. 1 The reader will readily perceive 
the distorted, and in the most material parts, falsehoods, which are 
contained in the copy which Colonel Eose sent to England. He will 
also see the duplicity and the chicanery of the Turkish ministers on 
this occasion. Justly, therefore, was Eussia suspicious and strict with 
such people, and well might she consider that England and her ambas- 
sadors favoured them against truth and justice, when England and her 
servants suffered themselves to be guided by such misrepresented, 
nay false authority. From the specimen here given, the value of all 
such authorities, Turkish and others, may be appreciated. Such con- 
duct and such proceedings, however, were more the rule than the 
exception. If the gentlemen in Downing Street had been sufficiently 
attentive to their duty, or inclined to perform it properly, they would 

1 This, be it observed, is the version of the note that Lord Clarendon boasted he communi- 
cated to Baron Brunnow, as the first notice the latter had of Prince Menchikoff's proceedings 
(No. 273, p. 289, June 21st) : — " Some of Prince Menchikoff's demands were made known to him 
by me, and were received with doubt by him." Yes, Bose's misrepresentations alluded to ! 

E 



50 



THE WAR : 



at once have discovered that Rose's version of the note did not bear 
the least resemblance to Russian official writings on public business. 
Inquiry -would have soon disclosed the impositions that were imposed, 
or attempted to be imposed, upon them. Discovering this, their 
remedy to prevent a recurrence of such disgraceful and dangerous 
conduct, was to dismiss and cashier representatives who had shown 
themselves to be either knaves or blockheads. Had this been done, 
we should have had no Russian war, with all its fearful and fatal con- 
sequences. In reference, also, to the note in question, it is curious 
and instructive to observe, that while Sir H. Seymour, anti-Russian as 
he is to the backbone, says the true note is unexceptionable, that 
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe denounces it, in the point at issue, as 
intentionally "deceptive" and dishonest ! ! 

The Russian Government, better informed fortunately, took a more 
correct view of these matters. Sir H. Seymour (No. 140 x ) informs 
Lord Clarendon that Count Nesselrode told him thus : — " It was," he 
said, "certain that her Majesty's Charge des Affaires (Colonel Rose) 
had acted upon incorrect impressions /" but it was "certain that a very 
practised diplomatist might have been misled by the false statements 
so constantly current at Pera, and doubly so at moments of great 
excitement." As regarded the movement of the French squadron, "he 
had no desire of attaching an overdue importance" to it. The follow- 
ing is the clear and specific opinion of the Russian Government on this 
portion of the subject (No. 138 2 ) : — 

"M. le Baron, — It has given us much satisfaction to perceive, as well 
by this despatch as by the summary of your communications with the 
British ministers, that all the first reports spread at Constantinople, 
in regard to her intentions, had caused no alarm or apprehension to the 
Cabinet of London ; satisfied by the personal assurances which it has 
received in this matter from the Emperor, that his Majesty's desire and 
determination are to respect the independence and the integrity of the 
Turkish empire ; and that, if his views in this respect should undergo any 
change, our august master would be the first to apprize the English 
Government of it. 

" You will assure the ministers of the Queen, in the most positive terms, 
that the intentions of the Emperor are still the same, and that all the idle 
rumours to which the arrival of Prince Menchikoff in the Ottoman capital 
has given rise — the occupation of the Principalities, territorial aggrandise- 
ment on our Asiatic frontier, the pretension to secure to ourselves the 
nomination of the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople — hostile and threa- 
tening language held to the Porte by our Ambassador — are not only exag- 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, April 5th, 1853, Part I. p. 119. 

2 Nesselrode to Brunmw, 7th April, 1S53, Part I. pp. 115 — 117. 



who's to blame? 



51 



gerated, but even destitute of any sort of foundation ; that, in a word, the 
mission of Prince Menchikoff never has had, nor has now, any object but 
that which your Excellency has been instructed to communicate to the 
British Government. 

" As regards the recommendation which is given us to humour as much 
as possible the susceptibilities of France, in the delicate question of the 
Holy Places, and whilst insisting upon the rights of the Greek Church, to 
endeavour to impose nothing upon the Latins which might too directly 
wound the honour and the interests of that power, you may equally assure 
the English ministers, that in the arrangement to be negotiated it is not a 
question of withdrawing, or of taking from the Latins the late concessions 
which they have obtained by the Ottoman note of the 9th of February of 
last year, but merely of adapting those concessions to the stipulations of 
the hatti-scherif by removing from them anything they may contain of an 
exclusive character — of obtaining for the Greeks some recompense for the 
wrong which has been done them — and, above all, of securing them from 
further injury. 

" In general, we ask nothing better than to come to a friendly under- 
standing with the French Government, taking into account the position in 
which it has placed itself, although all the concessions that can be made to 
its susceptibility have, almost invariably, the effect of rendering it more 
exacting, inasmuch as it looks upon them in the light of a success which 
justifies it in seeking to obtain more. But it must itself contribute to 
facilitate for us the means of doing so, instead of acting in a contrary sense, 
as it has just now done with so much precipitation by a demonstration, the 
consequences of which may place in antagonism our desire for conciliation, 
and the protection of our own dignity. The English Government must 
themselves see that France is not always accessible to counsels of moderation, 
since the wise representations which they made to her, .through Lord 
Cowley, have not availed to prevent the departure of the French squadron. 

" The Emperor desires you, M. le Baron, to thank Lord Aberdeen and 
Lord Clarendon very particularly in his name, for the salutary impulse which 
they have recently given to the decisions of the British Cabinet. The 
former has on this occasion shown us a new proof of confidence, of which 
our august master is highly sensible. The latter, with whom our relations 
have hardly yet commenced, thus enters upon them under auspices which 
justify us in hoping that they will be of the most satisfactory nature. In 
relying upon our assurances in refusing to follow France in a step, if not 
hostile, at least marked with distrust towards us, England, under present 
circumstances, has performed an act of wise policy. Nothing would have 
been more to be regretted than to see the two great maritime powers com- 
bining together, were it but for the moment, and in appearance rather than 
in fact, upon the Eastern question as it now stands. Although their views, 
in this respect, differ in reality toto coslo, nevertheless, as the European 
public is by no means competent to draw the distinction, their ostensible 
identity would not have failed to represent them under the aspect of an 
intimate alliance. The ardent spirit of France would eagerly have exagge- 

E 2 



52 



THE wae: 



rated for the advancement of her own interests these fresh evidences of 
cordial understanding, and everything in Europe might at once have been 
placed in a false position. The simultaneous appearance of the two fleets 
would have prevented the possibility of the question being solved at 
Constantinople. It would have placed us in a position in which we could 
not have acquiesced, and which would no longer have allowed the Emperor, 
thus exposed to a demonstration of a threatening nature, freely to follow 
his own pacific and conservative impulses. 

" France acting alone, the measure is attended with less inconvenience, 
although it is still far from being free of it. The Emperor, accordingly, 
attaches but little importance to it, and his Majesty sees in it no reason 
for changing, at the present time, his previous views and intentions. The 
attitude of England will suffice to neutralize what, on the part of the 
French or the Turks, if the latter should feel encouraged by the presence 
of the French fleet, might embarrass or retard too long the favourable 
solution of the question in dispute. In this point of view, Lord Aberdeen 
appears to us to have fully understood the important part which England 
had to play, and we are happy to congratulate him upon it, persuaded 
beforehand of the impartiality which he will display in carrying it out." 

Lord Stratford de Redcliffe arrived at Constantinople on the morning 
of the 5th April. He without delay commenced his diplomatic opera- 
tions. In his communication to Lord Clarendon (No. 150 *) he says, 
Prince Menchikoff's objects " and requisitions " according to the 
Turkish ministers, "were" chiefly "as to the Holy Places; that the 
Porte, after giving satisfaction for a vacillation of conduct offensive to 
Russia, should adhere with steadiness to the arrangement proclaimed 
by the Sultan's firman, and pledge itself to a complete and undisturbed 
maintenance of the status quo in future, by some form of written agree- 
ment" — " to a more clear and comprehensive definition of Russian right 
under treaty, to protect the Greek and Armenian subjects of the Porte 
in religious matters — and to the conclusion of a formal agreement, com- 
prising those points, between the two Governments." " The tone of 
intimidation was explained to consist in a peremptory demand of repa- 
ration for an alleged offence." " The Ottoman ministers informed him, 
that nothing had yet been settled between the Porte and the Russian 
embassy ; that the note verbale, containing Prince Menchikoff's pro- 
positions respecting the Holy Places, and modified at their suggestions, 
would probably be laid before the Council -in three days;" that "its 
contents were to be communicated to the French embassy." The 
ministers then proceeded to "conjectural inquiries as to what was to 
be done in certain cases." " The sum, I said in reply, is this ; endea- 
vour to keep the affair of the Holy Places separate from the ulterior 



1 Stratford to Clarendon, April 6th, 1S53, Tart I. p. 125. 



who's to blame? 



53 



proposals, whatever they may be, of Russia." He put, he says, his 
replies hypothetically, thus beginning "a policy of suspicion." 1 

There were, however, no "ulterior propositions," no "secret de- 
mands." The whole case is here acknowledged, together with Men- 
chikofF's note verbale, which was, as it appears, made known to Lord 
Stratford de RedclifFe, and which he six weeks afterwards denied all 
knowledge of, and of which both France and England proclaim that 
they never heard. But his Lordship, shortly after this, was repeatedly 
consulted about and advised concerning it. Comment on such conduct 
is altogether unnecessary. No wonder terrible mischief follows such 
political dishonesty, connected with such serious national matters. 

The proceedings and requisitions of Russia on the great point at 
issue never varied. This we shall see as we proceed. They were clear 
and decided for the written and solemn engagement, in a shape that 
might be most binding, and least liable to give offence to independence, 
as regarded Turkey. Wherever or whenever the form or details 
appeared to trench upon the political sovereignty of the Sultan, they 
were at once relinquished. " The solemn engagement'"' formed always 
part, and the most important part, of Menchikoff's mission. It is not 
true that it was separate and concealed, and brought forward as some- 
thing new after the other was settled. Great Britain and France, and 
their ambassadors, in order to screen their own errors or real objects, 
have asserted differently, but without a single fact to support their 
statements. In No. 143, Lord RedclifFe, on the authority of M. Pisani, 
tells Lord Clarendon, 2 that Menchikoff told "Rifaat Pasha, that the 
objects of Russia in all this, were positive and unequivocal assurances 
for the future ; and how could she rely upon them if they are not in 
writing, and put in a proper shape ? To-morrow the present ministry 
may be changed, and superseded by men like those lately in office. 
What guarantee will she have, then, that things will not take ano- 
ther turn again, and that the Emperor will not be treated in the 
same disrespectful manner V "With regard to the objects sought by 
Russia," says Sir H. Seymour, (No. 141 3 ,) " they were precisely those 
which had from the outset been professed, and all the ambitious 

1 Here we have a complete avowal that Lord Stratford, on the 7th April, had a complete 
knowledge of the note of 16th March, but which he denied all knowledge of on the 27th May- 
following ! Nay more, that by his advice both the Turkish ministers, and probably Prince Men- 
chikoff, separated his propositions into two parts, to keep the guarantee and agreement last, that 
a handle might be made of it as a new proposal ; whereas it always constituted a portion of the 
question to be settled, and, in fact, the main portion of it. What disingenuous and dangerous 
conduct ! 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, April 15th, 1853, Part I. p. 152. 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, April 7th, 1853, Part I. p. 120. 



54 



THE WAK : 



schemes imputed to her were not exaggerated rumours, but rumours 
devoid of all foundation /" " The object of Prince Menchikoff," 
Lord Stratford (No. 152 1 ) tells Lord Clarendon, were:— "That the 
Russian ambassador does not object by his demands to such privileges 
as are known to have been obtained latterly by France in favour of 
the Latins, and that his principal aim is to fix and secure the present 
state of possession and usage by that kind of formal and explicit agree- 
ment which may preclude cdl further pretensions on the side of France, 
and make the Porte directly responsible to Russia for any future 
innovation respecting the Holy Places." To this no honest power could 
object. In No. 144, 2 Lord Stratford tells Lord Clarendon, "that his. 
(Prince MenchikofFs) Government disclaimed all intention of inter- 
fering with the Sultan's subjects in any political sense. He has since 
read over to me his amended draft of a convention, framed with the 
view of repeating and confirming the privileges secured to the Greek 
religion and its places of worship in Turkey by former treaties, and 
particularly by that of KainaRdjl This agreement, whatever may be 
its name or its form, is to have the force of a treaty." 

In No. 168, 3 Lord Stratford speaks of "the moderate dispositions 
manifested, on the whole, by Prince Menchikoff in his intercourse 
with me," and that he "entered confidentially luith me on the subject 
of the remaining demands, in a tone of the most moderate description /" 
Here it is again plain that this country and her ambassador were made 
acquainted with everything. But how does Lord Stratford proceed 
under such circumstances? Why we learn from Lord Cowley (No. 
149 4 ) that " Lord Stratford had therefore strongly urged upon M. de 
la Cour the policy of making concessions, in order to get rid of the 
question of the Sacred Places, and enable the two embassies to act 
more positively in concert, should the Porte, in consequence of the exi- 
gencies of Russia, require their joint support. M. Drouyn de Lhuys 
assented to the prudence of this policy T After adverting to the strong 
ground on which some of the Greek claims stood, and the concessions 
made by Russia to France on two important points connected with the 
Sacred Places, Lord Stratford (No. 165 5 ) tells Lord Clarendon that he 
urged upon M. de la Cour "the importance of regulating all that con- 
cerns the Holy Places without further delay, in order that the ulterior 
propositions of Russia might rest uj)on their own merits, and be dealt 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, April 9th, 1S53, Part I. p. 127. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, April 20th, 1853, Part I. p. 155. 

3 Stratford to Clarendon, April 23d, 1853, p. 157. 

4 Cowley to Clarendon, April 29th, 1S53, p. 143. 

5 Stratford to ClarenJoD, April 16th, 1853, p. 154. 



who's to blame? 



55 



with accordingly ; not for the extension of a single influence, nor for 
the benefit of a single class of Christians, but on tktje principles of 
European policy, and, if possible, for the advantage of all the Sultan's 
tributary subjects. I must do M. de la Cour the justice to state, that 
he appeared to enter into the spirit of my suggestions, at the same time 
that he did not give up his objections to the Russian plan of settle- 
ment." 

This is another step in the disingenuous, dangerous movement of 
" a policy of suspicion." This is letting the cat out of the bag, showing 
that the full and declared objects of Russia were, from the outset, well 
known to all, and to the British ambassador at Constantinople in par- 
ticular; and that, without having had the manliness openly to avow it, 
his design, and the design and intention of France and England, was 
to set aside the treaties of Kainardji, Adrianople, &c, and all the 
rights and claims of Russia under them to the supervision of the 
Greek Christians in Turkey, in which, as the next neighbour, she was 
more immediately and deeply interested, and to place Turkey, and all 
the people in it, under the control and protection of France and 
England. At the same time, these parties had already acknowledged 
that there was no new or separate requisition or demand brought for- 
ward by Prince Menchikoff, but simply that for their own objects, 
interests, and ambition, they were determined to aid the Turks, and to 
oppose Russia in the last and most important portion of her just and 
reasonable demand. All this secret and deceitful dealing is very unac- 
countable, but it is the real facts of the case. 

The reader will do well to bear in mind, once for all, that although 
the business connected with the Holy Places was settled as between 
Russia and France, and for which Prince Menchikoff thanked the 
English ambassador, and prematurely and incautiously thanked him, 
yet that the great point, namely, the general Greek Churches, and the 
solemn engagement for the future, as between Russia and Turkey, 
never was settled, but on all occasions denied and obstinately refused 
by the Turks, secretly counselled by some friends in Western Europe. 

On the 19th of April, Prince Menchikoff presented, by command 
of his Government, his second note veroale (No. 168 1 ), in which he 
urges the Turkish ministers to come to a decision upon the demands 
that, in discharge of his duty, he had made upon them. He says : — ■ 

" Pera, April / 9 th, 1854. 
" His Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in becoming acquainted, 
on his entrance into office, with the negotiations which have taken place, 
has seen the duplicity of his predecessor. He must have been convinced 
1 Stratford to Clarendon, April 23d, 1853, Part I. Inclosure, p. 159. 



56 



THE war: 



to what extent the respect due to the Emperor of Russia has been disre- 
garded, and how great is his magnanimity in offering to the Porte the 
means of escaping from the embarrassments occasioned to it by the bad 
faith of its ministers. They have set at nought the good faith of their 
sovereign, by placing him in contradiction with his own words, and putting 
him, in regard to his ally and his friend, in lieu of those positions which are 
incompatible with propriety and with the dignity of a sovereign. 

" While desiring to overlook the past the Emperor was com- 
pelled to demand sure guarantees for the future. 

" He requires that they should be formal, positive, and that they shall 
afford security for the inviolability of the religion professed by the great 
majority of the Christian subjects, as well of the Sublime Porte as of the 
Emperor, and in fine, by the Emperor himself. 

" He can desire no other than such as he will henceforth find in an act 
equivalent to a treaty, and secure from the interpretation of a functionary 
ill-advised and little conscientious. * * * 

" A sened or convention for the guarantee of the strict stains quo of the 
privileges of the Catholic Greco-Russian rite of the Eastern Church, and of 
the sanctuaries which are possessed by that rite, either exclusively, or in 
common with other rites at J erusalem. 

" The Ambassador must here repeat to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
what he has already had occasion more than once to state to him, that 
Russia does not require of the Porte political concessions. She desires to 
set at ease religious scruples, by the certainty of the maintenance of what 
is, and what has always been, the practice up to the present time. 

" In consequence of the hostile tendencies manifested for some years 
past, in regard to whatever relates to Russia, she requires in behalf of the 
religious immunities of the Orthodox Church, an explanatory and positive 
act of guarantee ; an act which would in nowise affect either the other 
sects, or the relations of the Porte with other powers." 

No attention was paid to this communication. Under one pretence 
or other, the Divan and its advisers continued silent, even as regarded 
the promised firmans about the main point in dispute as settled. On 
the 5th of May Prince Menchikoff transmitted them the following- 
note and articles, urging a reply by the 10 th, and at the same time 
expressing his great disappointment at the delay that had already 
taken place (No. 17 9 1 ). 

" As regards the form, the Ambassador abides by his declaration, that a 
long and painful experience of the past requires, in order to avoid all cold- 
ness or mistrust between the two Governments for the future, a solemn 
engagement having the force of a treaty. 

" In order to settle the contents and terms of that act, he required that 
there should be a previous understanding ; and seeing with great pain the 
delays of the Ottoman Government in the matter, and its evident wish to 
1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 6th, 1853, Part I. Inclosure, p. 1G6. 



who's to blame? 



57 



evade the discussion, he found himself compelled, in his verbal note of 
April x 7 9 th, to recapitulate his demands, and to put them forward with the 
utmost urgency. 

" The note of his Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs, dated the 
20th Bedjib (May5th d )> accompanying the certified copies of the two sove- 
reign orders as to the Sanctuaries and the Cupola of the Holy Sepulchre, 
only reached the Ambassador to-day. He considers that communication as 
a compliance with the first two demands made in his note of April ^th, 
and he will make it his duty to place these documents before his Govern- 
ment. 

" But not having, up to the present time, obtained any answer upon the 
third and most important point, which requires guarantees for the future, 
and having very recently received orders to redouble his exertions for the 
immediate settlement of the question which forms the principal object of 
the solicitude of his Majesty the Emperor, the Ambassador finds himself 
constrained now to address his Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
strictly confining his demands, on this occasion, to the orders which he 
has received from his superiors. 

" The bases of the arrangement which he is instructed to obtain are sub- 
stantially the same. 

" The Orthodox Eastern religion, its clergy, and its possessions, shall 
enjoy, for the future, without any 'prejudice, under the protection of his Majesty 
the Sultan, the privileges and immunities which are assured to them ab 
antiquo, and, upon a principle of perfect equity, shall participate in the 
advantages accorded to the other Christian sects." 

Page 169, Inclosure II. No. 179. 

" Art. 1. — No change shall be made as regards the rights, privileges, and 
immunities which have been enjoyed by, or are possessed ab antiquo by the 
Orthodox Churches, pious institutions, and clergy, in the dominions of the 
Sublime Ottoman Porte, which is pleased to secure the same to them in 
perpetuity, on the strict basis of the status quo now existing. 

" Art. 2. — The rights and advantages conceded by the Ottoman Govern- 
ment, or which shall hereafter be conceded, to the other Christian rites, by 
treaties, conventions, or special arrangements, shall be considered as be- 
longing also to the Orthodox Church. 

" Art. 3. — It being acknowledged and proved by historical tradition, and 
by numerous documents, that the Orthodox Greek Church of Jerusalem, its 
Patriarchate, and the Bishops subject to it, have been, since the time of the 
Caliphs, and under the successive reigns of all the Ottoman Emperors, parti- 
cularly protected, honoured, and confirmed in their ancient rights and immu- 
nities, the Sublime Porte, in its solicitude for the conscience and religious 
convictions of its subjects of that faith, as well as of all other Christians 
who profess it, and whose piety has been alarmed by several occurrences, 
promises to maintain, and to cause to be respected, those rights and those 
immunities, both within and without the city of Jerusalem, without any 



58 



THE WAS: 



prejudice to the other Christian communities of natives, rayahs, or foreigners, who 
are admitted to the adoration of the Holy Sepulchre, and of the other 
sanctuaries, either in common with the Greeks, or in their own separate 
oratories. 

" Art. 5. — As the subjects of the empire of Eussia, secular as well as 
ecclesiastic, who are permitted by the treaties to visit the holy city of 
Jerusalem, and other places of devotion, are to be treated and considered 
on an equality with the subjects of the most favoured nations ; and as these, 
as well Catholic as Protestant, have their special prelates and ecclesiastical 
establishments, the Sublime Porte promises, in the event of the Imperial 
Court of Eussia making such a demand, to assign a suitable locality in the 
city or environs of Jerusalem for the construction of a church, to be set 
apart for the celebration of Divine service by Eussian ecclesiastics, and 
of an hospital for indigent or sick pilgrims, which institutions shall be 
under the superintendence of the Eussian Consulate-General in Syria and 
Palestine." 

At this stage of the proceedings, and even after the firmans had 
been granted which referred to the Holy Places, Lord Stratford 
(No. 181 a ) tells us that these firmans might have settled that portion 
of the matter, " but that a certain degree of doubt and uneasiness is 
still kept up by the variable language and procrastination of the 
Turkish ministers. It is more than time for this vacillation to cease ; 
and my opinion has been strongly and repeatedly expressed, not only 
to the Grand Vizier and Eifaat Pasha, but even to the Sultan himself." 2 
Yet Menchikoff was accused of harshness, precipitation, and hurry, 
with such people ! 

His Lordship concludes the communication of the date quoted, thus : 
" The difficulties which unfortunately remain to be overcome, before 
the relations of the Porte with Eussia can be settled on a stable and 
friendly basis, appear, from my last communication with the Eussian 
embassy, to be still of a very serious nature." Yes, of a very serious 
nature indeed, as the sequel will show us; and this no one hieiv so 
well as his Lordship. 

The more decided proceedings of the Eussian ambassador, taken to 
bring the negotiations to a conclusion, brought Lord Stratford more 
into the field, and began to disclose to our view his policy — his " English 
view of the question," so long kept in the background (No. 184 3 ). He 
informs Lord Clarendon that the Turkish ministers requested his 
advice on the occasion; and that, after consulting M. de la Cour, who 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 5th, 1853, Part I. p. Hi. 

2 The fact seems to be, that Stratford was afraid that his fichle Turkish friends might repu- 
diate even the minor points they had yielded, when all his deep-laid schemes would have been 
scattered to the winds. 

3 Stratford to Clarendon, May 9th, 1853, Part I. p. 176. 



who's to blame? 



59 



was nervous when " he entered into all those considerations " which 
naturally result from the " weakness of the Ottoman empire/' and the 
" occasional imprudence of its Government," but that they should frame 
an answer which the Turkish ministers should return to the Russian 
ambassador, so as to make the question from that time forward a 
European, not a Russian question. In the meantime, without telling 
him this, they were to see Prince MenchikofF, and try what they could 
make out of him. " The Prince would not admit that his propositions 
lay open to any unfavourable construction. He gave me to under- 
stand, that having run out the whole line of his moderation, he could 
go no further, and that his Government could no longer submit to the 
state of inferiority in which he pretended that Russia was held with 
respect to those who, in this country, profess the same religion as the 
Emperor Nicholas himself." The Grand Vizier, Rifaat Pasha, and the 
Seraskier, says Lord Stratford, he " advised" that, without " any essen- 
tial sacrifice," they should " open a door for negotiation in the note to 
be prepared, and to withhold no concession compatible with the real 
welfare and independence of the empire. I could not in conscience 
advise them to accept the Russian demands as now presented to them, 
but reminded them of the guarantee required by Prince Menchilcoff, 
and strongly recommended, that if the guarantee he required was 
inadmissible, a substitute for it should be found in a frank and com- 
prehensive exercise of the Sultan's authority, on the promulgation of 
a firman securing both the spiritual and temporal "privileges of all the 
Porte's tributary subjects, and, by way of further security, communi- 
cated officially to the jive great powers of Christendom /" 1 

Conscience and cunning, it appears, are thus the same in the vocabu- 
lary of statesmen and diplomatists. You are in a fix, my worthy Turkish 
friends, says Stratford. To get clear of the spiritual supervision of 
Russia, you must place both the spiritual and temporal protectorate — 
the secret but intended object — in the hands of France and England ; 
you must place Christianity on a level with Islamism, — in short, burn 
the Koran, and say your prayers in Latin as Rome directs you r — and 
then we will protect you ! Had Russia put forth such an extreme and 

1 See Russian Declaration, June 1st, Part 1. p. 243. — " We are aware," says this declaration, 
" of the efforts which he employed with the Sultan, and also with the members of his council, 
to encourage him to resistance, by seeking to persuade him that our menaces would not go 
beyond a moral pressure, by promising him ihe support and the sympathies of Europe, if he 
granted to his subjects equality in the eye of the law, and privileges more in accordance with ihe 
liberal habits of the West" &c. Yet, when the charge was made, and which, as we have seen, 
he himself here acknowledges, we shall see presently the hue and cry that was made against 
Russia for having made a false charge against his Lordship ! Such exposures are most humi- 
liating to our national character and honour. 



60 



THE WAE: 



extensive demand, what a hue and cry would have been raised against 
her! Yet there was her error; and of this error, as we shall see, 
Western statesmen, in furtherance of their own political views and 
interests, now seek to take the advantage. The Grand Vizier seems to 
have been staggered at the advice, for no reply is given ; but we are left 
to infer that some glimmering of political knowledge and foresight 
remained in his head, and that before they submitted to that state of 
things some exertions would be made, for he calmly asked, " whether 
any reliance could be placed on the eventual approach of her Majesty's 
squadron in the Mediterranean" To this it was answered, that pro- 
ceedings of a " moral character" must be met by " demonstrations of 
a similar description ;" a reply which the Turk did not seem to com- 
prehend or to relish, for we find in No. 184, 1 that in il conversation" 
with M. de la Cour, " the Turkish ministers had been more urgent in 
their expressions, and had indicated a hope of this kind," especially 
from considering that their rejection of the Russian propositions 
" would be appreciated by France." But this " hope " M. de la Cour 
did not " exactly " encourage, indicating, however, in the cautious 
terms of his despatch, that " a nod was as good as a wink to a blind 
horse." This old adage is strikingly exemplified in Lord Stratford's 
despatch (No. 2-48 2 ), where he states, that "Rescind Pasha sent to 
inform me yesterday, that he intended to instruct the Sultan's ambas- 
sadors at their courts, to express a hope that they would give the 
Porte their moral, and, if necessary, their material assistance at the 
present alarming juncture. He wished to know whether I saw any 
objection to his making such a communication, and I replied that it 
was for the Porte to consider the necessities of its own position, and 
that / should not feel myself justified in discouraging a precautionary 
appeal suggested by its sense of them." That such application was then 
made direct to the British Government is not to be doubted, yet we 
do not find it in the volumes published. That Lord Stratford earnestly 
pressed it, he tells us; and Lord Clarendon has informed us (Part VII. 
p. 42), that the Turks frequently applied to the French Government 
for both naval and military assistance. 

While the proceedings and advice just adverted to were turning 
everything topsy turvey at Constantinople, the belief at St. Petersburg, 
from previous advices, was that the whole affair might be considered as 
settled. In Xo. 18o 3 Sir Hugh Seymour tells Lord Clarendon, that 
Count Nesselrode informed him " that the questions which have been 

1 Cowley to Clarendon, May 23d, 1853, p. 181. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, May 27th, 1S53, p. 263. 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, May 14th, 1853, p. 180. 



who's to blame? 



61 



agitated at Constantinople might be considered as virtually settled; 
that, as regards the Holy Places, an arrangement had been made which 
was satisfactory both to Prince Menchikoff and M. de la Cour ; and 
that with regard to the sanction to be given to the arrangement, as the 
form of a treaty had been considered objectionable both by the Queen's 
ambassador and by the Porte, some other would be devised. What it 
would be, he was unable to say; but full latitude had been given to 
the Russian negotiator, and the point was one which was sure to be 
speedily adjusted." The proposed convention had, he added, been sent 
to London, but it had subsequently been greatly modified. 

Count Nesselrode, nor any other reasonable man, could not for a 
moment suppose that the remaining point, namely, the guarantee for 
the future that Russia expected, would be withheld. He was mistaken. 
But that this point was always and chiefly kept in view, and not 
a new point brought forward, as has been asserted, is most clear and 
obvious by all the documents already quoted ; it is also clearly main- 
tained by the able memorandum (No. 191 1 ) made out and laid before 
Lord Clarendon, by Baron Brunnow, by order of his Government. 
Brevity compels me to limit the notice of this important document to 
the following extracts : — 

" London, May ||th, 1853. 

" The desire which I was instructed to express on this subject 
met with the most friendly reception on the part of her Britannic 
Majesty's ministers. They admitted that the difficulties which had arisen 
at Constantinople had originated in the embarrassments created by the 
demands of the French ambassador ; they understood, moreover, that the 
natural feeling of Russia, which could never remain indifferent to the in- 
fringement of the immunities of the Eastern Church by concessions made 
to the Latin Clergy, must be taken into account." * * * 

" I first explained to him the reasons which would prevent Prince 
Menchikoff from entering into negotiation with Fuad Effendi, — the 
latter minister having caused the breach of the formal engagements 
entered into by the Sultan towards the Emperor, in regard to the main- 
tenance of the status quo legally established by the Imperial hatti-scherifs, 
assuredly could not with any advantage be employed as the medium of 
a negotiation intended to secure a reparation for an offence of which he 
had been the author. This consideration must of necessity have convinced 
the Sultan himself, that it was of consequence to place in other hands the 
conduct of a negotiation in which such vast interests were involved. 
Russia never required, as has been falsely alleged, the dismissal of this 
minister ; she expected of the wisdom of the Sultan the nomination of 
a more impartial plenipotentiary, — of one more capable of conducting the 

1 Memorandum, Brunnow, May 26th, 1853, pp. 184— 194. 



62 



THE WAR : 



negotiation to a happy result. The resignation of Fuad Effendi was 
voluntary." * * * 

" In the third place, I said that the breach of faith of which the Porte 
had been guilty towards the Emperor, constituted an offence for which his 
Majesty demanded redress ; that, besides, the infraction of the last firman, 
which had been annulled by the Porte almost at the very moment when 
it was issued, no longer permitted us to give full credence to a similar 
document ; that, consequently, the Imperial cabinet must insist upon an 
explanatory and more solemn act, obligatory in its character, in order to 
prevent the recurrence of fresh causes of misunderstanding between Eussia 
and the Porte." * * * 

In this state of things, England, as I have just said, kept herself free 
as regarded her counsels. If this assertion stood in need of proof, it would 
be most clearly established by the full and entire freedom with which her 
Britannic Majesty's ambassador at Constantinople interposed his counsels, 
and expressed his opinion upon the proposals, of which Prince Menchikoff 
was the first to communicate to him the sense." * * * 

" It is not necessary for me here to dwell upon the alarming intelligence 
then circulated at Pera, which found credence at Paris and in London, as 
to the intentions of Eussia ; the arrival of the Sebastopol squadron in the 
Bosphorus — the occupation of the Principalities — the extension of our 
Asiatic frontier — the pretension to secure to ourselves the nomination of 
the Greek ! Patriarch of Constantinople — the premeditated insurrection of 
the Greek population in the Ottoman empire — the renewal of the treaty 
of Unkiar-Skelessi : all these assertions, upon which I will not here enlarge, 
must still be present to the memory of her Britannic Majesty's ministers. 

" They will, I am sure, likewise recollect the calmness with which I met 
these reports, and the firmness with which I did not hesitate to deny 
their truth. 

" For my part, I shall always retain a most grateful recollection of the 
frankness with which the intimate explanations, which I exchanged with 
her Majesty's ministers at this critical moment, were characterised." 
* * * * 

" Lord Clarendon had just then assumed the direction of foreign affairs. 
I appeal to his testimony to bear witness to the language which I held to 
him, in order to place the facts in their true light. At our first interview, 
I placed in his hands the lettre de cabinet with which the Emperor had 
furnished Prince Menchikoff, on accrediting him his ambassador to the 
Sultan. It contains this passage : ' In the present question, I can only 
recommend to you to maintain the rights which have existed for ages, and 
which have been recognised by all your illustrious predecessors, and con- 
firmed by yourself, in favour of the Orthodox Church, whose doctrines are 
professed by the Christian populations who are under your rule, as well as 
by the great majority of my own subjects.' " * * * 

" I quote these words because they characterise the intentions and 
mark the policy of the Emperor. He is aware that the tranquillity of 
Turkey is wholly dependent on the immense majority of the population 



who's to blame? 



63 



of the Orthodox Greek religion in the Ottoman empire being protected 
from any molestation. He is aware, also, that the permanence of relations 
of good understanding between Eussia and Turkey is wholly dependent on 
the Porte being faithful to its engagements, which date from the treaty of 
Kainardji, granting to the Orthodox Church that freedom of worship, that 
tranquillity of conscience, and that peaceable possession of rights, the in- 
violability of which Eussia will never cease to watch over with the whole 
force of her natural and religious convictions. The history of the two 
empires must indeed be little known, and above all, the great interests 
involved in the preservation of peace between both must be lost sight of, 
for it to be forgotten that the Emperor, when counselling and requiring 
the preservation of the Eastern Church in its rights, speaks and acts as 
a friend who is desirous of the tranquillity of the Ottoman empire, and 
who watches over the existence of Turkey in its independence and its 
integrity." * t * 

" The third passage stands thus : ( The simultaneous appearance of the 
two fleets would have prevented the possibility of the question being 
solved at Constantinople. It would have placed us in a position in which 
we could not have acquiesced, and which would no longer have allowed 
the Emperor, thus exposed to a demonstration of a threatening nature, 
freely to follow his own pacific and conservative impulses.' " * * * 

" Prince MenchikofF, in transmitting to me the project of Sened (pre- 
sented the 5th of May), was good enough to accompany it with a despatch, 
of which I will transcribe the following words : l We do not demand the 
right of protecting Christians of the Orthodox rite, subjects of the Porte ; 
but the maintenance of the religious status quo of that rite, the existence 
of which has been* seriously threatened, by the inclination manifested by 
the Porte to countenance the encroachments of the Latin rite upon that 
which is professed by the majority of the Christian subjects of the 
Sultan.' 5 ' * * * 

" The Sultan began by a breach of faith towards the Emperor. 

" His Majesty found himself under the necessity of demanding reparation 
for this offence committed against his dignity. 

" In order to obtain this reparation, the Emperor made choice of the means 
of a pacific negotiation, in preference to the immediate employment of force. 

" In demanding this satisfaction from the Porte by persuasion, and not 
by measures of hostility, he kept solely in view the protection of the 
Orthodox Church in Turkey against the encroachments and the wrongs by 
which it had lately been unjustly and flagrantly assailed. 

" With this object in view, he considered that a simple firman would be 
insufficient to atone for the wrong committed, as regarded the past, or to 
prevent the recurrence of similar causes of complaint for the future. 

" Therefore he determined on requiring and obtaining from the Porte 
a formal act — an explanatory act — such as I have mentioned. 

" The sole purpose of this act, in his Majesty's opinion, should be the 
confirmation of the Orthodox Church in the possession of those rights 
which it enjoys in the East. 



64 



THE war: 



" The Emperor requires neither more nor less. He desires that what 
now exists should remain intact ; that the religion professed by Russia 
should remain unrestricted, respected, and inviolable under the Ottoman 
rule. His Majesty requires this guarantee ; he has recommended the 
Porte to give it, in the twofold interest of rendering the internal tranquil- 
lity of the Turkish empire more secure, and its peace with Russia more 
lasting. 

" Could those powers who desire the preservation of Turkey entertain 
any jealousy at witnessing the accomplishment of this act of peace through 
the counsels of Russia ? Would they prefer that the Greek Orthodox 
Church, without any security, and engaged in a perpetual struggle with the 
Latin Church, should become a lasting cause of disorder, of disquietude, 
and possibly of dissolution in the heart of the Ottoman empire ? This 
view, I venture to remark, would not be in character with the foresight of 
the great powers, friends of Turkey. * * * 

" Now, the greatest proof of respect which can be shown to an inde- 
pendent sovereign, is to place no impediment in the way of his fulfilling 
his engagements towards a friendly and neighbouring state. If he is no 
longer free to keep his word, or to make reparation for the wrongs which 
he has committed, he ceases to be independent. 

" The second conclusion to which the perusal of the treaty of 1841 leads 
me, is that the powers who are animated by a sincere desire to witness 
the consolidation of the tranquillity of the Ottoman empire, should be the 
first to counsel the Sultan not to refuse to the Greek Church the pledge of 
security such as Russia has required, which should tend to keep the 
immense majority of the Christian population of the Ottoman empire 
within the limits of submission and tranquillity as to their religious 
belief." 

They must be very obstinate and exceedingly thick-headed who, in 
the face of all such evidence, can accuse Russia of duplicity and con- 
cealment. Whether she was right or not in her pursuit, is not at 
present the question; but, did she follow her object openly and fairly? 
This she certainly did. The Turk understood her fully, and wanted 
to get clear of her demands by annulling or denying all his previous 
engagements contracted with her. In fact, and in short, he wanted to 
retain the Christian population in that state of helpless subjection, 
amenable to no one ; or, where he relaxed in favour of Christianity, 
that that relaxation should be to extend the Latin supremacy over the 
Christian Churches of the East, as the most pleasing and advantageous 
to France and the Roman Catholic world. Sir H. Seymour gives us 
his view of the point at issue, when he tells us (No. 6 1 ) that the 
conduct of Turkey to Russia " is not referable to ill-will towards you, 
but to the excessive apprehensions of the French entertained by the 

1 Seymour to Russell, Secret Correspondence, February 22d, 1853, p. 11. 



who's to blame? 



65 



unfortunate Turks." This apprehension ought to be our guide and our 
caution. 

A lengthened diplomatic correspondence took place in reference to 
Menchikoff's last communication, which was chiefly quibbling about 
Russian promises and rights. Thus Lord Stratford reminded the 
Prince (p. 129), that his master said he sought no "extension of right 
or of power in this country beyond what was assured him by the 
existing treaties," and that " the communications" between them had 
" afforded me (Lord Stratford) the assurance that the same sentiments 
of moderation " " would not in the last instance be wanting on his 
part." Why, all this is true, only Lord Stratford would not under- 
stand it so, because he would not trust him in the sincerity of his 
declarations. Lord Stratford had himself told us (April 6th, p. 125), 
that one great object sought by Russia was " a more clear and com- 
prehensile definition of Russian right under treaty and no one can 
say that the object was unreasonable, after the strange construction 
the statesmen of this day attempted to put upon them. 

Events at Constantinople hurried on previous to Prince Menchi- 
koff s departure. A change in the Turkish ministry took place on the 
13th, for no object, it appears, but to gain time and to induce, or 
rather force, the Prince to prolong his stay. Yarious expedients were 
resorted to by Lord Stratford to patch up matters ; amongst these 
was a scheme worthy of his Lordship, which he informs us (No. 193/) 
a gave everything required by Russia but a form of guarantee? — the 
very thing that was wanted, and the only thing that remained to be 
obtained to terminate the protracted and serious discussions. In an 
evasive note, Rifaat Pasha (No. 1 93 2 ) tells Prince Menchikoff that 
his remaining object, a form of treaty, was in its nature the stone on 
which "the independence'' of Turkey was "grounded," but also "her 
independence itself in its very foundations." The Prince, in reply, 3 
took a different and reasonable view of the matter. He expressed his 
" astonishment at the distrust that appears in the interpretation which 
the Sublime Porte attaches to his Majesty's intentions," — " of being 
desirous of obtaining a new right, to the prejudice of the independence 
and sovereignty of the Sublime Porte." " The Emperor appeals to the 
friendship of his august ally, and only requires of him, without any 
prejudice to the sacred and inviolable power of his Majesty the Sultan, 
a manifest proof of his solicitude for the Orthodox Greek religion, which 
is the religion of Russia, and whereof the Emperor is the natural 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 15th, 1853, Part I. p. 195. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, Inclosure, May 10th, 1 853, p. 197- 

3 Inclosure No. 3, p. 197. 

F 



(56 



THE WAR: 



defender." Therefore, continues he, a an act emanating from the 
sovereign will of the Sultan, an engagement free but solemn, ca,n alone 
efface the painful recollection of the faults committed by some clumsy 
and ill-disposed counsellor of his Majesty the Sultan that if such 
is not obtained, he declares with pain, that he "must consider his mis- 
sion at an end, — must break off relations with the cabinet of his 
Majesty the Sultan, — and throw upon the responsibility of his ministers 
all the consequences that may ensue." 

A reply to this note was requested by the 14th of May. On the 
loth of May, Eeschid Pasha urges a delay of five or six days to prepare 
his answer, on account of the change that had taken place in the 
ministry. On the 18th, Menchikoff, in reference to the note of the 
15th, from Rescind Pasha, (No. 196, 1 ) states thus : — 

" The two firmans designed to close the discussion in regard to the Holy 
Places at Jerusalem cannot, considering what has occurred, offer the guaran- 
tee desired hy the Emperor. The isolated promise to extend to our subjects 
the privileges enjoyed at Jerusalem by the pilgrims and establishments of 
other nations, merely confirms an indisputable right, for the exercise of 
which the sovereign sanction was alone required. The Sublime Porte, by 
rejecting with distrust the wishes of the Emperor in favour of the orthodox 
Greco-Russian religion, has failed in what was due to an august and ancient 
ally. It has only added a fresh injury to those in which the undersigned 
was ordered to demand redress, and has justified the serious apprehensions 
of the Imperial Government for the security and maintenance of the 
ancient rights of the Eastern Church. The identity of religion — that secular 
bond cemented by the reciprocal wants and-interests of the two countries, 
as much as by their geographical position — instead of being a pledge of 
solid friendship, thus becomes, from a lamentable misapprehension in the 
minds of the Ottoman Government, the permanent cause of an attitude 
injurious to Russia." — " The communications of the Sublime Porte, taken 
altogether, having therefore convinced the undersigned of the inutility of 
his efforts to effect, in regard to his demands, a satisfactory arrangement 
in conformity with the dignity of his great master, he finds himself com- 
pelled to declare — 

" That he considers his mission at an end : that the Imperial court 
cannot, without prejudice to its dignity, and exposing itself to fresh 
insults, continue to maintain a mission at Constantinople, and to keep up 
on their ancient footing its political relations with the Ottoman Govern- 
ment : that in consequence and in virtue of the full powers 2 with which 
the undersigned is provided, he will quit Constantinople, taking with him 
the whole staff of the Imperial legation, with the exception of the Com- 
mercial Chancery, who, with the officers attached to him, will continue to 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 39th, 1853, Inclosure, No. 1, p. 207. 

2 The Emperor soon after fully sanctioned and approved of this, and the conduct of his 
miuister. 



who's to blame 4 ? 



67 



carry on the affairs of navigation and commerce, and to protect the in- 
terests of Russian subjects, and the dispatch of their vessels." — " That he 
deeply regrets that he must take this determination." — " That the refusal 
of a guarantee for the Orthodox Greco-Russian religion, will henceforth 
impose upon the Imperial Government the necessity of seeking one in its 
own power?' 1 — " That, accordingly, any infringement of the status quo of the 
Eastern Church, and of its integrity, will be looked upon by the Emperor 
as tantamount to an infringement of the spirit and letter of existing stipu- 
lations, and as an act of hostility to Russia, which would impose upon his 
Imperial Majesty the necessity of having recourse to means which, in his 
constant anxiety for the stability of the Ottoman empire, and his sincere 
friendship for his Majesty the Sultan, and that which he has professed for 
bis august father, the Emperor has always had at heart to avoid." 

In these important documents, there is no improper, harsh, me- 
nacing, or threatening language. Yet Lord Stratford describes it 
(p. 205), — "their tone is harsh, and their aspect is threatening." 

On the 8th and 9th May, a private correspondence took place between 
Lord Stratford and Prince Menchikoff (No. 206 2 ). The parts con- 
nected with the main but unsettled part of the question at issue are 
these :— 

Lord Stratford (Inclosure No. 3) says :— - 

" The guarantee required by Russia is objectionable to the Porte, on the 
grounds of real danger to its independence. A more legitimate guarantee, 
which can hardly be refused without offence, is given instead." 

Prince Menchikoff replies 

" A sure guarantee for the future condition of the religion professed by 
his Majesty. The mistrust and ill-disposition of the Ottoman Goverment, 
in regard to us, turned especially on this point." 

No. 7, Lord Stratford says : — 

" I do not complain of insincerity on Prince Menchikoff 's part to me ; but 
what may to all appearance be justly complained of, is the utter want of 
agreement between his principal requisition and the assurances of his Court. 
Still less is he entitled to complain of me." "I gave him distinctly to 
understand that I could not support his ulterior pretensions, and did so 

1 These words seem to have frightened Lord Clarendon out of his wits, for he gives them 
as a reason for commanding the fleets to advance. Now, in all the history of nations, it is 
always found that when negotiations fail, arms are resorted to. Lord Redcliffe informs us, 
(No. 70, Part II. p. 73,) that this is the proper and lawful course, " to prepare for the effec- 
tual employment of other means in case negotiation should fail !" If we are blameless in acting 
thus, surely so is Russia for doing the same thing. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, May 14th, 1853, Part I. pp. 215—217 (Inclosures). Much of the 
correspondence is rather of a personal nature : I confine myself to the parts which are of 
public interest. 

p 2 



68 



THE WAR: 



at an early period of our intercourse, at the risk of drawing down his resent- 
ment on the minister f rom whom I derived my knowledge, and whom he had 
threatened with the fate of Garaschanen, if his communications with the 
Porte were in any way divulged." 1 

The Prince replies : — 

" I am not conscious of having disregarded the frank assurances as to 
our views with respect to Turkey given by the Imperial Ministry to the 
Queen's Cabinet. I have shown the greatest sincerity to your Excellency, 
and I must confess that I looked for frank cooperation on your side. 55 

No concession whatever on the main point could be obtained from 
the Turkish Government. The representatives of the four European 
powers at Constantinople endeavoured, as they say, in vain to make 
either party concede anything. On the 18th, the Russian ambas- 
sador declared, as has already been stated, his mission at an end, but 
remained at Constantinople till the 21st May ; leaving in the interim, 
unofficially, a note proposed to be addressed to him after his departure, 
should the Ottoman Government feel disposed to yield to, or to meet 
his wishes, and receiving at the same time a reply from Rescind Pasha 
to his communication of the 1 8th, but in an unofficial shape, because 
it had not been prepared before the Prince had declared his mission to 
be at an end. These documents, the first in No. 210 2 , and the second 
and third enclosed in No. 239. 3 As these papers are of considerable 
importance, and referred to in subsequent important communications, 
they are here inserted at length. On the 21st May, Prince Menchi- 
koff advised the other European ministers of his intended immediate 
departure (No. 238 4 ). He consequently left Constantinople on the 
evening of the day mentioned, and reached Odessa on the 25th, from 
which place he without delay transmitted the account of his return, 
unsuccessful, to St. Petersburg. 

1 This is a purely diplomatic manoeuvre and dodge for the occasion, and a silly invention of 
the Turkish ministers, and fraud practised upon the Ambassador. Lord Stratford has again 
and again told us, that at an early period, Prince Menchikoff told him what his plans and 
objects were — that he not only consulted him " confidentially" but publicly and openly about 
them — and that the Divan also told him everything, though it is plain that they told him matters 
only in their own way. At page 125, Part I., we find him stating, that the day after his 
arrival, the Turkish ministers laid the case before him ; and on April 16th, eleven days 
only after his arrival, we find him stating that he discussed the whole question with Prince 
Menchikoff. It is, then, clear no threats were necessary to keep anything secret, when the 
principal party concerned readily communicated full details to Lord Stratford. At p. 192, 
Part I., we find Count Brunnow distinctly stating to Lord Clarendon, that Lord Stratford was 
informed by Prince Menchikoff of all his " proceedings, before even the Russian Government 
was." 

2 Slratford to Clarendon, May 22d, 1853, Part I. p. 219. 

3 Stratford to Clarendon, May 25th, 1853, Part 1. pp. 252, 253. 

4 Stratford to Clarendon, May 25th, 1853, Part I. p. 251, (Inclosure No. 1.) 



who's to blame? 



69 



Page 196, Inclosure I. No. 193. 
Paper presented by Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe to Eeschid Pasha. 

" The Orthodox religion of the East and its clergy, as well as those of the 
other Christian denominations, shall continue, as regards spiritual matters, 
to enjoy, under the sovereign protection of his Majesty the Sultan, the 
privileges and immunities which have been granted to them at different 
times by the Imperial favour. 

" Their churches, and their other possessions legally acquired, shall be 
respectively preserved to them. 

" At J erusalem, the Eussian clergy and pilgrims shall be placed on the 
same footing, in regard to protection and rights, as those of other foreign 
nations. 

" The new explanatory firmans, respecting the Holy Places at Jerusalem, 
shall be considered to have the force of a formal engagement. 

" A church and hospital at Jerusalem shall be granted to the Eussians. 

" These different points should be guaranteed by an Imperial declaration 
in the most solemn form, publicly promulgated, and communicated to the 
Court of Eussia, and to the other great powers of Christendom." 

Page 221, Inclosure I. in No. 210. 

Draft of Note proposed by Prince Menchikoff, to be addressed to him by the 

Porte. 

" The Sublime Porte, after the most attentive and the most serious 
examination of the demands which form the object of the extraordinary 
mission entrusted to the Ambassador of Eussia, Prince Menchikoff, and 
after having submitted the result of this examination to his Majesty the 
Sultan, makes it his duty to communicate by the present to his Highness 
the Ambassador, the Imperial decision in this respect, promulgated by a 
supreme Irade, dated the — — 

"His Majesty the Sultan, being desirous of giving to his august friend 
and ally, the Emperor of Eussia, a fresh proof of his very sincere friendship, 
and of his earnest desire to strengthen the ancient relations of good neigh- 
bourhood and of perfect understanding which exist between the two states 
— reposing, at the same time, entire confidence in the ever-benevolent 
intentions of his Imperial Majesty for the maintenance of the integrity and 
independence of the Ottoman empire— has vouchsafed to appreciate and 
to take into his serious consideration the frank and cordial representations 
of which the Eussian Ambassador has been the medium, in favour of the 
Orthodox Greco-Eussian religion, professed as well by his august ally as by 
the majority of their respective subjects. 

" The undersigned has, in consequence, been desired to give, by means 
of the present note, the most solemn assurance to the Government of 
Eussia, of which his Highness Prince Menchikoff is the representative at 
the Court of his Majesty the Sultan, of the unalterable solicitude, and of 



70 



THE wae: 



the generous and tolerant sentiments which animate his Majesty the Snltais 
for the security and prosperity, in his dominions, of the clergy of the 
churches and of the religious establishments of the Oriental Christian 
religion. 

" In order to render these assurances more explicit, and to lay down in 
a formal manner the principal objects of this deep solicitude, — to confirm 
by supplementary explanations, which the progress of time renders neces- 
sary, the meaning of the articles which, in the former treaties concluded 
between the two powers, have reference to religious questions, — and, lastly? 
to prevent for ever any shadow of misunderstanding and of disagreement 
in this respect between the two Governments, — the undersigned is autho- 
rized by his Majesty the Sultan to make the following declarations : — 

" 1, The Orthodox religion of the East, its clergy, its churches, and its 
possessions, as well as its religious establishments, shall enjoy for the 
future, without any detriment, under the protection of his Majesty the 
Saltan, the privileges and immunities which are secured to them ab antiquo, 
or which have been granted to them at various times by the Imperial 
favour ; and, on a principle of high equity, shall participate in the advan- 
tages accorded to the other Christian sects, as well as to the foreign 
legations accredited to the Sublime Porte by convention or special arrange- 
ment. 

"2. His Majesty the Sultan having deemed it necessary and just to 
corroborate and to explain his sovereign firman, adorned with the hatti- 
houmayoun of the 15th of the month of Eabi-el-Akhir, 1268, (Feb. 9th, 

1852,) by his sovereign firman of the , and to order besides by 

another firman, dated — , the repair of the cupola of the Church of the 

Holy Sepulchre, these two firmans shall be literally carried out and faith- 
fully observed, so as to maintain for ever the present status quo of the 
sanctuaries possessed by the Greeks exclusively, or in common with other 
religious sects. 

" It is understood that this engagement extends equally to the mainte- 
nance of the rights and immunities which the Orthodox Church and its 
clergy enjoy ab antiquo, as well within as without the city of Jerusalem, 
without any prejudice to the other Christian communities. 
fc> " 3. On the Imperial Court of Eussia making the request, a suitable loca- 
lity shall be assigned within the city of Jerusalem, or in its environs, for 
the construction of a church appropriated to the celebration of Divine 
service by Eussian ecclesiastics, and of an hospital for indigent or sick 
pilgrims, which foundations shall be under the special superintendence of 
the Eussian Consulate-General in Syria and in Palestine. 

" 4. The necessary firmans and orders shall be given to those whom it 
may concern, and to the Greek Patriarchs, for the execution of these sove- 
reign decisions ; and the arrangement of the matters of detail, which shall 
not have found place either in the firmans concerning the Holy Places of 
Jerusalem, or in the present notification, shall form the subject of a subse- 
quent understanding." 



who's to blame? 



71 



Page 252, Inclosure I. No. 239. 
Reschid Pasha to Peince Menchikoff. 

t{ The statement made by Prince Menchikoff, in his written and verbal 
communications concerning the doubts and want of confidence entertained 
by the Porte with regard to his Majesty the Emperor's good intentions, has 
been seen with great regret. His Majesty the Sultan has perfect faith and 
confidence in his Majesty the Emperor, and highly appreciates the great 
qualities and spirit of justice which animate his august ally and neighbour ; 
and it is a great honour for me to proclaim, that it has always been his 
Majesty the Sultan's desire to consolidate and strengthen the friendly rela- 
tions happily subsisting between the two countries. 

" With reference to the religious privileges of the Greek churches and 
clergy, the honour of the Porte requires that the exclusively spiritual pri- 
vileges granted under the Sultan's predecessors, and confirmed by his 
Majesty, should be now 'and henceforward preserved unimpaired and in 
force ; and the equitable system pursued by the Porte towards its subjects 
demands that any spiritual privilege whatever, granted henceforward to one 
class of Christian subjects, should not be refused to the Greek clergy. It 
would be a cause of much regret that the fixed intentions of his Majesty 
the Sultan in this respect should be called into question. 

" Nevertheless, the imperial firman now granted to the Greek Patriarchate 
confirming the religious privileges, is considered to afford a new proof of 
his Imperial Majesty's benevolent sentiments in this respect, and the 
general promulgation thereof must afford every security, and remove for 
ever from his Imperial Majesty's mind all doubts for the future, respecting 
the religion he professes, and it is with pleasure I perform the duty of 
making this declaration. 

" In order that there should be no alteration respecting the shrine at 
Jerusalem, it is formally promised that for security in the future thereon, 
the Sublime Porte will take no step concerning them without the know- 
ledge of the French embassy also to this purpose. 

"The Sultan consents that a church and hospital should be built at 
Jerusalem (for the Eussians) ; and the Porte is ready and disposed to con- 
clude a Sened, both on this subject, and concerning the special privileges 
of the Russian monks at that place." 

Page 253, Inclosure II. No. 239. 

Pkince Menchikoff to Reschid Pasha. 

"Buyukdere, May 1853. 
" At the moment of his departure from Constantinople, the undersigned, 
Ambassador of Russia, has learnt that the Sublime Porte has manifested 
the intention of proclaiming a guarantee for the exercise of the spiritual 
rights possessed by the clergy of the Orthodox Eastern Church, a step 
which would seem to render doubtful the maintenance of the other privi- 
leges which it enjoys. 



72 the wm* 

" Whatever may be the motive of this determination, the undersigned & 
under the necessity of acquainting his Highness the Minister for Foreign 
Affairs, that a declaration, or any other act of that kind, which might tend? 
while maintaining unimpaired the merely spiritual rights of the Orthodox 
Eastern religion, to invalidate the other rights, privileges, and immunities^ 
granted to that religion and to its clergy from the most remote period, and 
which they now enjoy, would be considered by the Imperial Cabinet as an 
act of hostility towards Russia and her religion, 

" The undersigned, &c. 

(Signed) " Menchikoff." 

The documents referred to show that there was no concealment or 
duplicity practised by Russia or her ambassador with regard to these 
objects. These were all made known to our Government, and to our 
ambassadors, Colonel Rose and Lord Stratford de Redcliffe ; and, in 
fact, that in almost everything, and especially in the main point at 
issue, the Government of Turkey consulted the latter, were advised by 
him, and in every step followed his counsels. To baffle Russia, and to 
support the cause of Turkey, every plan was devised and subterfuge 
adopted. Take the following (No. 209 1 ), given to Reschid Pasha, and 
on which his last note was founded : — " It was proposed to make one 
document of all the Turkish concessions; to give that document the 
form of an official note, having the force of a treaty, and to erase the 
limitation conveyed in the term spiritual, as applied to the privileges 
and immunities of the Greek clergy. This note was shown to Reschid 
Pasha, but not left with him." To this subterfuge and counsel, Prince 
Menchikoff no doubt refers (p. 253), and inserted above. To establish 
further the fact of Menchikoff's proposals and objects being well 
known, the declarations and confessions of the Turkish ministers 
themselves may here be adduced. In his note addressed to the repre- 
sentatives of the four powers (No. 244 2 ) he states : — 

" The question of the Holy Places, which formed one of the objects of 
the mission of Prince Menchikoff, Ambassador Extraordinary from 
Russia, has been settled to the satisfaction of both parties." There re- 
mained, however, he says, unsettled, " the proposals of an extraordinary 
character, made by the Prince, on the subject of the privileges of the 
Greek religion and clergy." " Unhappily it has been found impossible to 
establish any agreement between the two parties upon this matter." 
In further proof that nothing new or separate was brought forward at 
any time, Lord Stratford tells us (No. 210, p. 220) that Reschid Pasha 
informed M. Pisani, " that the Porte had already adopted the resolution 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 20th, 1853, Part I. p. 219. 

2 Inclosure from M. Musm-us'to Lord Clarendon, dated May 26th, 1853, Tart I. p. 261. 



•1 



WHO^ TO BLAME"? 73 

of resisting the objectionable part of the Russian demands." As 
the rupture of the negotiations approached, the most thoughtless, 
and those who spurred on the mischief to gratify their personal 
pique, or the ambition and designs of their country, began to contem- 
plate with alarm the too probable and terrible consequences. Thus, in 
No. 183^ Lord Cowley tells us, that, in reference to this matter, M, 
Drouyn de Lhuys said that, while he dreaded the results of a Russian 
protectorate of the Greek Church in Turkey by Russia, yet that the 
French ambassador, M. de la Cour " is not to take upon himself the 
responsibility of exciting the Ottoman Government to refuse the de- 
mands of Russia." And in No. 186, 2 Lord Cowley further tells us, on 
the authority of Drouyn de Lhuys, that M. de la Cour considered that 
" the Porte would be perfectly justified in refusing the demands of 
Prince MenchikofF, " without, however, advising her to adopt that line of 
conduct." They left this advice to Lord Stratford to give, and he did 
so to their entire satisfaction. It is necessary here to remark, that 
Russia, in her demands throughout, fixed the freedom in religious 
privileges upon the firm basis of the right acquired by the treaty of 
Kainardji, and as these were confirmed by subsequent treaties between 
the two empires. 

In fact, it was not till the latest period of the discussions, that the 
letter and the spirit of the treaty of Kainardji was called in question, 
and then only in the construction to be put upon some words in it. 
In the Secret Correspondence, Lord John Russell (p. 8), and Lord 
Clarendon (p. 22), both admit its full force and meaning, not only as 
a right but as a " duty." Lord Clarendon, Part I. p. 232, admits this 
treaty, and that it would have been reasonable had Russia stood upon 
" a restatement or fresh confirmations of its provisions.'''' In Part II. 
p. 144, his Lordship turns round and says, the demands of Russia 
were based upon u a strained construction of the Treaty of Kainardji." 
The Turks, after admitting its full force, and, consequently, that fresh 
confirmation of it was not necessary, boldly assert, (Part II. p. 79,) 
that " the purport of, and real and exact provisions of, that treaty, is 
confined to the single promise of the Sultan to protect," &c. And 
in Part I. p. 390, they say, "the promise is of general import?" In 
short, they only can interpret the treaty in question. Lord Stratford, 
who reads Eastern treaties with the Koran as his guide, again and 
again admits the claims of Russia for redress, but simply considers 
that she ought to have been content with what he thought proper to 

1 Cowley to Clarendon, May 19th, 1853, Part I. p. 175. 

2 Cowley to Clarendon, May 23d, 1853, Part I. 181. 



74 



the war: 



allow her. Sir H. Seymour, who reads treaties according as his spirit 
is expanded or condensed by the climate of St. Petersburgh, admits 
the Eussian rights under this treaty, but adds, that in his opinion, 
Part II. p. 205, " an undue extension had been sought upon a parti- 
cular point ! " In short, he and he only, a third party and not 
immediately interested, was to be allowed to be the sole judge on the 
matter at issue. 

During the time that these weightier proceedings were going on 
between Menchikoff and the Ottoman Government, several important 
facts oozed out in the general melee of correspondence which was 
running about in all directions. A few of these may be useful to 
notice, as bearing upon the general question. At page 134, Lord 
Stratford informs us (April 11th), that Prince Menchikoff's "tone is 
considerably softened" (it was never harsh) ; and that there was no 
question of a defensive treaty with Turkey and Russia, - and "no 
thought of military intimidation for the present," unless the movement 
from Toulon should produce it hereafter. A secret treaty reported 
was a fiction, and the proposals first attributed to Prince Menchikoff, 
gross Turkish exaggerations and misrepresentations. At pages 161 
and 162, Sir H. Seymour tells us that Menchikoff wished to arrange 
the Greek and Latin rights together, and to settle the whole with M. 
de la Cour, the French ambassador. And in page 211, the same 
diplomatist informs us that (May 24th) Count Nesselrode specifically 
told him that there were always " two points " to settle at Constan- 
tinople, namely, " satisfaction for the ]xist and security for the future." 
The latter has never been obtained. In page 151, we find Lord Strat- 
ford, while admitting to a certain extent the fair claims of Russia, 
telling us that the Austrian ambassador said, rather than that Men- 
chikoff should withdraw unsuccessful, he would advise the Porte to 
concede all his demands; a concession which Lord Stratford" told 
him he did not think, from what he had heard at Vienna, that the 
Austrian Government would accede to. At page 160, we find Sir H. 
Seymour telling us that Russia required " no offensive alliance with 
Turkey," and that Russia had offered Turkey assistance if she should 
be attached by France /" At page 166, we find Lord Cowley telling us 
that, as regards the general protectorate of the Greek Church, asserted 
to be sought by Russia, that M. Drouyn de Lhuys said, France could 
not act alone in it, but only in conjunction with the other four 
powers. 



who's to blame? 



75 



CHAPTER III. 

CONSTANTINOPLE AFTER THE DEPARTURE OF MENCHIKOFF — MOVEMENTS O^ 
THE FLEETS — OCCUPATIONS OF THE PRINCIPALITIES — DECLARATIONS AND 
CORRESPONDENCE OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, RUSSIA, AND TURKEY — THE VIENNA 
CONFERENCE — THE VIENNA NOTE, PROCEEDINGS REGARDING IT, ETC. 

The departure of Prince Menchikoff from Constantinople created a 
great stir throughout Europe. Cabinets, ministers, and diplomatists, 
awakened as from a sleep, were everywhere on the alert to excuse 
themselves and to blame others ; but each wishing to advance the 
character and interests of their respective countries, and to shake the 
blame from their own shoulders of having tended to produce the 
fearful result that loomed in the distance as regards the future. Those 
who were the most to blame were the most vociferous. Russia was 
in every way blackened, and described as incapable of uttering a word 
of truth, while Turkey, on the contrary, whitewashed from every 
stain, was described as a nation who erred and did wrong entirely 
from " weakness and harmless prejudices." A regularly organized 
system of falsehood and misrepresentation was established, the great 
centres of which were London and Paris, which misled or guided the 
press^ in general throughout Europe, to mystify and to mislead the 
public mind everywhere, as regards the real merits and bearing of 
the great question under consideration. To such a length was false- 
hood and misrepresentation carried, that the deputation from Fins- 
bury or Marylebone, which waited upon Lord Clarendon last autumn 
to complain of the silence of Government, and of not obtaining 
authentic information such as foreigners gave them, that his Lordship 
justly and correctly informed them, that in all that these foreigners 
had told them, during many months, in reference to the Russian and 
Turkish dispute, there " were not two words of truth.'' 1 ' 

Before entering more at large into the further details of this quarrel, 
it may be proper to state, as concisely as possible, the real object and 
meaning of the demands made upon Turkey by Russia. We have 



76 



THE WAR : 



considered the just and pressing causes which compelled the former to 
make those demands upon the latter. The real objects sought were, 
as we learn, 1st, from Baron Brunnow's official memorandum (No. 191 
on the authority of Prince MenchikofF's Sened of the 5th May, thus : — 

" We do not demand the right of protecting Christians of the Orthodox 
rite, subjects of the Porte, but the maintenance of the religious status quo 
of that rite, the existence of which has been seriously threatened by the 
inclination manifested by the Porte to countenance the encroachments of the 
Latin rite upon that which is professed by a majority of the Christian sub- 
jects of the Sultan." 

Secondly, in No. 318 2 , the Emperor Nicholas tells us : — 

" Your Government is going very far in search of the meaning of the 
term ab antiquo. When we demand the maintenance of the rights, privi- 
leges, and immunities granted by the Sultan to the Greek religion ab 
antiquo, we mean to say the maintenance of the rights, &c. &c, which that 
religion at present enjoys, and which the enjoyment ab antiquo, has, by 
that usage, been confirmed ; but we have no intention of disinterring ex 
antiquo, or of looking for in antiquo (I am not sure of speaking Latin cor- 
rectly), rights which the religion and the clergy may have originally 
enjoyed in former times, but which they no longer enjoy at present." * * 

" At a time when, apparently, you did not consider as affecting in prin- 
ciple the independence of the Sultan, the protectorate which France, more 
explicit and frank than now, declared that she exercised traditionally over 
the Catholic subjects of the Sultan, you yourselves, in conjunction with us, 
imposed on independent Greece the maintenance of immunities such as 
those we ask for. It was settled by you (Great Britain, and that by a 
diplomatic act more significant than a simple note), that the Catholic religion 
should enjoy, in the new State, the free and public exercise of its worship ; 
that its properties should be respected ; that its bishops should be main- 
tained in the full possession of the functions, rights, and privileges, which 
they had previously enjoyed under the patronage of the kings of Prance, 
&c. &c. Well, that is precisely the hind of rights, immunities^ or 'privileges, the 
maintenance of which we demand in Turkey for our religion, our clergy, 
and its possessions ; the whole under the protection of the Sultan, which is cer- 
tainly more considerate in regard to him than the patronage, so plainly- 
expressed, of the kings of France." 

" Do you require a precedent 1 We stand by that one. We wish to 
preserve, not to resuscitate ; we ask for nothing new, and likewise nothing 
retroactive." " Be persuaded, then, that in regard to privileges, we only 
demand what exists, not what may have existed heretofore." 

" We can only deplore the exaggeration of the notion by which, after 
the experience of eighty years, this simple patronage is suddenly looked 

1 Brunnow to the British Government, May 26th, 1853, Parti, pp. 189—194. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, June 27th, 1853, Part I. p. 324, (Inclosure, Nicholas to Seymour, 
p. 327.) 



who's to blame? 



77 



upon as ah entirely novel, religious, and political protectorate, which would 
henceforth make the Emperor of Russia the real sovereign of Turkey, and 
reduce the Sultan to the condition of a vassal." 

" If it is desired to proceed further, and to make war upon us, in order 
to deprive us of it, the Emperor is placed under the necessity of defending 
it to the last extremity, because that patronage constitutes a portion of the 
inheritance of his ancestors, as also of the strength of his empire ; and in 
order to avert an imaginary danger, a certain danger will have been created, 
and a flame lighted up, of which the consequences are incalculable, and of 
which the responsibility will certainly not attach to us." 

In No. 268 1 says Sir H. Seymour, speaking to Count Nesselrode, 
" I spoke of some middle course, which it would not be difficult to 
suggest, for an adjustment of differences. The Chancellor had 
thought upon the point, but could not see any that could be devised. 
You have known me," he said, " for two years ; you have seen that I 
am not inclined to violent measures. Well, / declare to you that I coidd 
not advise the Emperor to recede ; his dignity would be lowered, his 
position would be compromised ; it would be a triumph to the Turks, 
and a humiliation to Russia. The inevitable result' would be war with 
Turkey. The insolence of the Turks would become such, that friendly 
relations with them ivould become impossible." 

All this is sufficiently plain, and, at the same time, quite unanswer- 
able. It is their own interests and power, therefore, not the independence 
and the integrity of Turkey, that they (the allies) are looking after. If 
religious protection in Turkey adds to the political power of Russia, as 
they say it does, the result is, that the religious and civil protectorate in 
Turkey, which they seek, must, if obtained, add to their political power 
and influence; and, consequently, under this union, especially in such 
pursuits, it becomes more dangerous to the peace and to the liberties of 
the world. M. Drouyn de Lhuys helps us (No. 225 2 ) to a clear solu- 
tion of this matter, and his aim on the occasion. " France," he says, 
"has an equal desire" with England "to maintain the integrity and 
independence of the Ottoman empire in its present condition,''' and to 
" encourage the Sultan continually to improve the condition of the 
Christians subject to his rule," " without any foreign power being per- 
mitted to stipulate by itself in favour of one class amongst the subjects 
of the Grand Seignior, on ivhatever interest each stipulation is intended 
to bear." There is no mistaking this Frenchified orientalism. It 
means, as the protectorate, or asserted protectorate of a portion of 
the Sultan's subjects, is a good' thing for Russia, so it must be a good 
thing for us; but " the present condition" maintained, how " progres- 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, June 10th, 1853, p. 278. 

2 Drouyn de Lhuys to Walewski, June 5th, 1853, Part I. pp. 227—229. 



78 



THE WAR : 



sive improvement " is to go on, his Excellency does not condescend to 
tell us, nor was it necessary. France and England united are r he con- 
siders, strong enough to do anything they meditate; therefore Russia 
shall no longer possess the supposed power, but we will take it to our- 
selves, and use it to our advantage. The Sultan, under our protection 
or coercion, must do as we bid him ; and our united power, " by 
threats and by caresses," is sufficient to compel every other European 
power to submit to our rule and government, and in this way to pre- 
serve what we consider to be the proper equilibrium and balance of 
power in Europe ! 

Under this reign of peace, and improvement, and " civilization,''' the 
Latin Church — the Church of Rome — will take, as is her right, the 
supremacy in the East ; and then, with M. Lavalette, France will 
" have all the Holy Places." 

From the departure of Prince Menchikoff from Constantinople to 
the time of the celebrated Vienna note, a great deal of diplomatic work, 
such as it was, was done. The British Foreign Office seems to have 
laboured hardest, and seems to have enjoyed the work, and to have 
considered everything penned therein as unanswerable and sacred as 
the Koran, which they had volunteered to defend against all assail- 
ants. Stratford and Seymour had henceforward their full swing. 
Whether for browbeating or bothering a Russian Emperor or Chan- 
cellor, or for counselling and encouraging a Turkish Divan, prepara- 
tory to turning them into honest Christians like themselves, and 
misleading and irritating a Coalition British Cabinet, certainly no 
better working diplomatists could have been chosen. They were cor- 
dially aided by our " gallant " ally France. Every one of them con- 
ceived (the only proof of their sanity) that Russia, after the failure of 
her ambassador at Constantinople, would have instantly done what 
France and England would have done had they been in her situation, 
namely, commenced hostilities in every quarter which she might 
consider most convenient and advisable. This course has always been 
the custom followed and adopted by all nations, especially by such 
great and civilized nations as France and England. Considering such 
a result as certain, the allies, as they call themselves, set all their wits 
to work to retard or prevent it. 

Lord Stratford eagerly began the further embroilment. He had, on 
the 19th May, 1 asserted, "that it was now the business of Prince 
Menchikoff to paint, in imposing colours," " the observations of 
resentment" and "their contingent ends" which he had created. In 
short, he was to be made the scapegoat for all the errors, to give them 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 22d, 1853, Parti, p. 235. 



who's to blame? 



79 



no harsher name, of all the other parties. The voluminous diplomatic 
correspondence which, for a time, inundated and fevered Europe, was 
grounded in quibbling about the right acquired by Russia under the 
treaty of Kainardji, some denying that it conferred any right of 
" supervision and remonstrance " whatever, and that the object of 
MenchikofFs mission was, as they had all along been distinctly in- 
formed by the Russian Government, the Holy Places only. Both these 
assertions have already been shown to be groundless. 

Of the reckless nature of the statements made by prejudiced diplo- 
matists, the following, made by Lord Stratford de RedclifFe, comes 
properly to be noticed in this place as not the least remarkable. The 
dispute between Russia and Turkey "had," he says (No. 234 : ), "been 
settled to the apparent satisfaction of those concerned." Mark the 
quibble and concealment that lies under the word " apparent? Now 
no one knew better than his Lordship, that the dispute with Russia 
had not been settled, because the guarantee and " solemn national 
engagement " as regarded the future never had been given, and was 
always refused, notwithstanding that all the great powers of Europe 
then acknowledged that it was due and should be given. Had it 
been given, there would have been no war. In No. 184, by and on 
the very eve of Prince MenchikofFs leaving Constantinople, his Lord- 
ship states, that at an urgent interview he had with the Turkish 
ministers, he a reminded them of the guarantee required by Prince 
Menchikoff, and strongly recommended, that if the guarantee was 
inadmissible, a substitute should be found in a frank and compre- 
hensive exercise of the Sultan's authority." He thus admits that 
what was required had not been given, and, consequently, that the 
dispute was not settled. But mark his guarantee, and how he means 
to escape from the position in which the obstinacy and injustice 
on the part of the Turks, by his advice, had plunged themselves 
into. He calls upon, or commands the Sultan to use his " authority 
in the promulgation of a firman, securing both the spiritual and 
temporal privileges of all the Porte's tributary subjects; and by way 
of further security, communicate it officially to the Jive great powers 
of Christendom /" What a subterfuge ! What duplicity and dis- 
honesty ! Russia, the acknowledged offended power, instead of meet- 
ing reparation, is to be placed as the culprit before the tribunal of 
Europe, who seeks to screen the delinquent, and to wrest, not only 
the justice due to Russia from her, but to leave it in the power of 
the domineering states of Western Europe to declare that all the 
treaties which had been made between Russia and Turkey for upwards 
1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 9th, 1853, Part I. p. 170. 



80 



THE WAR: 



of eighty years were of no validity, and to be regulated in future as 
two powers in Europe considered it their interest ! These powers 
were content, in furtherance of their ambitious views, to take the 
simple word of the Sultan as redress in a matter in which they were 
not principals, nor immediately interested, in order to share between 
them the influence and the power which legitimately and justly 
belonged to Eussia. How kind ! France readily renounced all 
claim to her former protectorate in favour of this new plan, which 
would give her a right larger than what she before enjoyed, and 
which would ultimately, according to her calculations, make her 
the chief ruler of Turkey. In No. 183, Part I. p. 175, May 19th, 
1853, Lord Cowley tells us that M. Drouyn de Lhuys was satisfied 
with the arrangement about the Jerusalem affairs, and that La Cour 
was instructed " neither to protest nor to make reserves " against it, 
as he had previously been directed to do. At the same time, he could 
not agree to the principle, that it was right that Eussia should have the 
status quo maintained at that place. 

It was at this period that Lord Stratford and his colleagues, in 
their plan to overthrow Eussian right established by treaty — which 
they found to be unassailable, or at that moment dangerous to 
propound — and Eussian influence on the score of religion, that Lord 
Stratford (see pages 155, 156, April 20th) stated the principle, that 
the question should be made a European question, as M. Drouyn 
de Lhuys had also done. In No. 176, p. 163, May 16ch, Lord 
Clarendon tells us, that "religious influence" gives Eussia "political 
power" in Turkey, consequently the allies must by means of reli- 
gion, "in some way acquire all, or at least the preponderance of 
political power" there, by similar means; and as France and Austria 
are Papal, and England ruled by a coalition, being bound to consider 
this faith as entitled to equality, at the least there will be no great 
difficulty, with the aid of Islamism, to secure the object, namely, 
the subversion of the Greek Church in Turkey, and which will give 
us the supreme command in Turkey. This is the natural conse- 
quence of the course counselled to be adopted, though probably 
Downing Street did not at the time see it. But Lord Clarendon 
goes further in reference to Eussia, when in his official circular, 
(No. 195, p. 202, May 31st,) he asserts that Eussia sought that she 
"should enjoy the exclusive right of intervening for the effectual 
protection of all the members of the Greek Church," &c. Now, 
there is not one passage throughout the whole correspondence where 
such words or proposition, as " exclusive right," is used or even in- 
sinuated. She sought only to retain that which she possessed j and 



who's to blame? 



81 



the undeniable fact that she never interfered or complained at the 
very frequent and just remonstrances of Lord Stratford against the 
cruelties and oppressions committed upon the Greek Christians, or 
rather all Christians throughout the Ottoman empire, is an invincible 
proof that she sought nothing exclusive in such matters, and, that his 
Lordship is wholly wrong in bringing such an unjust, and at this 
moment, irritating but claptrap charge against her. It was specially 
unworthy the character of a British minister. 

The fact is that Russia never did any more, or sought to do any 
more, in this matter, than what England and every Christian power 
in Europe, they admit, had done and would continue to do. Lord 
Stratford's interference in such matters, and that too often justly called 
for, is well known. Nor did he act in this capacity as a private 
individual, but as the representative of the British Government and 
the British nation. Lord Palmerston tells us this explicitly in the 
House of Commons, July 20th, in 1846, when Sir Stratford Canning 
was sent back to Constantinople by him : " He said he would go to 
Constantinople but on one condition — that he should be at liberty to 
exert all his influence, as the ambassador of England, to induce the 
Turkish Government to go on in her system of internal reform, and 
finally to place the Christians and Mahommedans on equal footing. 
I closed with his offer, saying I was only too happy to have the 
benefit of his services, and to possess so trustworthy and deserving 
a minister." This being his object and commission in 1846, it may 
readily be supposed that, on his return in 1853, he was entrusted with 
the same powers, if not greater, (the circumstances of the case demand- 
ing more extensive powers,) than what he held in 1846. The further 
consideration of the subject will show us, and from his own commu- 
nications, how little he has effected in Turkey, Yet, though acting in the 
manner he did, as the organ of the British Government, Russia made 
no complaints against him or his proceedings ; and therefore her pro- 
tectorate, as it is called, was not " exclusive" Moreover, it may be 
asked, Why should Russia be condemned for doing that for her co- 
religionists and next neighbours, which England and France, who have 
no immediate neighbourhood with her, or affinity in point of religion, 
have been praised and commended for attending to 2 

In his very valorous letter, (No. 234, May 22d, 1853, Part I. p. 235,) 
Lord Stratford calls upon Lord Clarendon for immediate hostilities — 
for such, amidst his high-sounding orientalism, is clearly his meaning : 
—"Far from blaming the reservation" of the Turks, "I cannot con- 
ceal from your Lordship that I approve and admire it, even while 
lamenting the necessity, and deprecating the consequences." "If the 

G 



82 



THE WAS 



Porte be right in its apprehensions and resistance, her Majesty's Govern- 
ment will, no doubt, employ their available means for the purpose of 
rescuing it from an imminent danger." In the most ungenerous 
manner, he denounces the intentions of Eussia towards Turkey to be 
" to exclude all other influence, and to secure the means of hastening 
the downfal of this empire, at least of obstructing its improvement, 1 
and settling its future destinies for the profit and advantage of Russia, 
whenever a propitious juncture should arrive." " Those objections," 
he continues, " to the extension of a legalised influence over the 
millions who profess the Greek religion in Turkey, ought by no means 
to exempt the Ottoman Government from the duty of securing to the 
Greeks, and indeed to their tributary subjects in general, the full and 
free exercise of their religious worship," &c. 

It has been already stated and shown, and which will appear in 
a still stronger light hereafter, that the views and intentions of Russia 
were the reverse in everything to what is here assumed ; and, more- 
over, that Lord Stratford was well acquainted with the facts. But 
then, had these been allowed to take their course, Lord Stratford would 
not have had the high honour — some would account it degradation — 
of following, and bringing his country to follow, " in the wake of the 
Turks" (his own words), as both have done • nor of leaving "millions 
of Greek Christians who dwell in the Ottoman territory, formerly the 
rightful inheritance of their forefathers, under the sceptre of the vin- 
dictive and ignorant Mussulman !" 

" What," says Lord Stratford, with a triumphant air, " what would 
be thought in Europe, if France or Austria were to demand a guaran- 
tee from Great Britain for the protection and good treatment of the 
Roman Catholic priesthood in Ireland 1 What if her Majesty's Go- 
vernment were to interfere in a similar manner on behalf of the 
Protestants in France V &c. Can muddy-headed confusion go further 1 
If Protestants in France and Roman Catholics in Ireland were treated 
as Christians in Turkey are treated — were they kept a separate and 
degraded race — were all their lands seized and appropriated to their 
own use by the barbarous conqueror and oppressor — were neither 
life, liberty, nor property safe for one moment — were their evidence 
not admitted in a court of justice against the murdering oppressor, 
which is the real state of affairs with regard to Christians in Turkey — 
and had the powers alluded to a right by treaty to remonstrate 
and call for redress by their government for such enormities, then 

1 This is exactly the. grounds taken by Lord John Russell, and statements made by him, in 
a late debate in the House of Commons. He must be very silly indeed who can believe that 
improvement in Turkey, with Mahommedanism the dictator, is possible or practicable. 



who's to blame? 



83 



France, Austria, and England, as the ease might be, would be perfectly 
justified in interfering, and, if not listened to, to prevent by force the 
oppressor. There is no analogy whatever in the cases adduced by his 
Lordship. It is melancholy to think that such perversity should 
'exist, or be permitted to guide or influence the counsels of this 
country. 

Well, so far Menchikoff has done good. Without him we should 
never have heard of this claptrap ; for claptrap it is, while it acknow- 
ledges that such concessions and reforms were necessary, and remained 
at that time undone. At last a firman, addressed to the Greek Patriarch, 
appeared, (No. 258, 1 ) announcing to him "that the immunities and 
privileges granted to the Greek churches and convents in my domi- 
nions, with the lands and real property' 2 ' dependent thereon, or other 
places consecrated for religious purposes, and other kinds of oratories, 
— that the immunities and rights which peculiarly appertain to the 
Greek clergy, — and, in a word, that the privileges and concessions of 
that kind which are inserted in the Berats, containing the conditions 
relating to the Patriarchs and Bishops, — be for ever maintained," &c. 
A similar instrument was, we are told, to be issued " to the heads of 
the Armenian, Catholic, Protestant, and Israelite communities," and 
" that all those documents were to be communicated to the representa- 
tives of the friendly powers ; and the several privileges and immunities, 
which are recorded more at length in ancient patents or commissions, 
will be repeated in connexion with the firmans." If a.ny more or all 
such were at this time issued, no sight of them is to be found amongst 
the papers that have been published ; and when we come to consider 
the real state of Turkey, we will see, from Lord Stratford's own letters, 
that they had never been heard of, and that they were, and could only 
have been, intended as a deception and snare. 

The fact is, this is the shuffling way that the Turks always pursue ; 
their religion teaches them to sacrifice everything for it. "When 
thou canst not conquer thine enemy by force, attack him by cunning," 
says their legislator. When in danger, any promises that they make 
in order to escape from it for the moment, are not considered binding, 
but may, for the sake of maintaining or extending their faith, be set 
aside whenever an opportunity offers to enable them to do so with 
safety. 

Conscious of the mischief that had been created, and in which he 
knew that he had had the principal share, Lord Stratford, No. 240, 3 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 30th, 1853, p. 270. 

2 These two words show the English hand that drew up the document. 

3 Stratford to Seymour, May 23d, 1853, p. 253. 



84 



THE WAE : 



addressed his fellow-labourer, Sir H. Seymour, in a remarkable style, 
and differing much from his communication to Lord Clarendon at the 
same time and on the same subject. This letter to Seymour was 
penned the second day after Prince Menchikoff had quitted Con- 
stantinople, and was intended to vindicate his own peaceable and 
disinterested conduct, and to urge Sir Hugh to exert himself to pre- 
vent the Russian Government from doing that which he conceived 
they would do, and what they would have been justified if they had 
done. He says : — 

" I shall deem myself sufficiently fortunate, if my letter arrives in time 
to give you a just notion of the causes of his failure, before any mistaken 
or hasty resolution be adopted by the Russian Cabinet in consequence of 
that disappointment. I am the more desirous of bringing the case to your 
knowledge in its true colours, because it has come round to me that I am 
suspected of having mainly contributed to the ambassador's discomfiture." 

He then repeats the old story that no one knew of the extent of 
Prince Menchikoff's demands, — no, not at Vienna, — which demands, 

" When finally made known to the Turkish ministers, were strictly confined 
to them, as matters not to be divulged with impunity to any third party. 
Though I was not long in obtaining access to the secret, I did not the less endea- 
vour to promote an early and amicable adjustment of what belonged more 
particularly to the Holy Places ; and I had the good fortune to receive an 
acknowledgment of my friendly offices from Prince Menchikoff himself. The 
confidential interviews which took place between us, afforded me in due time 
an opportunity, of which I availed myself, to apprize his Excellency of the 
difficulties which I foresaw that he would encounter, whenever he entered 
upon the ground of the Russian protection and Greek privileges." " The 
confidential letter subsequently addressed by me to the Russian ambassador," 
was " less with any hope of inducing him to alter his views, than for the 
purpose of undeceiving him as to the reliance, which I was privately told 
that he persisted, however strangely, in placing on my cooperation." 

Of the Turks he adds :— 

" A government exposing itself courageously to peril on the strength of 
their own convictions, and supported by such a mass of concurrent opi- 
nion, is surely entitled to respect, notwithstanding its numerous errors and 
prejudices? 

Nations can never enjoy peace while diplomatists and statesmen are 
insincere or dishonest. No Jesuit could have confused or misled more 
adroitly. The " confidential letter" was written after Prince Menchikoff 
had decided to leave Constantinople. Here it is unblushingly con- 
fessed that he knew the whole of Prince Menchikoft's demands from 
the Turkish ministers, while it has been previously shown from Lord 



who's to blame? 



85 



Stratford's own correspondence, that Prince Menchikoff informed both 
them and him from the outset what the whole of those demands were, 
and also consulted the latter about them. The settlement between 
France and Russia was one thing ; the settlement between Russia and 
Turkey was another. Stratford attempts to confound them, and to 
make them out one. It was for the former that he received the Prince's 
thanks. We shall by-and-by see more about these generous Turks, 
and this too upon Lord Stratford's authority. They must be weak- 
minded and credulous indeed, who can believe that it was not his 
Lordship's advice that guided and directed the Turks. He says he 
advised the course they adopted. They knew a French fleet was at 
Salamis at their command, and they also knew that his Lordship had 
the British fleet at his and their service at a moment's notice. But 
Russia was not deceived. 

On the 31st of May, Lord Clarendon (No. 194 1 , — attention to dates 
is now very important) directed the British fleet at Malta to proceed to 
Besika Bay, to support Turkey against Russia ; the British Govern- 
ment conceiving no doubt that Russia would, after the customary 
course pursued by civilized nations, declare war and attack Turkey. 
Hence the fleets were directed to be within hail of Constantinople ; the 
French Government, at the same time, directing their fleet to proceed 
from Salamis to the same place. " The danger which threatens the 
Porte," says Lord Clarendon, "may be so imminent, that it appears 
indispensable to take measures for the protection of the Sultan, and 
to aid his Highness in repelling any attack that may be made upon his 
territory." Here there is no mistaking the object, nor misunder- 
standing the menace. From the moment that the fleet moved to any 
point for the purpose mentioned, the peace that had existed between 
England and Russia was broken by the former. And (in No. 203 2 ) 
Lord Stratford privately tells the Sultan : " In the event of imminent 
danger, I was instructed to request the commander of her Majesty's 
foeces in the Mediterranean to hold his squadron in readiness." 

On the 31st May (No. 2 34 3 ) Count Nesselrode addressed Reschid 
Pasha a solemn and decided note, stating his great regret at the failure 
of Prince Menchikoff's mission. He states : — 

" Prince Menchikoff was compelled to come to the determination which 
the Emperor learns with pain, but which his Majesty cannot do otherwise than 
entirely approve." — " Therefore, in addressing this letter to your Excellency 

1 Clarendon to Stratford, May 31st, 1853, p. 199. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, May 10th, 1853, p. 213.' 

3 lnclosure, Nesselrode to Rescind Pasha, May 31st, 1853, p. 246. 



86 



THE WAR : 



I have no other object than to enable you, while it is still in your power, to 
render your sovereign a most important service. Lay once more, Sir, 
before his Highness the true situation of affairs ; the moderation and the 
justice of the demands of Russia ; the very serious offence offered to the 
Emperor, by opposing to his intentions, always so friendly and so generous, 
a distrust for which there is no cause, and refusals for which there is no 
excuse. His Majesty's dignity, the interest of his empire, the voice of his 
conscience, will not allow him to tolerate such conduct in return for that 
which he has always shown, and is still desirous to show, to Turkey. He 
must endeavour to obtain redress for it, and to guard himself against a recur- 
rence of it for the future. Within a few weeks, his troops will receive orders 
to pass the frontiers of the empire, not in order to make war upon the 
Sultan — a war which it is repugnant to his Majesty to undertake against a 
sovereign whom he has always had pleasure in looking upon as a sincere ally, 
and as a well-disposed neighbour, but in order that he may possess material 
guarantees until such time as the Ottoman Government, returning to more 
just sentiments, shall give to Russia the moral securities which she has in 
vain demanded for two years by her representatives at Constantinople, 
and, latterly, by her ambassador." 

He concludes by calling upon him to 

" Sign the draft note which Prince Menchikoff drew up before his depar- 
ture, and which he submitted to you, and is still in your hands," and "to 
forward it as it stands, within a week at the latest, to our ambassador at 
Odessa, where he will still be." 

Till the result of this communication was received at St. Petersburg, 
no further steps were to be taken by Russia. 

That communication arrived in England on the Sth or 9th of June, 
and with it an able Russian communication (No. 234 x ) from Nessel- 
rode to Brunnow, from which I select the following important passages : 

Count Nesselrode to Baron Brunnow, communicated to the Earl of 
Clarendon by Baron Brunnow, June 8th. 

" M. le Baron, — Prince Menchikoff had previously sent to you the two 
firmans more especially relating to the Holy Places — had communicated to 
you the modifications introduced into the first draft of Convention, intended 
to guarantee us against a recurrence of the difficulties which those firmans 
have just removed — and had acquainted you with the vehement opposition 
which our demands met with, principally on the part of the English ambas- 
sador." * * * * 

" Several clauses of that Sened, especially those which related to the 
Patriarchs, Metropolitans, and Bishops of the Eastern Church, having also 

1 Ncsselrode to Brunnow, June 1st, 1853, p. 241. 



who's to blame? 



87 



given rise to objections, Prince Menchikoff took upon himself to suppress 
those clauses entirely. Finally, at the last moment, and when the negotia- 
tion was already broken off officially, the Porte persisting in refusing any 
bilateral act whatever ; our ambassador went so far as to declare that he 
would be satisfied with an engagement in the form of an official note, such 
as that of which he forwarded a copy to your Excellency. All these con- 
cessions were, in their turn, found of no avail. A mistrust, as unjust as it 
was offensive to the Emperor's feelings, obstinately rejected them ; so that 
after several months of fruitless negotiations, although our more urgent 
grievances may have been redressed for the time, they still refuse us the 
formal and positive guarantee against the recurrence of similar acts for the 
future, which we had considered as the indispensable reparation for the 
breach of faith of which we have had to complain, and without which gua- 
rantee the new firmans have no more real value than the one, the tenor and 
execution of which we have lately seen disregarded, notwithstanding the 
solemn promises of the Sultan. 

" The time has therefore arrived when, in spite of the most pacific inten- 
tions, the Emperor, out of regard for his own dignity, and in the fulfilment 
of his duty to Russia, finds himself obliged to adopt towards Turkey a line 
of policy different from that which he would willingly have continued to 
follow. 

" He now hastens to lay before her Britannic Majesty's Ministers, unre- 
servedly, the further measures which he is about to take in the present 
crisis, which has been brought about by a blind obstinacy." 

* * * # 

" He will order his troops to occupy the Principalities, which he will 
retain as a deposit until he has obtained the satisfaction above-mentioned. 

" It is not without extreme and profound regret, that the Emperor finds 
himself forced into adopting such a measure. Even whilst adopting it, he 
still intends to remain faithful to the fundamental principle of his policy, 
that of not wishing to subvert the Ottoman empire. The Emperor, then, 
will not seek any aggrandisement of territory, although occupying, for a 
time, a portion of the Porte's possessions. He will avoid favouring, know- 
ingly and voluntarily, any attempt at insurrection among the Christian 
populations. He only wishes to attain the end, which he will have been 
deliberately forced into seeking by other means than those which he has 
employed without success.; 

" In acting as he has done, and as he intends to do if he is not compelled, 
the Emperor considers that he has remained faithful to the declarations 
made by him to the English Government." 

* -* * * 

" It appeared satisfied with our conciliatory intentions. It frankly 
assisted us at Paris, in that delicate part of the question of the Holy 
Places which was to be arranged with France. When the latter power, 
on the strength of lying rumours current in Constantinople, sent her fleet 
into the Greek waters, the English squadron at Malta did not move. Un- 
happily, the ambassador of England at Constantinople was animated by 



88 



THE WAR : 



different feelings towards us. An incurable mistrust, a vehement activity, 
have characterised the whole of his conduct during the latter part of the 
negotiation. Even after the conversion of the project of Convention into 
a simple Sened, — even after the important modifications introduced into 
the latter by the suppression of the article referring to the Patriarchs,— he 
persisted in refusing us any hind of guarantee whatever for the future. 
We are aware of the efforts which he employed with the Sultan, and also 
with the members of his council, to encourage him to resistance, by seeking 
to persuade him that our menaces would not go beyond the limits of a 
moral pressure, by promising him the support and the sympathies of Europe, if he 
granted to his subjects equality in the eye of the law, and privileges more in 
accordance with the liberal habits of the West. Finally, at the last 
moment, when Prince Menchikoff had consented to abandon even the 
modified Sened, and to content himself with a note, — when Eeschid Pasha 
himself, struck with the dangers which the departure of our legation might 
entail upon the Porte, earnestly conjured the British ambassador not to oppose 
the acceptance of the note drawn up by Prince Menchikoff, — Lord KedclifFe 
prevented its acceptance, by declaring that the note was equivalent to a 
treaty, and was inadmissible.' 

" We appeal from this opinion, originating in passion, to the reason and 
impartiality of the British Government itself. 

" Is it merely a question of principle ? But in principle such a transac- 
tion would be no more derogatory to the rights and independence of the 
sovereign of Turkey, than the capitulations or treaties which the Ottoman 
Porte has concluded with France and Austria. In principle, have not we 
ourselves, by our treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople, obtained the right 
of watching over the interests of our coreligionists in the Turkish pro- 
vinces ? The settlement, by treaty, of one or more ecclesiastical afiairs, 
— a guarantee, likewise secured by treaty, in favour of the interests of a 
foreign communion, are no new things, — are in no respect unusual in the 
relations between one power and another. History furnishes us with more 
than one instance which we might cite in support of this. Thus, among 
other instances, in Austria, — we will only speak of a great state, whose 
power and full independence will certainly not be denied by any one, — the 
civil position of the Protestants originated in treaties concluded in their 
favour by the princes of Germany, who embraced the Reformation and 
took it under their guarantee, without such stipulations having ever been 
considered as derogatory, in their principle, to the Emperor's rights of 
sovereignty. If such covenants could be made with Christian states with- 
out compromising their dignity, a fortiori may they be entered into with a 
Mussulman government, — with a government especially under which the 
Christians have so often seen, not only their religious immunities, but their 
property, and even their lives, menaced." 

* * * * 

" Let the English Government permit us to tell them, with all frank- 
ness, that in thus troubling themselves so much about the inexpediency of 
a Convention, as giving to Russia rights of interference which she did not 



who's to blame? 



89 



possess, they are creating a bugbear for themselves, and contending against 
a phantom. Is it seriously supposed that we stand in need of such an act 
in order to interfere in Turkey in favour of the Orthodox Greeks, if they 
should be threatened in their rights, their interests, their properties, or 
their lives 1 Did we possess such an act when, at the period of the Greek 
Revolution, we broke off our relations with the Porte, in consequence of 
the persecutions carried on against the Orthodox faith 1 Has the absence 
of such a Convention prevented England, and France herself, from interfer- 
ing in Turkey whenever the principles of religious toleration appeared to 
them to be disregarded by the Ottoman Government 1 

" There is one fact which all the precautions and suspicions of diplomacy 
will never be able to gainsay. It is the fact of the sympathy, and of the 
community of interests, which attach our population of fifty millions of the 
Orthodox to the twelve millions and more which compose the majority of 
the Sultan's subjects. However distressing this fact may be to those whom 
our influence alarms, it is still not the less a fact. In all likelihood, we shall 
not be required to renounce that influence in order to dispel exaggerated 
alarms. Even in the impossible supposition that we should wish to do so, 
we could not. All the opposition arrayed against this fact — all the marked 
affectation of precautions against it — all the endeavours to force the Porte 
to brave us out, in order to avert the eventual consequences of idle suppo- 
sitions — only serve to place the matter in a still clearer light before the 
eyes of the Christian subjects of the Porte, and proportionately to weaken 
in their minds the moral authority of the latter ; and instead of manifesting 
towards us, on that account, a distrust as unfounded as it is offensive, it 
would be better to trust to the Emperor's moderation the care of not 
abusing this influence. 

" But, moreover, that is no longer the question. At present there is no 
longer any question of a bilateral Convention, or even of a Sened, but of a 
simple note. The rejection of that note, if we were to tolerate it, would be 
for us a moral defeat, to which we cannot submit ; and having now, by con- 
cession after concession, reached the extreme limits to which a spirit of con- 
ciliation can extend, we are bound in honour to abide by this last demand. 
Upon its unqualified acceptance depend the measures to be adopted by us." 

The reasoning here advanced, and the statements here made, cannot 
be gainsayed. Every page of the correspondence attests its accuracy 
as to facts. But " the policy of suspicion, neither wise nor safe," was 
fast ripening into fruit. They who suspect unreasonably and unjustly, 
cannot feel surprise if their conduct and proceedings create suspicion 
in return ; and thus evils that might have been avoided by confidence 
and plain dealing, are always dangerously increased. 

In adopting the course which she took, namely, entering the Prin- 
cipalities, it is evident that Russia adopted the mildest mode to gain her 
object. Lord Stratford is compelled to acknowledge this. In No. 308 1 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, Juno 20th, 1853, p. 317. 



90 



THE WAR : 



he says, " It is notorious that the Principalities are placed under cir- 
cumstances of a special character with reference to the neighbouring- 
powers ; and the consequences of a foreign military occupation within 
these limits are, in practice, by no means so likely to disturb the 
interests of the Porte, as if a similar act of aggression were committed 
against those parts of the empire which are directly administered by 
this Government. It may be added that, in a military point of view, 
resistance could not be offered to Russia in that quarter, under present 
circumstances, with any prospect of success." — " And therefore the 
Porte, I conceive, may defer the moment of actual and reciprocal 
hostilities without discredit or increase of risk, until an opportunity is 
afforded for learning the sentiments entertained by her Majesty's 
Government, as well as by that of France." In reference to this sub- 
ject, the Times journal made, at the time, the following very pertinent 
observations : — 

"The Principalities," says the Times, July 8th, 1853, " are already 
virtually dissevered from Turkey." The population are wholly Greek 
Christians. " The Principalities," says the Times, July 11th, " are not 
now an integral part of the Turkish empire." Again, Times, June 21st, 
" Hence their condition is extremely distinct, for their Christian adminis- 
tration by native princes or hospodars, and with a deliberative assembly 
of Boyards (which was secured by the act of 1849), take them altogether 
out of the proper dominions of the Ottoman empire ; and it was dis- 
tinctly contended by Mr. Braham, their organ in this country, when he 
addressed Lord Palmerston in 1849, that they did not form integral 
parts of Turkey, though subject to her supremacy." The Turks are 
next denounced, and represented as lost by their precipitation and 
heartless violence against peace. In looking at the dates, it will be 
readily seen that the articles and opinions of the Times were in accord- 
ance with the views of Government at the time, and proves also the 
quarter whence that journal receives, at times, very important informa- 
tion. Hence these articles in it are referred to as satisfactory authority. 

Lord Clarendon, as if awaking from a sound sleep, proceeds under a 
great alarm (No. 195 1 ) to prove, from selecting particular parts of 
despatches, and omitting others, that he was taught to believe that, by 
every one of his correspondents, Prince Menchikoff's mission related 
entirely to the Holy Places, and a special engagement connected with 
them. In this he occupies five folio pages, which never touch the 
main point (Drouyn de Lhuys followed in the same strain), and, con- 
sequently, go for nothing in the dispute : having expended his anger 
against Russia in a way in which, had he been correct, he lowered his 
1 Clarendon to Seymour, May 31st, 1853, p. 200. 



who's to blame? 



91 



country by uttering oue peaceable word unto" her. But a week's reflec- 
tion brought him to think differently. In No. 230, } he instructs Sir H. 
Seymour to say at St. Petersburg thus : " The Emperor cannot doubt 
the warm feelings of friendship towards himself entertained by our 
gracious sovereign; and his Imperial Majesty must also be aware that 
it is alike the duty and the desire of her Majesty's Government to 
maintain the most cordial relations with Russia, feeling how essential 
such relations are to the peace of Europe, and viewing, as they do, 
with alarm and abhorrence, whatever may tend to the interruption of 
that peace." " They do not believe that the door will be finally closed 
against an arrangement which, to them, appears to be still practicable ; 
and they venture, therefore, to hope, that the demands of Russia may be 
confined to the recapitulation of existing treaties and their due fulfil- 
ment " (this, in fact, was really all that was required), u but without 
seeking to extend that influence over the Greek subjects of the Porte, 
that Russia must always and necessarily exercise." But how was this 
settlement to be effected if Russia was wholly wrong • and when, as 
his Lordship informs us (No. 226 2 ), "that her Majesty's Government 
cannot but approve of the rejection, by Turkey, of Prince MenchikofFs 
proposals, which were incompatible with Turkish independence ?" 

Continuing in his warlike humour, Lord Clarendon (No. 25 1 3 ) 
makes the following startling announcements : — " Under the plea of 
confirming ancient treaties, further demands were put forward by the 
Russian ambassador, involving a protectorate of the Greek Church in 
Turkey, not only as regards the spiritual, but also the civil rights and 
immunities of its members. Every concession that could be made was 
offered by the Turkish Government, who, throughout these trying 
negotiations, displayed a most moderate and conciliatory spirit." — 
" Her Majesty's Government have, therefore, entirely approved the 
advice given by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe to the Porte. In these 
views and opinions there is a complete agreement between her 
Majesty's Government and the French Government ; and the English 
and French fleets, which have been ordered to approach the Darda- 
nelles, will act in concert under the orders of the respective ambas- 
sadors of the two countries." In no part of the correspondence is 
there the slightest trace of Russia urging the demand upon Turkey — 
the power, or any power, over the " civil rights and immunities" of the 
Greek Christians. The statement is therefore of a piece with other 
extraordinary and unfounded averments, which the papers before us 

1 Clarendon to Seymour, June 8th, 1853, p. 233. 

2 Clarendon to JJloomfield, June 7th, 1853, p. 229. 

3 Circular to her Majesty's Ministers abroad, June 13th, 1853, p. 264. 



92 



THE WAR: 



contain. It was, in fact, France and England that started at the 
eleventh hour the proposal to include " civil rights !" 

That Russia was not wrong in the principle of her demands, is 
proven by the anxiety which England and other powers evinced to 
bring matters to a peaceful termination. For this purpose, Lord 
Clarendon especially applies to Austria for her good offices. In No. 
252, 1 he states : " The policy of England was essentially pacific ; and 
that her Majesty's Government, so far from entertaining any hostile 
feeling towards Russia, made every allowance for the difficulty in 
which the Emperor found himself placed." — " His position was one of 
singular embarrassment, from which it would be difficult for him to 
recede with honour, or to advance without endangering the general peace, 
which, in common with every other sovereign of Europe, it was his 
duty and his interest to maintain." — " It is the earnest desire of her 
Majesty's Government, that in the event of the Porte again refusing to 
comply with the demands of Russia, negotiation should again be 
resorted to, and the friendly intervention of other powers should be 
accepted." Austria was fixed upon as the mediator, as the most likely, 
for various reasons, to be successful, because, says his Lordship, " if 
the Russian army proceeded beyond the Principalities, and other pro- 
vinces of Turkey were invaded, a general rising of the Christian popu- 
lation would probably ensue, — not in favour of Russia, nor in support 
of the Sultan, but for their own independence ; and it would be need- 
less to add that such a revolt would not be long in extending itself to 
the Danubian provinces of Austria ; but it would be for the Austrian 
Government to judge of the effect it might produce on Hungary and 
in Italy, and the encouragement it might give to the promoters of 
disorder throughout Europe, whom Austria has reason to fear, and who 
even now would appear to think the moment is at hand for the real- 
ization of their projects." In such a too probable state of things, 
what are we to think of those statesmen who would face and advance 
such dangers simply to humour the pride of tyrannical Mahommedans ! 
It is clear from the whole tenor of this despatch, that it was Turkey, 
and not Russia, that ought first to have been commanded, if the four 
powers at all interfered, to listen to reason ; while it is at the same 
time perfectly clear that it was their own interest and safety, and not 
the safety of Turkey, that occupied all their thoughts, and guided all 
their proceedings. 

Lord Clarendon's pugnacious feelings again however return ; and 
Baron Brunnow's pointed memorandum, instead of enlightening, makes 
him more decidedly a Turk, while he adds : " It must be quite 
1 Clarendon to Stratford; June lilh, IS53, p. 965, 



who's to blame? 



93 



unnecessary for me to observe that her Majesty's Government pretend 
not to interfere with the just claim of Russia upon the Porte, nor to 
dispute her right rigidly to enforce the fulfilment of treaties ; but they 
desire that the independence of Turkey may be maintained," &c. 
Well, if Turkey refuses, as she did do, to fulfil the treaties, and Russia 
is compelled to enforce them, who is to blame if, during such enforce- 
ment, the power of Turkey is weakened 1 Not Russia, certainly. 

Here it is necessary to advert to the fleets. It was, as we have 
seen, on the 31st of May that Lord Clarendon ordered the British 
fleet to leave Malta. The Admiralty order left London on the 2d of 
June (see No. 198, p. 210). The directions for the French fleet to 
proceed to Besika Bay, left Paris on the 4th or 5th of June (see No. 
220, p. 225). The British fleet reached Besika Bay on the 13th of 
June, and was heard of at Constantinople on the 16th of June. At 
Besika Bay it was soon after joined by the French fleet. The Russian 
messenger, bearing the rejection by the Turkish Government of Count 
Nesselrode's proposition of the 31st May, left Constantinople on the 
18th June ; and the known arrival of the fleets no doubt influenced — 
and did influence — the Ottoman Government in that decision. In 
reference to the movement and advance of the Russian troops bej^ond 
their own territories, Sir H. Seymour tells us, (No. 27 1, 1 ) " I have the 
satisfaction of acquainting your Lordship, upon the authority of the 
Chancellor, that the final resolution of the Imperial Cabinet as to 
the occupation of the Principalities will be taken only upon the answer 
of the Porte to the last intimation being known at St. Petersburg." 
That order was not therefore given till the return of the messenger 
from Constantinople with the refusal of the demand made. It was 
dated the 27th of June, (No. 31 6, 2 ) and the troops did not cross the 
Pruth till the 4th and 7th of July. Consequently the fleets were 
ordered to Besika Bay one month before it was, or could be, known 
that the troops would be directed to advance, and more before the 
troops crossed the Pruth ; nor would they have moved at all had the 
Ottoman Government acceded to the last demand of Russia, or even 
shown a disposition to have done so. 

Simultaneously with his message to Reschid Pasha of the 31st of 
May, Count Nesselrode issued a most important circular (No. 270 8 ) 
to the Russian ministers in all parts of the world. It placed all the 
parts of the question to the date of it in a clear and visible light. 
My limits compel me to restrict the notice of it to the following 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, June 14th, 1853, p. 288. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, June 28th, 1853, p. 329. 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, June 12th, 1853, p. 281, Inclosure, June 11th. 



94 



THE WAR : 



extracts. The facts stated, the argument upon the treaty of Kainardji, 
and that grounded upon the indisputable fact that Russia did not 
take advantage of the disturbed state of all Europe a few years before 
(1848) to subdue Turkey, if she really meditated to do so, appears to 
be irresistible, and clearly shows to everything but prejudice, suspi- 
cion, and hostility the most inveterate, that she never had any such 
intention. 

Inclosure in No. 270, — Extract from the " Journal de Saint Petersboiirg." 

Circulaire. 

" St. Petersburg, May 30th, 1853. 

" I deem it superfluous to inform you, that there is not a word of truth 
in the pretensions attributed to us by the newspapers, of requiring either 
a fresh aggrandisement of territory, or a more advantageous settlement of 
our Asiatic frontier, or the right of nomination or revocation of the Patri- 
archs of Constantinople, or, in fine, any other religious protectorate what- 
ever which should go beyond that which we traditionally exercise, in fact 
and by right, in Turkey, in virtue of our former treaties. You are suffici- 
ently acquainted with the policy of the Emperor to know that his Majesty 
does not desire the ruin and the destruction of the Ottoman empire, which 
he has himself on two occasions preserved! that, on the contrary, he has 
always considered, and still considers, the actual state of things as the 
best possible combination which can be interposed between all the Euro- 
pean interests, which would not fail to clash in the East if the opening 
should there present itself; and that, as regards the protection of the 
Russian-Greek religion in Turkey, we have need of no other rights for 
watching over its interests than those assured to us by our treaties, by 
our position, by the influence resulting from the religious sympathy which 
exists between fifty millions of Russians of the Greek Church, and the 
great majority of the Christian subjects of the Sultan ; a secular influence, 
and one which is inevitable, because it rests on facts and not on words, — 
an influence which the Emperor found already established when he ascended 
the throne, and which he cannot renounce out of deference to the unjust 
suspicions which it excites, without abandoning the glorious inheritance 
of his august predecessors. 

" This will inform you how unfounded are all the reports which have 
been spread abroad on the subject of Prince MenckikofPs mission, which 
has never had any other object than the settlement of the affair of the 
Holy Places. 

" It would be too long to recapitulate to you in detail the history of all 
the phases through which this affair has passed since the year 1850. We 
are conscious of not having been the first to raise this question. We were 
too well aware how pregnant it was of results for the peace of the East — 
perhaps even for the peace of the world. We have not ceased from its 
commencement, to call the serious attention of the great cabinets to the 
position in which it would place us, and to the serious contingencies which 



who's to blame? 



95 



might spring from it ; and its continued development, by producing at 
length the present crisis, has but too well justified our sad anticipa- 
tions." 

After recapitulating some proceedings, the circular adds : — 

" A firman containing the details of the arrangement was at the same 
time communicated to us. At the head of this firman an autograph hatii- 
scherif of the Sultan recognised and confirmed, in the most formal manner, 
the previous acts granted to the Greeks at different periods, renewed by 
Sultan Mahmoud, and confirmed by the present sovereign. 

" Notwithstanding that this letter and this firman were conceived in 
a spirit and in terms which deviated in some degree from that strict status 
quo which we had always insisted upon maintaining ; those documents 
having, however, appeared to the Emperor to satisfy up to a certain extent 
his just solicitude for the interests and immunities of the Greco-Russian 
religion at Jerusalem, a conciliatory desire induced his Majesty to accept 
them. He took note of them, so as to give them the value of a solemn and 
definitive transaction."' — " You are aware that, unhappily, such has not been 
the case." * * * 

" I should be led on too far were I to recount here all the acts of weak- 
ness, of tergiversation, of duplicity, which signalized the conduct of the 
Turkish authorities, when the question arose of carrying out the engage- 
ments entered into with us, and of proceeding at Jerusalem according to 
the customary forms, to the promulgation, enrolment, and execution of the 
firman. The Turkish commissioner dispatched for this purpose to the 
Holy City, according to the explicit assurance which our mission at Con- 
stantinople had received, when once upon the spot, dared to declare to our 
consul, who insisted on the firman being read and enrolled, that he had no 
knowledge of that instrument, and that no mention was made of it in his 
instructions. Although at a later period, on our representations, the 
firman was finally read and enrolled at Jerusalem, it was not so without 
restrictions injurious to the Eastern religion. But as regards the 
instrument itself, with the exception of the fulfilment of these mere for- 
malities, the principal dispositions of it have been openly transgressed. 
The most flagrant infraction of it has been that of placing in the hands of 
the Latin Patriarch the key of the principal door of the Church of Bethle- 
hem. This delivery of the key was contrary to the precise terms of the 
firman. It was a severe blow to the clergy and the whole population of 
the Eusso-Greek rite, because, according to the received ideas in Palestine, 
the mere possession of the key seems to imply that of the entire Church. 
The Turkish Government thus demonstrated in the eyes of all, even against 
its own interest, the supremacy which it grants to a religion other than 
that to which the majority of its subjects subscribe. 

" Such a disregard of the most positive promises given in the Sultan's 
letter to the Emperor, — so manifest a breach of faith, aggravated still more 
by the proceedings and derisive language of the counsellors of his High- 
ness, — assuredly authorized our august master, wounded in his dignity, in 



96 



THE WAE : 



his friendly confidence, in his religion, and in the religious sentiments 
which he holds in common with his people, to demand at once some 
unequi vocal satisfaction. His Majesty might have done so, if, as he is 
incessantly accused by an opinion altogether erroneous, he sought only 
a pretext for overthrowing the Ottoman empire. But he did not desire 
this. He preferred to obtain this satisfaction by means of a pacific nego- 
tiation. He strove once more to enlighten the sovereign of Turkey as to 
the wrongs he was inflicting upon us, as well as upon his own interests, — 
to appeal to his wisdom from the faults of his council ; and it was to this 
end that he sent Prince Menchikoff to Constantinople. 

" His mission had two objects, still relating to the affair of the Holy 
Places. 

" 1st, To negotiate, in lieu of the firman which had been annulled, a new 
arrangement, which, without depriving the Latins of what they had lately 
acquired (for we wished to avoid, by requiring this retractation, placing 
the Ottoman Porte precisely in the same false position towards France in 
which it stood towards ourselves), should at least explain those conces- 
sions, in such a manner as to take from them the appearance of a victory 
obtained over the Greco-Eussian religion, and should reestablish, by 
means of some legitimate compensation, the equilibrium which had been 
destroyed at the expense of the latter. 

" 2d. To consolidate this arrangement by an authentic act, which should 
serve us at once for a reparation as to the past, and for a guarantee as to 
the future. 

" As regards this first portion of the business of the mission of our Am- 
bassador Extraordinary, very difficult and very embarrassing in itself, 
inasmuch as the question was to reconcile the reciprocal yet contradictory 
rights and interests of Russia and of France, we consider that we evinced 
an extreme spirit of conciliation, a disposition to which, it gives us plea- 
sure to say, the French Government has on its part responded. After 
lengthy discussions, it at length produced its fruits, and the result of it 
was the framing of two new firmans, obtained without opposition from the 
ambassador of France. 

" But, as I have said above, the question to be negotiated presented still 
another aspect. To obtain an arrangement was not all. Without an act 
which should render this valid, which should offer us security that the 
new firmans should be for the future carried out, and religiously observed 
in their principle and in their consequences, it is clear that these docu- 
ments, after the flagrant violation of the one which had preceded them, 
would have no more real value than the latter in our eyes." * * 

" Prince Menchikoff was instructed to endeavour to obtain this, by means 
of a Convention which he was to sign with the Turkish Government. Of a 
treaty, properly so called, there has never been any question. An outcry 
has been raised against the form of this Convention, as being injurious in 
principle to the Sultan's rights of sovereignty ; as, in point of fact, confer- 
ring upon us, in the name of religion, a right of permanent interference in 
the internal affairs of Turkey. It appears to us that this is but creating a 



who's to blame? 



97 



phantom, and prepossessing the mind with fears for which the foundation 
is more specious than real. . 

" In principle, such a Convention, or even treaty, would present nothing 
unusual ; and we do not understand in what they would be more dangerous 
to the rights of the sovereign and independent government of the Sultan, 
than the capitulations or other acts which France and Austria already 
possess in Turkey. For, as regards the mere principle, that is to say, as far 
as regards the independence of the Sultan, it is of little moment whether 
an act applies to a larger or to a smaller number of his subjects, in whose 
favour a right of foreign protection might be exercised. The guarantee by 
treaty, secured in another state to the interests of a foreign communion, 
has been customary from time immemorial. At the period of the Keforma- 
tion, for example, states, even great Catholic states, concluded with others 
treaties, or conventions, by which they guaranteed to the Protestant com- 
munion within their dominions certain privileges, franchises, and immuni- 
ties ; so that, even at the present time, the civil position of that communion 
rests in such states upon those foundations, without the states which have 
given such a guarantee considering themselves on that account to be injured 
in their sovereign rights, or in their political independence. To a still 
greater degree, in principle, may such acts be concluded with a Mussulman 
state, whose Christian subjects have suffered, and do still so frequently 
suffer, not only in their privileges, but in their properties and in their lives. 

" As a matter of fact, as far as concerns us, the thing already exists, and 
the form of a Convention which we have proposed would offer nothing new 
as regards religious protection. The treaty of Kainardji, by which the 
Porte engages constantly to protect in its states the Christian religion and 
churches, sufficiently implies as regards us a right of superintendence and 
of remonstrance. This right is laid down anew, and still more clearly 
specified in the treaty of Adrianople, which confirmed all our previous 
engagements. That of Kainardji dates from 1774. Here, then, we actually 
possess in writing for nearly eighty years, the very right which is now 
disputed with us, and the present mention of which is regarded as necessa- 
rily effecting quite a new revolution in our relations with the Ottoman 
Porte, by conferring on us real sovereignty over the immense majority of 
her subjects. Surely, during this lapse of time, if we had been disposed to 
abuse it, as the incurable suspicions of some will have it, the opportunity 
for doing so would not have been wanting, especially of late, when Europe 
was given up to anarchy, when the governments, powerless against internal 
discord, were absorbed or distracted by the revolutions in the West, and 
left in the East free scope for the ambitious views which are attributed to 
us. If we had the intentions which people choose to imagine, should we 
have waited to put them into execution until peace was reestablished in 
Europe ? Should we have so disposed of our forces as to offer to our neigh- 
bours their moral or material assistance ? Should we have laboured 
zealously, as we have done, to reconcile our allies, and to obviate every- 
thing which could injure the intimate union of the Powers 1 On the con- 
trary, we should have sought to perpetuate their misunderstandings. We 

H 



98 



THE WAR : 



should have left the European governments to contend among themselves, 
or with their revolted populations, and, profiting by their embarrassment, 
we should have hastened without impediment to secure the object of what 
is constantly called our grasping policy. Now that social order is happily 
everywhere reestablished, and that the states, settled on their bases, can 
dispose more freely of their action as well as of their force, the moment 
would be strangely chosen for carrying out such a policy." * * 

" Moreover, Sir, we have never made a Convention, properly so called, 
the condition sine qua non of our reconciliation with the Porte. When the 
minute of the stipulations which he would have to negotiate was delivered 
in this form to Prince Menchikoff, on dispatching him to Constantinople, 
full and entire latitude was left him, not only to modify them as to their 
terras, but also to obtain them under whatever other form might be less 
objectionable to the susceptibilities of the Porte, or of foreign diplomacy. 
It is in accordance with this authority that our negotiator, having arrived 
on the spot, and having convinced himself of the obstacles which our draft 
of Convention would encounter, confined himself to requiring, under the 
title of Sened, an act more in conformity with Oriental usage, and less so 
with the solemn meaning which the word Convention ordinarily implies in 
the public law of Europe. Two comprehensive clauses of this first draft of 
Sened, by which we required, not, as has been pretended, the right of con- 
firming the election of the Patriarch of Constantinople, but simply the 
maintenance of the religious immunities and temporal advantages accorded 
ab antiquo by the Porte to the four Patriarchs of Constantinople, Antioch, 
Alexandria, and J erusalem, as well as to the Metropolitans, Bishops, and 
other spiritual heads of the Eastern Church, having given rise to serious 
objections, Prince Menchikoff consented entirely to suppress those two 
clauses. 

" The result of this was a second draft of Sened, on the acceptance of 
which he long insisted. However, at the last moment, the Porte persisting 
in rejecting every kind of engagement which should assume any bilateral 
and synallagmatic form whatever, our ambassador, acting in the spirit of 
his instructions, went so far as to declare that if the Porte would accept 
and sign at once a note similar to that of which you will find the literal 
draft hereunto annexed, he would, on his side, consent to be satisfied with 
such a document, and to consider it as sufficient reparation and guarantee. 

" This, then, was the real ultimatum insisted on by the Imperial Govern- 
ment at the moment when Prince Menchikoff left Constantinople ; and it was 
in consequence of the delay of the Porte in accepting the document in ques- 
tion, that our negotiator at last weighed anchor for Odessa, and broke off 
our diplomatic relations with the Ottoman Government." * * 

" After three consecutive months of laborious negotiation, having thus 
gone to the utmost Kmit of concessions, the Emperor considers himself 
obliged henceforth to insist peremptorily upon the plain and simple accep- 
tation of the draft of note. Nevertheless, still influenced by the consi- 
derations of patience and of forbearance which have hitherto guided him, 
he grants the Porte a fresh delay of eight days to come to a decision ; after 



who's to blame? 



99 



•which, whatever effort it may cost his conciliatory desires, he will feel 
himself compelled to take measures for obtaining, by a more determined 
attitude, that satisfaction which he has hitherto in vain endeavoured to 
procure by pacific means. 

" It is not without sincere and deep regret that he will adopt this atti- 
tude ; but it has been sought by blindness and obstinacy to thrust him into 
a situation in which Russia, driven, so to speak, to the extreme limit of 
moderation, could not yield another step except at the cost of her political 
dignity." * ' * * " " 

" This examination will suffice, we trust, to dispel the false reports circu- 
lated as to our ambitious pretensions, and to show that, if the rejection of 
the final means of accommodation which we propose for the solution of the 
difficulties which have been opposed to us in the affair of the Holy Places 
should lead to complications dangerous to peace, it is not upon us that, in the 
eyes of the world, the responsibility ought to restT 

"A heavy responsibility," says Lord Stratford (No. 234 "must 
weigh upon that government which has unnecessarily brought matters 
to so dangerous a pass," — yes, heavy indeed, on such a government and 
its agents ; and history will most unquestionably throw his Lordship 
into that weight, when it examines his views and his schemes in reference 
to Turkey, exposes their errors, and records their failure. " There is 
nothing," says Sir H. Seymour (No. 244 2 ) "in the demands which can 
fairly be made by Russia on the Porte, which, under temperate nego- 
tiation, or impartial arbitration, could not be obtained with honour to 
the Emperor, and without danger either to the independence of 
Turkey, or to the peace of Europe." So common sense and honesty, not 
acting under a " policy of suspicion," would say and believe. Austria, 
in this state of things, was referred to as the " impartial " arbitrator. 
She accepted the important and disagreeable office at the request of 
France and England, and with the cordial approbation of Russia. We 
shall shortly see how far she succeeded. In No. 274 3 Lord Clarendon 
tells us that Count Buol, her minister, asked " for the cooperation of 
her Majesty's Government with the Turkish Government, and the inti- 
mation of our confidence in the Emperor of Russia, whose assurances 
that by the occupation of the Principalities he does not intend w r ar nor 
territorial aggression," being satisfactory, he " expressed an earnest hope 
that the powers will abstain from all demonstrations that might excite 
the hopes of the Porte, and still further embarrass the Emperor of 
Russia with reference to the national and religious feelings of his people." 
With that "policy of suspicion" which seems constantly to haunt and 

1 Redcliffe to Clarendon, May 22d, 1853, p. 235. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, June 9th, 1853, p. 275. 

3 Clarendon to Westmorland, June 21st, 1853, p. 290. 

H 2 



100 



THE WAR: 



to animate him, Lord Clarendon tells the Austrian ambassador that his 
communication from his Government " would be more satisfactory if it 
were less one-sided," in other words, to please us you should side with 
Turkey, — certainly not a very auspicious sign of imjiartial arbitration, 
or decided honest negotiation. The views of Austria at this time, in 
reference to the quarrel, are explicitly stated by Lord Westmorland 
(No. 272 1 ), " If war were to be the consequence of what may take place, 
the policy of Austria would be to acknowledge the right of each of the 
four Powers to act according to its own convictions : the Austrian 
Government will take no engagement either with Turkey to support 
her, or with Russia not to oppose her, — it will remain free to act ac- 
cording to its own judgment :" and, subsequently, he at different times 
stated that Austria was resolved to maintain a " strict neutrality," in 
the event of hostilities taking place. 

Previous to the commencement of the Vienna note manufacture, 
some strange circumstances occurred, and statements were made in 
more quarters than one that are not unworthy of notice. Thus we 
find that Sir H. Seymour has either a very bad, or a very convenient 
memory : in No. 248, 2 that Count Nesselrode informed him that "the 
orders for the advance of the troops would be given by the general in 
command there" (Odessa), as soon as the messenger with the refusal of 
the Turks to accede to the note of the 31st May, should arrive at that 
place. In No. 271 3 he tells us, on the authority of the same Count 
Nesselrode, that " the final resolution of the Imperial Cabinet as to 
the occupation of the Principalities, will be taken only upon the answer 
of the Porte to the last intimation being known at St. Petersburg." 
In No. 285 4 he further says, that at that date "no very decided course 
appears to be fixed by the Imperial Cabinet." Such inconsistencies in 
such important matters are not only most reprehensible, but dangerous, 
and go to destroy confidence in such authority. 

Again (in No. 330 5 ), Sir Hamilton Seymour tells us that the Emperor 
of Russia was much pleased with a plan devised by the French ambas- 
sador at Vienna, M. Bourqueney, and which he would readily accept. 
In No. 3 17 6 Seymour sketches this plan thus : "According to M. de 
Bourqueney's plan, a Turkish minister should be despatched to St. 
Petersburg, as bearer of the note twice proposed in vain by Russia. 
It was, however, to be agreed, that this note was to be delivered only 

1 Westmorland to Clarendon, June 11th, 1853, p. 271. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, June 10th, 1853, p. 277- 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, June 14th, 1853, p. 288. 

4 Seymour to Clarendon, June 14th, 1853, p. 295. 

5 Seymour to Clarendon, June 28th, 1853, p. 330. 

6 Seymour to Clarendon, June 27th, 1853, p. 324. 



who's to blame ? 



101 



upon the clear understanding that a corresponding answer (the terms 
of which should be previously agreed upon) should be returned on the 
behalf of the Emperor, in which his Majesty should express the sense 
which he attributed to the protecting powers conferred upon him, and 
should at the same time give satisfactory assurances of the temperate 
use which he should make of them." In No. 315 1 Lord Cowley tells 
us, that M. Drouyn de Lhuys told him, on the authority of Bour- 
queney, 11th June, that the plan was one of the schemes "put forward 
on the part of the Russian minister, in consultation with the Russian 
minister, M. Meyendorf." In No. 339 2 Lord Cowley tells us that 
" M. Bourqueney denies, in the most positive terms, being the author 
of the project for the settlement of the Oriental question, which bears 
his name ! ! " 

In No. 323 3 Lord Stratford transmits the firman dated 7th June, 
announcing religious freedom and security to the Greeks, Armenians, 
and Jews (a similar firman in favour of the Protestants had also been 
issued, see No. 307, June 12th, 1853, p. 316), in the Ottoman empire. 
It is a repetition of unmeaning Oriental words, but proves that such 
an order was wanted, and that none of them had previously enjoyed 
complete religious freedom and security. At this moment, however, it 
was a delusion, and intended as such. It was never put in execution, 
nor intended to be so ; nor would it ever have been thought of, had it 
not been to oppose and to thwart MenchikofF. Not a word is said 
about political rights previously quietly advised by Stratford ; and this 
fact we shall prove from his subsequent correspondence, when we 
come to that more particular notice of the general subject, which, 
though promised, had not then been put in execution. 

But the most extraordinary part of the proceedings is disclosed in 
No. 321 4 and its inclosures, the latter occupying some pages, in the 
vindication of the character and political sincerity of Lord Stratford, 
in those momentous negotiations contained in the charge brought 
against him by Russia, that it was his advice that induced the Porte 
to refuse the propositions of Russia. No one who peruses the corre- 
spondence can fail to see that it was Stratford's advice, given on every 
occasion to the Turks, that induced them to remain obstinate; and 
that that advice was what they sought, courted, and obtained from their 
preceptor. The authority adduced in his favour is that of M. Pisani, 
the Turkish minister Reschid Pasha, and one Alison. The authority 

1 Cowley to Clarendon, July 4th, 1853, p. 322. 

2 Cowley to Clarendon, July 11th, 1853, p. 357. 

3 Stratford to Clarendon, June 24th, 1853, p. 33S. 

4 Stratford to Clarendon, June 24th, 1853, p. 331. 



102 



THE wae: 



of such personages goes for very little. It is not likely that they would 
criminate themselves, while it has been shown, previously, how little 
they are entitled to credit for plain dealing. Moreover, the day was, 
when no British ambassador would ever have thought, for one moment, 
of seeking a vindication of character for any part of his public con- 
duct and proceedings, or the British Government dreamed of requiring 
it. But both, in this case, felt they required it, and their prot&ges, 
the virtuous, holy, and veracious Mohammedans, were, as a matter of 
course and gratitude, their ready supporters. They readily asserted 
that Lord Stratford's acts were their acts alone, though, at the same 
moment, they unblushingly avow that they joyfully received his kindred 
advice in everything. Lord Stratford is compelled to admit (No. 206 l ) 
that, even at that date, thus : " The resistance which he (Menchikoff) 
encounters at the Porte may he steadied by foreign sympathies." Cer- 
tainly ; of this there can be no doubt. When Stratford, to advance 
his views, and to gratify his predilections, had suffered the Turks to ride 
over him, and he and his country to be " led in their ivake," as we shall 
by-and-by find is admitted to be the case, we shall see what his Lord- 
ship thinks of such supporters. 

At this time the general manufactories for notes and protocols 
throughout Europe were established. A strange collection and for- 
midable array they were ; nothing like it was ever before witnessed in 
Europe or the world. There was one in London, one in Paris, one at 
Vienna, one at Constantinople, one at Berlin, and one at St. Peters- 
burg, each consisting of five ministers, exclusive of the cabinet bureaus? 
each of those consisting of from two to four acting members. Shakspeare's 
witches were only three in number, and had only one cauldron ; but 
here we have five deputy cauldrons, and twenty deputy witches, besides 
five head cauldrons with, we shall say, from fifteen to twenty efficient 
witches to each. That for Great Britain, Lord Clarendon informs us 
consisted of himself and three other members of the cabinet, namely, 
Lord Aberdeen, Lord Palmerston, and Lord John Russell, the master 
spirit. The Turkish number was much greater, exceeding, on some occa- 
sions, 120. Each were indefatigable in his way in procuring and throw- 
ing in mischievous ingredients into their particular, and also the general 
or head- quarters' cauldrons. But Stratford finally prevailed. He either 
forestalled their best-laid plans with something new and uncertain — 
"the Turkish view of the question''' — or knocked them on the head as 
soon as they came to light. All parties got bewildered. Russia gave 
up concert as impracticable, and confined herself to her own cauldron. 
The British Cabinet seemed either to have had no judgment of its own, 
1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 14th, 1853, p. 216. 



who's to blame? 



103 



Or to have surrendered it wholly to the judgment of others. They 
unsaid to-morrow what they had said to-day, and at last yielded to 
whatever Stratford told them. France, for a time, affected to follow in 
their wake, till, having got them so far in that they could not securely 
retreat, she tripped up their heels, though not without some unmean- 
ing grumbling, and endeavoured to take the lead. They plagued Lord 
Stratford, but still he, apparently, maintained his ground, till finally 
he, the Turk, and his country, produced, as we shall finally see, and as 
this country will bitterly feel, their master I 

If the enemy of mankind himself had been set to concert a system 
to produce mischief, he could not have been more successful in such a 
combination of politicians and diplomatists as were here arrayed without 
any definite object. The result was and might have been anticipated 
— li double, double, toil and trouble" — confusion and war, such as we 
now see spread and spreading over the world. 

The first production of this mighty and holy Mussulman alliance was 
the celebrated Vienna note. The correspondence about it extends over 
150 folio pages. Intermixed as the question and pages are with a vast 
mass of rubbish, it is difficult to grasp, or to condense into any readable 
or moderate space, the real and substantial merits of the proposition, 
which, after all, could have been comprehended in a nutshell, or at 
least into an oystershell, the contents being equally brainless. The 
substance of the first Vienna note was drawn up in Paris, and with the 
assent of the British Government, afterwards worked up (what little 
remained to be done) at Vienna, in the official and supposed perfect 
shape in which it came forth to the world. But, before this, the Rus- 
. sian Government issued another circular of great importance, as show- 
ing fully their objects, and the grounds of their demands. It may be 
advisable to advert to this in the proper order of the subject, and as 
bringing us to understand more clearly the merits or the defects of the 
Vienna note alluded to. It is found in No. 329. 1 The following 
extracts are clear and important : — 



Circular Despatch from Count Nesselrode to the Russian Ministers at Foreign 
Courts {communicated to the Earl of Clarendon by Baron Brtjnnow, 
July 9). 



" Sir," 



- St. Petersburg//- f™' 1868. 



[After adverting to the note required from Turkey regarding the 
Holy Places, and stating that that note a contains in reality nothing 
1 Circular by Nesselrodc, July 2d, 1853, p. 345. 



104 



THE war: 



as regards the general guarantee required in favour of religion, but the 
mere confirmation of what we long since possess," it proceeds : — ] 

" In offering this alternative to the Porte, we had more particularly 
apprised the great cabinets of our intentions. We had specifically urged 
France and Great Britain not to complicate the difficulties of the case by 
the attitude which they might assume, nor to take precipitately measures 
which, on the one hand, might be calculated to encourage the resistance of 
the Porte, and on the other might involve, still more than they were already 
implicated in the question, the honour and dignity of the Emperor. 

" I regret now to announce to you that this twofold attempt has unfor- 
tunately been fruitless. 

" The Porte, as you will perceive by Eeschid Pasha's enclosed letter, has 
returned a negative, or, at all events, an evasive answer to the letter which 
I had addressed to him. 

" On the other hand, the two maritime powers have not thought fit to 
defer to the considerations which we had submitted to their serious atten- 
tion. Taking before us the initiative, they have deemed it indispensable 
to anticipate at once, by an effective measure, the measures which we had 
announced as merely eventual, since we made the execution of them to 
depend on the final resolutions of the Porte ; and at the time I am writing, 
the execution of them has not commenced. They have forthwith sent their fleets 
to the neighbourhood of Constantinople ; they already occupy the waters 
and ports of Turkey within reach of the Dardanelles. By this advanced 
attitude, the two powers have subjected us to the pressure of a menacing 
demonstration, which, as we had given them to understand, must still fur- 
ther complicate the existing crisis. 

" Having to deal with the refusal of the Porte, supported by the mani- 
festation of France and England, it is more than ever impossible for us to 
modify the resolutions which the Emperor had made to depend on it. 

" Accordingly, his Imperial Majesty has sent orders to the corps of our 
army at present stationed in Bessarabia, to pass the frontier in order to 
occupy the Principalities." 

# # * * 

" In occupying the Principalities for a time, we disclaim at once all notion 
of conquest. We do not seek to obtain any aggrandisement of territory. 
Knowingly and voluntarily, we will not seek to excite any commotion 
among the Christian population of Turkey. So soon as the latter shall 
have granted to us the satisfaction which is our due, and so soon as the pres- 
sure upon us, caused by the attitude of the two maritime powers shall cease, our 
troops will instantly retire within the Russian frontiers." 

* * * * 

" We do not conceal from ourselves, Sir, the importance of the position 
which we have taken up, and the consequences which may eventually result 
from it, if the Turkish Government should force us to pass beyond the 
narrow and limited circle to which we desire to restrict ourselves." — 
" Moreover, the principles so peremptorily laid down, notwithstanding the 



who's to blame? 



105 



moderate language in which they are couched, in Reschid Pasha's reply, as 
likewise in his note of the 26th of May last to the representatives of the 
four powers at Constantinople, would tend to nothing else, if taken literally, 
than to call in question all the rights which we have acquired, and to nullify all 
our antecedent compacts. 

" In fact, if the Ottoman Government deems every diplomatic engage- 
ment whatever, even under the form of a simple note, in which it might be 
proposed to stipulate with a foreign government concerning religion and 
churches, to be opposed to its independence and its rights of sovereignty, 
what becomes of the engagement which it has heretofore contracted with 
us in a form far more obligatory, to protect in its dominions our religion 
and its churches 1 

" If we should admit so absolute a principle, we must, with our own hands, 
tear in pieces the treaty of Kainardji, as well as all those which confirm it, and 
voluntarily renounce the right which they have conferred upon us, of 
watching over the effectual protection of the Greek religion in Turkey. 

" Is that what the Porte desires ? Does it propose to extricate itself 
from all its former obligations, and to extract from the existing crisis the 
perpetual abolition of an entire state of things which was long since 
established ? Impartial Europe will understand that, if the question is 
stated in these terms, it would, notwithstanding the most conciliatory 
intentions, never admit, as far as Russia is concerned, of a pacific solution ; 
for our treaties, our secular influence, our moral credit, and our most 
cherished feelings, national as well as religious, would be at stake. 

" Let us be allowed to say it ; the present discussion, and all the clamour 
which the press, independently of the cabinets, has made about it, rest on 
a mere misunderstanding, or on want of sufficient attention to all our poli- 
tical antecedents. 

" People seem to be ignorant, or to lose sight, of the fact that Russia, 
from her position and by treaty, virtually enjoys an ancient right of watch- 
ing over the effectual protection of her religion in the East ; and the main- 
tenance of this ancient right, which she cannot abandon, is represented as 
implying the wholly novel pretension to a protectorate at once religious 
and political, the future extent and consequences of which are exaggerated. 
The whole of the present crisis is the result of this misconception. 

"The extent and consequences of our pretended new political protec- 
torate have no real existence. We only ask for our coreligionists in the 
East, the strict status quo, the maintenance of the privileges which they 
possess ab antiquo under the protection of their sovereign. 

" We will not deny that there accrues to Russia from this state of things 
what may justly be designated as a religious patronage. It is what we have 
from all time exercised in the East. Consequently if, up to the present time, 
the independence and sovereignty of Turkey have been able to co-exist with 
the exercise of this patronage, why should either of them suffer from it 
hereafter, from the time that our pretensions are reduced to what, in fact, 
amounts to nothing more than its mere confirmation 1 " 

* * * * 



106 



THE WAR: 



" We have said, and we repeat it, the Emperor is no more desirous now 
than he has been heretofore, of overthrowing the Ottoman empire, or of 
aggrandising himself at its expense. After the very moderate use which, 
in 1829, he made of the victory of Adrianople, when that victory and its 
consequences placed the Porte at his mercy ; after having, alone of all the 
powers in Europe, preserved Turkey in 1833 from an inevitable dismem- 
berment ; after having, in 1839, taken the initiative with the other powers 
in the proposition which, being executed in common, again prevented the 
Sultan from witnessing his throne give place to a new Arab empire ; it is 
almost tiresome to adduce proofs of this truth. On the contrary, the fun- 
damental principle of our august master's policy has always been to 
uphold, as long as possible, the actual status quo of the East. He has 
desired, and still desires it, because such is, after all, the well-understood 
interest of Russia, already too vast to require an extension of territory ; — 
because the Ottoman empire, prosperous, peaceable, inoffensive, placed as 
an useful intermediary between powerful states, arrests the conflict of rival 
interests, which, were it to fall, would instantly come into collision and 
contend among themselves for its ruins ; — because human foresight wearies 
itself to no purpose in the search of the arrangements best adapted to 
supply the void which the disappearance of this great body would occasion 
in the political balance. But if such are the real, avowed, and sincere 
views of the Emperor, it is necessary, in order that he may be able faithfully 
to adhere to them, that Turkey should act towards us in such a manner as to offer 
v.s a chance of co-existing with her ; that she should respect our special trea- 
ties, and the consequences resulting from them ; that acts of bad faith, 
that underhand persecutions, continued vexations directed against our 
religion, should not produce a state of things which, insupportable in the 
long run, should compel us to trust for a remedy to uncertain chance." 

No declaration, no explanation of her proceedings, nor denial of the 
ambitious charges brought against her, were of any avail on the part 
of Russia. Mecca and Rome, Paris and London, Protestant and Papist 
fraternised together, and arrayed themselves in the crusade against 
the Greek Church, in order, through Russia, to crush it, and leave it 
to be trampled under the hoofs of Islamism, — that compound of the 
leopard, the bear, and the lion, — which had trampled it in the dust 
for so many ages. To their shame, as they will also and certainly 
ultimately feel to their sorrow, and in order to support the worldly 
interests and ambition of each, Turkey, France, and England hurried 
on the contest, which is to shake the world, and with it their strength 
and their power, amongst that of others. Protocols and plans became 
for a time as plenty as blackberries in a fine autumn ; each consider- 
ing the berry that grew on his own field the best. Lord Clarendon 
led the way, and, as he informs us, with the approval of France. In 
No. 330 1 he gives us his plan, and a simple one it was ; but how it 

1 Clarendon to Stratford, July 9th, 1853, p. 349. 



who's to blame? 



107 



was cushioned or cut up the papers do not show. Next we have, in 
No. 344, 1 Seymour's, which Count Nesselrode thought might pass and 
terminate the dispute; but in Nos. 351 and 352, 2 Lord Clarendon 
informs us that though he approved of, it could not be recommended, 
" because two, if not three, projects are now under consideration, and 
any addition to the number would cause loss of time, and might pos- 
sibly lead to confusion !" All those recognised the full force and 
validity of the treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople, on which Russia 
grounded her demands on Turkey, and the validity and authority of 
which were afterwards denied by the same parties in other places. 

Another remarkable feature of the case now comes into view, 
namely, that Lord Clarendon recommends the plan for a settlement 
of the quarrel to be drawn up as a convention, the form originally pro- 
posed by Prince Menchikoff, and which had been so violently and 
virulently denounced and assailed by the same parties. Count Buol 
entered upon his mediatory course with vigour. Regretting the hasty 
(as he then considered it) step taken by Russia, in the occupation of 
the Principalities, he nevertheless was eager, for the sake of peace, to 
bring the Turks to listen to reason and truth. In No. 332, 3 Lord 
Clarendon lets us know Count Buol's opinion on various points. He 
asserts that " Prince MenchikofFs note contained no other engagement 
than that which the Porte in its last note was willing to give." — " To 
this naval possession Russia can only oppose a military possession. 
By thus compromising the dignity of Russia, and giving encourage- 
ment to the Porte, the Cabinet of St. Petersburg has been placed in 
a position to render all negotiation impossible, whatever modifications 
might be proposed to the Russian note." — "Russia asks nothing more, 
nothing that implies an intervention in the internal affairs of Turkey, 
nothing that will go beyond the right of superintendence (surveillance) 
over the Orthodox creed and its churches, resulting from the treaty of 
Kainardji." In No. 333, 4 Count Buol proceeds : "But if, emboldened 
by foreign sympathy, it withdraws from that which it has already 
conceded by the note transmitted to Prince Menchikoff ; and if it (the 
Porte) thinks, that notwithstanding the gravity of the circumstances, 
it can decline any description of diplomatic engagement, even such an 
one as should be confined to a promise given in a note, it would, in 
the opinion of the Austrian Government, commit a grave error, which 
might have the most disastrous consequences." Count Buol also 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, July 8th, 1853, p. 359. 

2 Clarendon to Cowley and Clarendon to Seymour, July 19th, 1853, p. 309. 

3 Clarendon to Westmorland, July 9th, 1853, p. 351. 

4 Clarendon to Westmorland, July 9th, 1853, p. 353. 



108 



THE WAB : 



decidedly states, "that the Porte must consider the occupation of the 
Principalities as a direct consequence of its 1 inefficient ' answer to the 
Russian Cabinet, and will have to bear all the responsibility of it." 
Those facts or points Connt Buol engaged to urge upon the Ottoman 
Government, and requested that our ambassador at Constantinople 
might be instructed to support the Austrian ambassador at Constan- 
tinople in forwarding his object. Those declarations were unpalatable 
to Lord Clarendon, who quibbled about dates and times, to enable him 
to get clear of the error that he had committed; and not only declined 
(p. 3 5 2) to give any assurance that the fleets would be withdrawn 
from the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles, but turns round and calls 
upon Count Buol " to urge upon the Emperor of Russia the necessity of 
modifying his demands," for the strongest of all reasons, but which is 

JO ' o > 

of a piece with all the other reasoning advanced on the Turkish side 
of the question, namely, "that the spirit of fanaticism in Turkey was 
quite equal to that which had been excited in Russia I" Count Buol, 
however, commits a serious mistake (JSTo. 334, Clarendon to Westmor- 
land, Part I. p. 354:, July 11th, 1853) when he places the Turkish 
firmans, confirming the religious privileges of the Greeks, as a suffi- 
cient substitute for "the guarantee for the future" required by Russia ; 
because, first, these firmans were promulgated long after the dispute 
began, indeed, not till it reached its culminating point ; and, secondly, 
that Russia might and justly have sought for some " national engagement 
having the force of a treaty, because previous firmans had been 
violated ; and what one firman conceded, another firman could at 
a future day cancel, and could never be considered as binding upon 
the Turkish Government." On the point adverted to, the declaration 
of the Russian Government was clear and explicit, and founded upon 
undeniable facts. In 319, Seymour says, on the direct authority 
of Count Nesselrode, — " The Emperor's Government could not accept 
of any firman in the light of an adequate reparation ; that which one 
firman granted, another, as had been seen, could overthrow ; and, con- 
sequently, that the Emperor desired the concessions made by the Porte 
should be sanctioned by some instrument having the force of a national 
engagement.'' Consul Neale tells us, and tells us truly, that Turkish 
firmans are " waste paper" and that under such regulations and appa- 
rent concessions the Christian population (p. 55) will " he worse off" 
than ever. 

From page 360 to page 367, inclusive, is occupied by the lengthened 
circulars of Drouyn de Lhuys and Lord Clarendon — the one the echo 
of the other, and on this occasion the Siamese twius of the diplomatic 
farce enacting. They are both equally composed of quibbles, and mis- 



who's to blame? 



109 



statements, and misrepresentations about Prince Menchikoff's proceed- 
ings and objects, and about the movement of the fleets as contrasted 
with the Russian occupation of the Principalities. All these state- 
ments, and averments made to make them appear innocent, have been 
sufficiently disproven in the preceding narrative of the transactions. 
It shows a sad want of facts, and just reasoning, and honesty, on the 
part of those statesmen, to have had recourse to them. 

At this moment, having taken two weeks to collect his breath, and 
before he could have learned from his Government, or any other 
quarter, the effects which the failure of Prince Menchikoff's negotia- 
tions had produced at any other place, Lord Stratford (No. 353 x ) 
again urges his Government to war, and assures them that the Turks 
were determined upon it. This extraordinary communication shows 
the schemes of the individual, and the dangerous spirit which had long 
guided and animated him. Canting all the while about the blessings 
of peace, and the great moral ascendency that Turkey had gained and 
Russia had lost during the previous proceedings, he tells Lord Clarendon 
to buckle on his armour, and, in conjunction with France, to take 
the field without delay; and for this he gives some extraordinary 
reasons, and jumps at strange conclusions. He says, — 

The Porte " has made every reasonable concession ;" insinuates that the 
colossal power of Russia is and may be doubted, " when fairly put to the 
test by operations in a foreign country." — " If the ultimate exclusion of 
Russia from the Greek protectorate, or from the Principalities, is really 
that important object which has hitherto been presumed, success, I humbly 
conceive, will never be achieved, according to any reasonable calculation, 
without a previous understanding on the part of England and Prance to 
stop at no sacrifice necessary to secure it." 

Bewailing the great embarrassments which have visited Turkey, and 
expenses which she had incurred, and as if her state only deserved 
consideration, and how much these may be increased by circumstances, 
he proceeds : — 

" Already the disaffection prevailing in Bulgaria threatens to end in an 
insurrection of the Christians. A party in Servia is at the same time 
suspected — I hope erroneously — of looking to the first occasion for making 
a push towards independence. The whole of European Turkey, from the 
frontier of Austria to that of Greece, is almost denuded of regular soldiers, 
and exposed to the protection of Albanian hordes, habituated to turbulence 
and plunder." — " The Montenegrins are preparing to make an incursion 
into Turkey, with the prospect of finding sympathy and cooperation 
among the Christian tribes in that neighbourhood. A spirit of fanaticism, 
dangerous alike to the rayahs and to the authorities — dangerous to 
neglect, and difficult to control — appears to be rising in other parts of the 

L Stratford to Clarendon, July 4th, 1853, p. 370. 



110 



THE WAR: 



country. The Greeks, though still quiet, have taken up a position, and 
hold in society a language which indicates views of ambition unrestrained 
by principles or by treaties." — " I have the honour to enclose, under 
another despatch, the various extracts of consular correspondence on which 
these apprehensions are principally founded." — " The Sultan's Mussulman 
subjects are generally animated with a noble spirit of loyalty and devotion, 
though tainted with feelings of cruelty and fanaticism, while the Govern- 
ment themselves are ready to stake all upon the question at issue, pro- 
vided they may reckon upon the cordial support and cooperation of England 
and France. The resources of the country are also known to be immense." 
— " The necessities of a hazardous position are not unlikely to bring them 
into fuller activity for the benefit of other and more enterprising nations. But 
the efficient aid of powerful auxiliaries would seem to be the indispensable 
condition of a protracted and successful contest." 

" In no direction is the prospect a cheering one, — and should a resort to 
force be unavoidable, the struggle must necessarily be sharp, and the con- 
test uncertain. In any case, nothing can be worse than a hesitating, uncal- 
culated course." — " Let it be remembered that an evil which is only 
postpofied, or evaded, is liable to recur with more inconvenience and danger 
at no remote period, and that by venturing at once to look it in the 
face, we afford ourselves the best chance of viewing it in its proper propor- 
tions, and employing the most judicious means for its correction. Hence- 
forward that extensive empire, of which Constantinople is the capital, must 
in all likelihood either take colour from Russia, or be assimilated to Europe. 
In the latter case, British influences and interests may be expected to find 
a widening field for their development : in the former, they may be tolerated 
for a time, but they will probably decline by degrees, and be finally ex- 
cluded. I can hardly doubt that the notion of Eeschid Pasha and his 
friends, if fully supported from without, is, in failure of negotiation, to 
settle accounts with Russia o?ice for all, and in pursuance of his earlier promises^ 
and of my urgent and repeated representations, to carry out a system of internal 
improvement calculated to raise the condition of the Sultan's Christian subjects, 
and to place the Turkish empire on a footing of close connexion with the 
leading, and particularly with the Western, Eoioers of Europe. The idea is no 
less brilliant than benevolent ; but to'realise it would be difficult, though far 
from impossible ; and the Porte's existing sense of danger, and need of 
assistance, are powerful aids to success," &c. 

Where, it may be asked, was the chance that war could be avoided, 
under such guides, advisers, and inspirations? It is clear that the 
course to be pursued was taken and predetermined, namely, to tear 
asunder all existing treaties between Turkey and Russia, in order that 
the influence and rights that these gave the latter, might be trans- 
ferred to the " influence and the interests " of England (what of 
France 1 what of Austria 1), under whose dictation and sceptre Turkey 
was to be changed — regenerated — while continuing to be ruled by 
Mahommedan despotism and intolerance ; so that Lord Stratford, at 



who's to blame? 



Ill 



the expense of this country, might be enabled to try to carry out his 
crude and impracticable theories. None who peruse the communica- 
tion just quoted can be at a loss to ascertain the channels of informa- 
tion which filled, guided, and directed the columns of portions of the 
periodical press, in different parts of Europe and in this country at 
this period. 

Take, for example, the following correct specimen on this subject, 
by the most influential and important member of that press, namely 
the Times ; while it is worthy of remark, that by comparing the tone 
and details of the official correspondence, the official and authentic 
channels from which the journal in question derived its information, 
and the writers thereof, are at once and clearly ascertained and esta- 
blished. Like its office informants, as its dates clearly show us, the 
journal was for a time in favour of Russia; but, as the views and 
opinions of Government changed, and became Turk, so it became 
Turk also. The quotations are therefore made, because these are con- 
sidered as, at the time, speaking the sentiments of the British Govern- 
ment upon the question. 

After bitter and just complaints of the delay and the proceedings 
on the part of the Turks, the Times proceeds : — 

" She seems to be taking advantage of the interposition of Europe in 
her favour, to hold out for more than the award of Europe has conceded to 
her. Turkey declines the recommendations of the allied powers." — Times, August 
21th, 1853. 

" Russia assented to the Vienna note within twenty-four hours from the 
receipt of it, and also accepted, with equal alacrity, the verbal alterations 
subsequently made in it. The clear object of the delay of the Turks is to 
prolong the negotiations, and possibly to take steps which will lead to hos- 
tilities. A danger to Turkey is assuming a high tone not meeting the 
support of Europe." — Times, August 29th, 1853. 

" This note was altered by the party in Turkey which are determined on 
war. The Turks are excited by hosts of renegadoes and refugees, whose 
chief object is to kindle a conflagration in Europe, without a thought of 
the fatal consequences to the sovereign and the country which gives them 
an asylum." — Times, Sept 2d, 1853. 

" The rejection of the Vienna note to discriminate between the course 
which public duty and our national interests may lead us to pursue, 
and the measures recommended by a party who seem to think any occa- 
sion sufficient to justify hostilities against Russia. The policy of England 
and the great powers of Europe with whom she has acted on this question, 
is not to be governed by the hirbulent passions of the Turkish Divan, nor 
are we to be plunged into difficulties, of which we do not see the end, 
merely because the Ottoman army is eager for war on the banks of the 
Danube. There is evidently a material difference between the cause which 
originally induced this country to interpose its authority and naval power 



( 



112 



THE WAR: 



between Turkey and Russia some months ago, and the attitude now 
assumed by the Porte ; and it does not follow that because we thought it 
our duty to protect that empire against unwarrantable aggression, we are 
to bind ourselves to all that may follow from the rejection of the terms 
recommended to the Sultan by the rest of Europe. We presume that it will be 
admitted that our interposition, such as it is, is based not upon predilections 
or obligations, such as the maintenance of peace and the balance of power. 
It argues more than common effrontery of professed agitators to call on 
this country to go to war for the defence of Mahomedanism in Europe— for the 
support of the brutal military despotism of three millions of Mussulmans over 
twenty millions of Christians — and for the protection of a state which has so 
misgoverned one of the finest empires on the globe, that it is now really 
dependent on foreign ministers for counsel, and foreign fleets for defence, 
and on foreign renegadoes for the command of its own troops. That these 
things are in themselves evils, and, perhaps, the greatest of evils now 
existing in the political condition of Europe, it seems to us impossible to 
deny. The religion is false, the government is barbarous, the empire is 
weak. To use the words of an eminent "Whig writer, ' Is Christendom, 
by interposing a cordon of ambassadors between the advanced posts of an 
invading army and the capital, to perpetuate a daily accumulating mass of 
internal misery, merely lest the diplomatic balance should risk being deranged? 
Russia is sufficiently powerful by herself to force an answer to the formid- 
able question. The notion that the states of Europe are to negative for 
ever such an interrogatory is as fine a nursery for endless conferences and 
campaigns, and as unprincipled an encouragement to misgovernment, as 
the genius of diplomacy could devise. It is a case in which, after all the. 
breath, the" ink, the blood that may be spent over it, the Sultan must 
minister to himself.' {Edin. Rev. January, 1830.) 

" But, in the meantime, it is evident that an important change had oc- 
curred in the temper of the Divan, &c. . . The army (Omar Pasha's) and the 
staff of the commander-in-chief is to a great extent Polish and Magyar 
renegadoes. Mr. Shene says, in his recent volume, that when he visited 
the quarters of Omar Pasha, he found only one native Turkish officer in his 
staff ! All the rest were refugees who had renounced Christianity, and 
embraced Islamism. He adds, that these soldiers of fortune appeared to 
care very little for their adopted country. 

" It cannot safely be inferred that, because it was the height of rashness 
in Turkey to plunge into such a contest, she will have the wisdom to 
abstain from that danger." — Times, Sept. 10th, 1853. 

" Russia has accepted a form of a note (Vienna note) drawn up on behalf 
of the Porte by a member of the French Government. Russia took fright at the 
fleets, and in twenty-four hours acceded to the note above mentioned. As 
she had given way so far, it was necessary that Turkey should act in a 
similar manner." — Times, Sepit. 13///, 1853. 

The Turks knew that they had France and England hooked, and 
therefore were determined to have their own way, and draw these 
great, and also willing powers in their wake ! 



who's to blame? 



113 



CHAPTER IV. 

VIENNA NOTE — ITS REJECTION BY TURKEY — OPINIONS OF GOVERNMENT 
THROUGH THE " TIMES " ABOUT IT — ALTERATIONS BST THE TURKS IN THAT 
NOTE — NESSELRODE'S REMARKS THEREON — LORD CLARENDON'S LONG AND 
ABLE LETTER ON REJECTION OP FRENCH PROPOSALS, AND NEW NOTE — 
CORRESPONDENCE ABOUT IT BY THE DIFFERENT POWE*RS. 

Diplomatists, like corporations, have neither shame nor conscience. 
If Lord Stratford had been possessed of either, he would have blushed 
when he wrote about such general disaffection amongst the Christian 
population in Turkey, when he recollected, as he ought to have done, 
the information which he had conveyed almost in the same breath, 
perhaps with the same pen, of their loyalty and contentment under 
the benign Mussulman rule, and which, be it observed, he in other 
places again affirms to be directly the reverse. We shall presently have 
occasion to bring these discordant statements into full and remarkable 
contrast. To do so is both painful and disgusting, because it tends to 
tarnish the fame and the good name of our country. But previous to 
entering fully into this part of the subject, it is considered advisable 
to bring everything connected with the celebrated Vienna note to a 
conclusion. 

In No. 358, 1 Lord Clarendon lets us know that "the French project 
of note " for settling differences had been forwarded to Constantinople, 
with directions to the Austrian ambassador there to " recommend its 
immediate adoption by the Porte, if the Austrian project then under 
consideration had not yet been agreed to." This course Lord Clarendon 
considered judicious, and urged to avoid delay. In No. 345, 2 Lord 
Cowley tells us, that M. Drouyn de Lhuys had stated to him that he 
would recommend Lord Clarendon's plan of a Convention at Constan- 
tinople, or anywhere else, providing that none of the other schemes 
that had been proposed had been agreed to. All that England wanted 

1 Clarendon to Westmorland, July 21st, 1853, p. 388. 

2 Cowley to Clarendon, July 24th, 1853, p. 391. 

I 



114 



THE WAEI 



was a speedy settlement of the dispute. At page 392, -we find Count 
Buol informing Lord Westmorland, that " Austria would take no en- 
gagement with Russia not to oppose her by arms ; and he would 
take none for engaging in hostilities on either side." In No. 369, 1 
Lord Clarendon, writing to Lord Stratford, says, " that her Majesty's 
Government have been greatly disappointed at finding, by your Excel- 
lency's despatch of the 9th July, that above a fortnight had then 
elapsed without any decision having been adopted ; although it appears 
that the Sultan had actually approved of a note being prepared in 
conformity with the suggestions made by Austria, and supj^orted by 
the representatives in their memorandum of the 24th June," and 
urging him to transmit to her Majesty's Government the cause of 
such procrastination and delay ! 

The cobbling attempted by Lord Stratford took place the 23d 
July (No. 39), 2 when he concocted and produced to his colleagues a 
draft note, which, if sent and accepted, would settle everything. This 
draft contained only promises founded on firmans, but avoided all 
mention of a " national engagement," or guarantee, or treaty, old or 
new. The Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs " declared officially 
that the Porte " (instructed no doubt by Lord Stratford) " was resolved 
not to go beyond the terms of a note strictly conformable to this 
draft adding, that "the war which might ensue would only be looked 
upon by him as a contest for the maintenance of his independence." 
In No. 40, 3 Count Buol declares that he "declined to transmit Rescind 
Pasha's note to Count Nesselrode, or to St. Petersburg, or to recom- 
mend it or the documents which accompanied it."— " Further, he did 
not conceive that any addition made to the mode of addressing the 
Emperor, by sending a protest against his proceedings, could render 
the communication more likely to be accepted by him." — " Nor would 
France and England ' remove the fleets from the Dardanelles ' simul- 
taneously with the evacuation of the Principalities." Therefore the 
Emperor of Austria directed him to say, that they must adhere to 
and support the original Vienna note, as the only scheme that could 
remove all the difficulties that lay in the way of settling the dispute. 
M. Drouyn de Lhuys (No. 42, p. 37) supported this view of the 
question. 

The memorable Vienna note deserves minute consideration. This 
will bring before us the remarkable doctoring and chicanery which 
guided the counsellors that concocted it, and the cunning of the Turks 

1 Clarendon to Stratford, July 28th, 1853, Part I. p. 39S. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, July 23d, 1853, Part II. p. 30. 

3 Westmorland to Clarendon, July 29th, 1853, Part II. p. 35. 



who's to blame? 



115 



who refused to accept it. The French draft of the plan, approved of by 
Lord Clarendon, is first presented to the reader. To avoid prolixity 
as much as possible, it may be stated that the passages relating to the 
Holy Places, as also the preambles, are omitted, the latter being mere 
verbiage, and the former of minor importance, and, moreover, in all 
their material parts, had been arranged, and as contained in different 
notes, would only be a repetition of the same matter and words. This 
note was presented by Count Walewski to Lord Clarendon, on the 27th 
June, and is numbered 295, in Part I. p. 307 of the correspondence. 

" If the emperors of Russia have at all times evinced their active soli- 
citude for the maintenance of the immunities and privileges of the Ortho- 
dox Greek Church in the Ottoman empire, the Sultans have never refused 
again to confirm them by solemn acts, testifying their ancient and con- 
stant benevolence towards their Christian subjects. His Majesty, the 
Sultan Abdul-Medjid, now reigning, inspired with the same dispositions, 
and being desirous of giving to his Majesty the Emperor of Russia a per- 
sonal proof of his most sincere friendship, and of his hearty desire to 
consolidate the ancient relations of good neighbourhood and thorough 
understanding existing between the two states, has been solely influenced 
by his unbounded confidence in the eminent qualities of his august friend 
and ally, and has been pleased to take into serious consideration the re- 
presentations of which Prince Menchikoff was the organ. 

"The undersigned has accordingly received orders to declare by the 
present note, that the Government of his Majesty the Sultan 1 considers 
itself bound in honour to cause to be observed for ever, and to preserve 
from all prejudice, either now or hereafter, the enjoyment of the spiritual 
privileges which have been granted by his Majesty's august ancestors to 
the Orthodox Eastern Church, and which are maintained and confirmed 
by him ; and, moreover, in a spirit of exalted equity, to cause the Greek 
rite to share in the advantages granted to the other Christian rites by 
Convention or special arrangement. 

" Furthermore, as the Imperial firman, which has just been granted to 
the Greek Patriarch and clergy, and which contains the confirmation of 
their spiritual privileges, ought to be looked upon as a fresh proof of those 
noble sentiments, and as, moreover, the proclamation of that firman, which 
affords all security, ought to dispel for ever all apprehension in regard to 
the rite which is the religion of his Majesty the Emperor, I am happy to 
be charged with the duty of making the present notification. 

" As regards the guarantee that hereafter there shall no change be made 
as to the places of pilgrimage at Jerusalem, that results from the firman 

1 Here Count Buol afterwards added the words, " will remain faithful to the letter and 
spirit of the treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople, relative to the protection of the Christian 
religion and his Majesty," &c. These words were inseited and maintained hy the Vienna Con- 
ference, hut their omission in the original draft shows the trick that " the allies'''' wished to 
practise, and their secret and ultimate object. 

i 2 



116 



THE WAR: 



invested with the liaMi-humayoun of the 15th of the month of Rebi-ul- 
akhir (February 1852), explained and corroborated by the firmans of 

and it is the formal intention of his Majesty the Sultan to cause his 
sovereign decisions to be executed without any alteration. 

" The Sublime Porte, moreover, officially promises that the existing state 
of things shall in nowise be modified, 1 without previous communication to 
the Governments of France and Russia. The same notification shall be 
made to the ambassador of his Majesty the Emperor of the French. 

" In case the Imperial Court of Russia should require it, a suitable spot 
shall be assigned in the city of Jerusalem, or in its neighbourhood, for the 
construction of a church destined for the celebration of Divine service by 
Russian ecclesiastics, and of a hospital for the indigent or sick pilgrims of 
the same nation. 

" The Sublime Porte engages from the present time to agree to a solemn 
act in this respect, whereby these religious foundations shall be placed 
under the special superintendence of the Consulate-General of Russia in 
Syria and in Palestine." 

This celebrated and important Vienna diplomatic communication, 
amended (see a subsequent page), was transmitted by the Austrian 
Government to Constantinople, with the most urgent commands to 
their minister, Baron Bruck, to use all his energies and influence with 
the Ottoman Government to induce them to accept it. The same 
command and recommendation was conveyed by the Russian Govern- 
ment to their ambassador. On the part of Great Britain, Lord Cla- 
rendon (No. 32 2 ) for her Majesty's Government states : — "They consider 
that it fully guards the principle for which throughout we have been 
contending, and that it may therefore with perfect safety he signed by 
the Porte; and they further hope that your Excellency, before the 
receipt of this despatch, will have found no difficulty in procuring the 
assent of the Turkish Government to a project which the allies of the 
Sultan unanimously recommend for his adoption" In No. 42 3 Lord 
Cowley informs us that France pursued the same course. M. Drouyn 
de Lhuys would " write to M. de la Cour, explaining why the French 
Government preferred the note which had been agreed to at Vienna to 
that sent by Reschid Pasha from Constantinople, and instructing him 
to use all his influence with the Porte to obtain its assent to the project 
recommended by the four Powers," adding that " the Turkish ambas- 
sador at Paris has written in the same sense to his Government." 

1 In that portion regarding the Holy Places, lie also altered and added, " without previous 
understanding with the Governments of Prance and Russia, and without any prejudice to the 
different Christian communities." 

2 Clarendon to Stratford, August 2d, 1853, Part II. p. 27. 

3 Cowley to Clarendon, August 4th, 1853, Part II. p. 37. 



who's to blame? 



117 



Under such circumstances it was surely neither unjust nor unrea- 
sonable for Russia, in her manifesto (No. 224 *), to state:— "To no 
purpose have the principal poivers of Europe sought, by their exhorta- 
tions, to shake the blind obstinacy of the Ottoman Government. It 
has replied to the pacific efforts made by Europe, as well as to our 
forbearance, by a declaration of war, by a proclamation replete with 
false accusations against Russia." Surely it was, to say the least of it, 
more than rash for Lord Loftus (see same paper 224), in reply to the 
Prussian minister, Baron Manteuffel, who remarked to him that the 
Russian documents (manifesto included) " were written in a moderate 
and pacific spirit," to say " that the arguments they contained, and the 
statements on which those arguments were based, were wholly false and 
unfounded-' And it must excite no little surprise that Lord Claren- 
don, in his own name and in the name of his country, not only justifies 
such language on the part of Lord Loftus, but adds thus (No. 23 4 2 ) : 
"It" (the Russian manifesto) "declares that Turkey has violated trea- 
ties between her and Russia ; but not a single instance of this has been 
advanced by Russia throughout the tvhole of the discussions, nor has a 
single instance been adduced of the ill-treatment of Christians, which 
should call forth the solicitude of the Emperor of Russia." In No. 
24 2, 3 after his Lordship had submitted to Turkish discipline, he says, 
" Facts do not bear out the statement that the principal powers of 
Europe had in vain endeavoured to shake the blind obstinacy of the 
Porte," &c. After this, he goes on to state no violation of treaties, 
no ill-treatment of Christians, in Turkey had been adduced. These 
points, together with the unfounded assertion made in No. 234, that 
the sole cause of the dispute, " the Holy Places, was at once and 
satisfactorily settled," as also the portion about "no ill-treatment of 
Christians," will come better under a future head, and tell with tenfold 
force and severity under that head. In the meantime, it is melancholy, 
and most injurious to the national character, that any servant of the 
Crown and of the country should so far stray from the honest, straight- 
forward path of truth and justice, as to make statements so utterly 
unfounded and ungenerous. This will be more fully shown presently, 
but, in the meantime, let us consider his Lordship's opinions and state- 
ments made on the subject at the moment. We find these at great 
length in the official correspondence and notes about to follow this. 

Lord Clarendon and France demurred to some of Count Buol's 

1 Loftus to Clarendon, Nov. 7th, 1853, p. 225, Inclosure No. 2, Part II. p. 228. 

2 Clarendon to Loftus, Nov. 14th, 1853, Part II. p. 233. 

3 Clarendon to Seymour, Nov. 14th, 1853, Part II. p. 240. 

4 Clarendon to Stratford, Sept. 11th, 1853, Part II. p. 91, &c. 



118 



THE WAR: 



corrections, but they were fully arranged, according to the note 
finally sent and about to be quoted. In the meantime, or rather at 
this time, Lord Stratford tells Lord Clarendon (No. II 1 ) that the 
Turkish ministers were "unanimous in their resolution to oppose 
them" (Russian demands) "to the last. I left them," says he, "with 
the impression that there would be more to apprehend from their rash- 
ness than from their timidity !" And (in No. 18 2 ) he further states, 
that the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs stated distinctly that his 
Government " could by no means desist from the resolution which it 
had already announced,, that is to say, that of never entering into 
diplomatic engagement with Kussia relative to the privileges of the 
Greek Church." Yet, in the face of these decided declarations, Reschid 
Pasha has the boldness to declare (No. 18 s ) that "'the Sublime Porte 
has, carefully avoided everything that could have rendered the existing 
state of things more difficult ! " In No. we find the Emperor of 
Austria telling Lord Westmorland about the " anxiety he felt that the 
project proposed by Count Buol should be adopted." The note com- 
pleted was finally despatched from Vienna to Constantinople on the 
24th July ; some fresh half-and-half scheme from Lord Stratford, 
hatched at Constantinople (see Part II. p. 30, for this notable scheme 
and its Turkish announcements), being rejected by both the French and 
British Governments as dangerous, as it "would interfere with the 
discussions already commenced." 5 In this matter it is of great conse- 
quence that dates shonld be attended to, as from attention to these the 
real objects and intentions of parties can only be correctly ascertained. 
At this moment, it may be said, the Porte issued a proclamation (No. 
37 6 ), where they probably unguardedly state "the real cause of the 
existing dispute with Russia, is the desire of that power to obtain a 
binding and exclusive 7 engagement from the Porte concerning the reli- 
gious privileges of the Greek churches and priesthood, which the Porte 
cannot in j ustice be expected to give," concluding by declaring how happy, 
loyal, and contented every Christian was under the Ottoman sway! 

Let ns, with these observations, proceed to the official correspondence 
alluded to thus : — 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, July 14th, 1853, Part II. p. 5. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, July 20th, 1853, Part II. p. 11, Inclosure No. 1. 

3 Stratford to Clarendon, July 20th, 1853, Inclosure No. 3, Part II. p. 15. 

4 Westmorland to Clarendon, July 25th, 1S53, Part II. p. 18. 

5 Cowley to Clarendon, July 29th, 1853, Part II. p. 21. 

6 Stratford to Clarendon, July 20th, 1853, Part II. Inclosure, p. 29. 

7 The word "exclusive''' is a gratuitous and unfounded assumption. Mark, also, the evasion 
of all allusion to the treaty of Kainardji, or the right of Russia to surveillance or superintend- 
ence uuder it. 



who's to blame? 



119 



Page 23, No. 31, Part II. — The Earl of Clarendon to lord Stratford de Redeliffe. 

" Foreign Office, August 2d, 1853. 
" My Lord, — I transmitted to your Excellency, in my private letter of 
the 18th ultimo, a copy of the draft of a note which had been submitted to 
her Majesty's Government towards the end of June by the Trench Govern- 
ment, as being, in their opinion, calculated, if addressed by the Porte to 
Eussia, to lead to a solution of the present differences between these 
powers. 

"I learned from Lord Westmorland, on the 25th ultimo, that Count 
Buol conceived that a note might be framed for the acceptance of the Porte 
based on the French draft ; and your Excellency will find in my despatch 
to Lord Cowley, and in the telegraphic despatches which have since passed 
between Lord Westmorland and myself, of which copies are now trans- 
mitted to you, the details of the course which has since been taken in 
regard to the Austrian proposal. 

" I now transmit to your Excellency a copy of the note in the terms to 
which her Majesty's Government have assented, and in which they under- 
stand it will have been forwarded from Vienna to Constantinople. 

" I am, &c. (Signed) Clarendon." 

Page 26, Inclosure 10, No. 31. — Draft of Note proposed by the French Government 
to be addressed by the Porte to Russia, as altered at Vienna and London. 

" If the emperors of Eussia have at all times evinced their active solici- 
tude for the maintenance of the immunities and privileges of the Orthodox 
Greek Church in the Ottoman empire, the Sultans have never refused 
again to confirm them by solemn acts, testifying their ancient and constant 
benevolence towards their Christian subjects. His Majesty, the Sultan 
Abdul-Medjid, now reigning, inspired with the same dispositions, and being 
desirous of giving to his Majesty the Emperor of Eussia a personal proof of 
his most sincere friendship, and of his hearty desire to consolidate the 
ancient relations of good neighbourhood and thorough understanding 
existing between the two states, has been solely influenced by his un- 
bounded confidence in the eminent qualities of his august friend and ally, 
and has been pleased to take into his serious consideration the representa- 
tions which his Excellency Prince Menchikoff conveyed to him." 

" The undersigned has, in consequence, received orders to declare, by the 
present note, that the Government of his Majesty the Sultan will remain 
faithful to the letter and to the spirit of the treaties of Kainardji and 
Adrianople, relative to the protection of the Christian religion, and that his 
Majesty considers himself bound in honour to cause to be observed for 
ever, and to preserve from all prejudice either now or hereafter, the enjoy- 
ment of the spiritual privileges which have been granted, by his Majesty's 
august ancestors, to the Orthodox Eastern Church, and which are main- 
tained and confirmed by him ; and, moreover, in a spirit of exalted equity, 
to cause the Greek rite to share in the advantages granted to the other 
Christian rites, by Convention or special arrangement." 



120 



THE WAR : 



" Furthermore, as the Imperial firman which has just been granted to 
the Greek Patriarch and clergy, and -which contains the confirmation of 
their spiritual privileges, ought to be looked upon as a fresh proof of these 
noble sentiments, and as, besides, the proclamation of this firman, which 
affords all security, ought to dispel for ever every apprehension in regard 
to the rite which is the religion of his Majesty the Emperor, I am happy to 
be charged with the duty of making the present notification." 

The note thus trimmed was, in its first stage, transmitted to St. 
Petersburg, and at once assented to by the Emperor. Subsequently 
it was again transmitted, with some verbal amendments suggested by 
France and England, 1 more in favour of Turkey. Still the Emperor 
expressed his readiness to adhere to it. In the form sent to both St. 
Petersburg and Constantinople, Lord Westmorland (No. 45, July 31st, 
1853, Part II. p. 39) tells us that Count Buol " submitted this 
despatch," to accompany the "note" for the approval of the members 
of the Conference, which we all unanimously gave /" In Nos. 54 — 56, 
pp. 43, 44, etc. we find Seymour, Westmorland, Manteuffel, and 
Nesselrode, all joyfully announcing the acceptance by Russia of this 
note, and calculating, as they had good reason to do, upon imme- 
diate and complete success. In No. 54, August 6th, 1853, p. 46, 
we find Count Nesselrode telling Count Mayendorff at Vienna 
thus : — "Russia fully understands that we are not to have or discuss 
fresh modifications and new drafts drawn up at Constantinople, under 
the bellicose inspirations which at this moment seem to influence 
the Sultan and a majority of his ministers." In No. 60, August 12th, 
1853, Part II. p. 49, we find Sir H. Seymour telling Lord Stratford 
that in course of his gratuitous Turkish official propensities, he had 
assailed Count Nesselrode in the language of complaint about some- 
thing connected with this branch of the subject, when he received the 
very pertinent and cutting reply, " You reproach us with our conduct 
in the Principalities, and you suspect that our object is to gain time." 
" Now, about the delays which we are supposed to be desirous of inter- 
posing. The note which is intended to settle affairs reaches us on a 
Tuesday ; on the following day our acceptance of it, without the slightest 
alteration, is sent off by telegraph as far as Warsaw, and from thence 

1 " As that treah- had respect only to the general principle of toleration towards the Chris- 
tian faith, this was an assurance which might, indeed, be superfluous, hut could not be open to 
any other objection. The English Government had suggested a verbal alteration in the original 
draft of the note, the object of which was to disconnect the promise given as to the future, 
and as to the spiritual privileges of the Greek Church in particular, from the previous assu- 
rance with respect to the treaty of Kainardji. This had been agreed to, and the wording of the 
note, in this matter of argument, specially excluded the Russian plea, that that treaty had 
entitled the Emperor to make any further demand whatever." — Edinburgh Review, Tso. 203, 
p. 2S, (Defence of our Government!) 



who's to blame? 



121 



by a field Jager to Vienna, where it arrives on Saturday ; we sub- 
scribe without hesitation to the slight changes made in the note in 
London and Paris, and the acknowledgment of our acquiescence reaches 
us again on the following Tuesday — a rapidity of communication of 
which there has hitherto been no example. This does not look like a 
desire to protract affairs : " adding, " I entreat you to believe that, on 
our side, we are just as desirous of leaving the Principalities as you 
are to withdraw your ships from Besika." 

The note in question was returned from Constantinople refused, 
without the modifications subsequently adverted to. In No. 65, 1 
" those modifications," says Lord Westmorland, " have been received by 
Count Buol with great regret, because they do not appear to have been 
sufficiently necessary to have imposed upon the Turkish Government 
the obligation of insisting upon them, in opposition to the advice of the 
Governments, its allies, with the certainty of occasioning delay in the 
arrangement of the question at issue, and the risk of re-opening a dis- 
cussion which, by the acceptation of the note by the Emperor of 
Russia, might have been considered as nearly closed." And in No. 77, 2 
Count Buol again expresses himself thus : " He greatly laments the 
modifications which the Porte had thought it right to introduce in the 
Vienna note," — " but that he strongly recommended their adoption, 
as a means, without any loss of dignity to his Majesty the Emperor of 
Russia, of bringing these unfortunate differences to a close." In 
No. 80, 3 Lord Cowley states that M. Drouyn de Lhuys expressed to 
him "the disappointment with which the Emperor had learned the 
little attention paid by the Sultan's ministers to the advice of his 
Majesty's allies, and to prescribe to M. de la Cour to use all his efforts 
to induce the Porte to rescind its present decision." The Prussian 
Government also expressed their great regret at the unexpected result ; 
and Lord Clarendon, on the part of the British Government, took, as 
we shall presently see, wider and more determined ground to express 
his disappointment. Lord Stratford and Sir H. Seymour only appear 
to have felt no regret ; on the contrary, the latter coolly observes, 
No. 71, p. 75, that he recommends the Turkish refusal " to the serious 
and candid appreciation of her Majesty's Government !" 

The resolution of the Turkish Government to reject every proposi- 

1 Westmorland to Clarendon, August 28th, 1853, Part II. p. 52. 

2 Westmorland to Clarendon, August 28th, 1853, Part II. p. 85. In the hope that the 
Vienna note would have been accepted, Count Buol tells us (p. 106), "that the Eussian order 
had already been prepared for commencing' the evacuation of the Principalities." And Lord 
Clarendon tells us (No. 84, p. 89) that Russia "never required that the squadrons should quit 
their position before the Russian troops quitted theirs." 

3 Cowley to Clarendon, August 30th, 1853, p. 85. 



122 THE WAE: 

tion, however reasonable, and from -whatever quarter it might come, 
had previously been taken. In No. 68, 1 Lord Stratford tells us, " that 
the majority of the Turkish council declared it to be their firm inten- 
tion to reject the new proposal (the Vienna note), even if amendments 
were introduced; and this, too, although the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs assured them that the " note was founded, in some measure, on 
the draft which he had himself prepared for Prince Menchihoff 7" To 
work with such people was labour thrown away. Yet every extenua- 
tion and justification of their conduct that could be devised or thought 
of, was always ready at hand, especially by Sir H. Seymour and Lord 
Stratford de Redcliffe. 

Page 81, Inclosure 2, No. 71. — Copy of the Vienna Projet de Note, as modified 
by the Sublime Porte. 

" If the emperors of Russia have at all times evinced their active soli- 
citude for the maintenance of the immunities and privileges of the Ortho- 
dox Greek Church in the Ottoman empire, the sultans have never refused 
again to confirm them 2 by solemn acts testifying then ancient and constant 
benevolence towards their Christian subjects. 

" His Majesty, the Sultan Abdul-Medjid, now reigning, inspired with the 
same dispositions, and being desirous of giving to his Majesty the Emperor 
of Russia a personal proof of his most sincere friendship, has been solely 
influenced by his unbounded confidence in the eminent qualities of his 
august friend and ally, and has been pleased to take into serious considera- 
tion the representations which his Highness Prince Menchikoff conveyed 
to the Sublime Porte. 

" The undersigned has, in consequence, received orders to declare by the 
present note, that the Government of his Majesty the Sultan will remain 
faithful to the letter and to the spirit of the treaties of Kainardji and 
Adrianople, relative to the protection of the Christian religion ; 3 and that 
his Majesty considers himself bound in honour to cause to be observed for 
ever, and to preserve from all prejudice, either now or hereafter, the enjoy- 
ment of the spiritual privileges which have been granted by his Majesty's 
august ancestors to the Orthodox Eastern Chmch, which are maintained 
and confirmed by him ; and moreover, in a spirit of exalted piety, to cause 
the Greek rite to share in the advantages granted to the other Christian 
rites by Convention or special arrangement. 4 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, August 14th, 1853, Part II. p. 71. 

2 " The religion and Orthodox Greek Church, the sultans have never ceased to provide for 
the maintenance of the privileges and immunities which, at different times, they have sponta- 
neously granted to that religion and to that Church in the Ottoman empire, and to confirm 
them" 

3 " To the stipulations of the treaty of Kainardji, confirmed hy that of Adrianople, relative to 
the protection, by the Sublime Porte, of the Christian religion, and he is moreover charged to 
make known." 

4 " Granted, or which might be granted to the other Christian communities, Ottoman 
subjects." 



who's to blame? 



123 



The effect of these Turkish alterations, had they been acceded to, 
would have been to annul and render waste paper all the previous 
treaties with Russia for more than 100 years; to have left all the 
Christians .of the Greek Church in the Ottoman dominions at the 
mercy of a Mohammedan Government, to the same extent as they ever 
had been under that sceptre for 400 years. " What the Turks never 
cease to insist upon/' says Lord Stratford (No. 308, Part II. p. 291), 
" is a clear and unquestionable deliverance from Russian interference 
applied to spiritual matters." It at once also obliterated, as unjust 
and unnecessary, every complaint that Russia may have previously 
made for redress of their grievances. It did more — it left the Turkish 
Government full liberty to grant to the Latin Church privileges and 
immunities which the Eastern Christian population, though enor- 
mously superior in numbers, were neither entitled to seek, to expect, 
or to enjoy, and in this way to gain the support of the Latin Church, 
and of France, its protector. This was the secret object all along 
aimed at. To gain this it precipitated the war, and, consequently, 
gained the war parties the support of the Pope, and of France, and all 
the Roman Catholic votaries, and the heterogeneous combination and 
array of supporters, each for some peculiar^ and selfish purpose, that 
rose up throughout Europe, and arrayed themselves under the banners 
of the unholy and dangerous alliance above-mentioned. Count Nessel- 
rode, so far as Russia was concerned, fully understood and properly 
valued this manoeuvre. Let us now attend to Lord Clarendon's letter. 

No. 88, pp. 91— -96.— The Earl of Clarendon to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. 

" Foreign Office, September lOfch, 1853. 

" My Lord, — Her Majesty's Government have had under their serious 
consideration the note addressed by Eeschid Pasha to the representatives 
of the four powers at Constantinople on the 19th of August, explaining the 
modifications proposed by the Porte to the project of note sent from 
Vienna, p. 91." * * * * 

" Upon this suggestion being made known to your Excellency, and to 
your colleagues of France and Prussia, by Eeschid Pasha, and also by the 
Internuncio, you assembled the representatives of the four powers at your 
house, and they concurred in agreeing to suggest to the Turkish Minister 
for Foreign Affairs to frame a draft of note, which should combine Prince 
Menchikoff's draft and that of Eeschid Pasha, in the hope that a note 
might be drawn up, which should be at once acceptable to Eussia, and 
should, at the same time, not trench upon the principle which the Porte 
considered essential for the maintenance of its sovereign rights. 

" This suggestion was laid before the Sultan, and, as stated in your 
Excellency's despatch of the 9th of July, after an unexplained delay of 
several days, returned to Eeschid Pasha with his Majesty's sanction ; but no 



124 



THE wae: 



subsequent communication was made either to your Excellency, or, as far as you 
know, to your colleagues on the subject. 

" Her Majesty's Government thought it most unfortunate, as well as 
ungracious towards the Austrian Government, that this opportunity for 
effecting an arrangement should thus, and without even a reason for it 
being assigned, have been neglected; but it was not unnatural for the 
Austrian Government to suppose that a repetition of the request would be 
useless, and considering that the occupation of the Principalities was fraught 
with danger, not to Turkey alone, but to the peace of Europe, Count Buol 
thought it advisable to call together the representatives of England, France, 
and Prussia, and with their concurrence to prepare a note that might prove 
acceptable both to Russia and the Porte. 

" With this object they took the note which had been drawn up by the 
French Government, and which having been, at one time, communicated 
by the French minister at St. Petersburg to Count Nesselrode, had been - 
favourably received ; and her Majesty's Government and the French 
Government then consulted as to adopting this note, with certain modi- 
fications that it seemed to require ; and both Governments replied that, 
without seeing the modifications, they could give no assent ; but upon their 
being transmitted and carefully considered, they appeared to be unobjection- 
able, and were approved, although, afterwards, an alteration was made by 
her Majesty's Government more effectually to guard the interests of Turkey. 
And it is hardly necessary to add, that if the English and French Govern- 
ments had not concurred in thinking that those interests were protected, 
and that the principle for which we had all along been contending was 
maintained, neither Government would have assented to the note. 

" When things had thus far advanced, the Turkish project arrived at 
Vienna. It consisted of the protest against the occupation of the Princ- 
ipalities, enclosed in a note from Reschid Pasha to Count Nesselrode, and to 
be followed by another note less definite in its meaning than that which he had been 
ready to address to Prince Blenchikof. Such a proposal could not have led to 
the renewal of diplomatic relations between the two countries — it was sure 
to be declined by Russia ; the forwarding it to St. Petersburg could only 
have been productive of further loss of time — a consideration of the utmost 
importance ; and a preference was therefore unanimously given to the note 
which, in substance, had been well received at St. Petersburg, and which 
there was every reason to expect would meet the views of the Turkish 
Government. This project was received at Constantinople on the 9th 
ultimo ; but it was not until the 19th that the note was accepted with 
modifications. 

" Her Majesty's Government are far from denying that these modifica- 
tions are, in themselves, unobjectionable ; but they do not consider them 
of that vital importance, nor that they offer such additional security to 
Turkey, as to counterbalance the risks to which the Ottoman empire is ex- 
posed, by further postponing the settlement of this unfortunate question. 

" The first objection taken by the Porte is to the following paragraph : — 
' If the emperors of Russia have at all times evinced their active solicitude 



who's to blame? 



125 



for the maintenance of the immunities and privileges of the Orthodox 
Greek Church in the Ottoman empire, the sultans have never refused 
again to confirm them by solemn acts.' 

" Now, it appears to be natural that the emperors of Russia should 
exhibit solicitude for those who profess their religion, and are living under 
Mohammedan rule ; but her Majesty's Government cannot consider that, 
by the paragraph in question, this solicitude shown in times past can be 
taken to have imposed any obligation, or to imply that the acts of the 
sultans in favour of the Greek Church were not voluntary and spontaneous, 
and upon no construction of this passage could Russia found any future 
claim to require of the Sultan to perform such acts. The passage is simply 
historical, and may be true or false, but Russia establishes no right, and 
Turkey takes no engagement by the recital. The great powers of Europe 
have, at different times, manifested their active solicitude for the Christian 
subjects of the Porte ; none more frequently or energetically than England. 
They have done so in behalf of suffering humanity and outraged religion, 
and their just remonstrances have met with more or less success. But the 
power of the Sultan not to listen to them has never been questioned ; and 
the right of Christian powers thus to interfere may again and again be 
exercised without prejudice to his independence. Can there be any doubt 
that the firmans which the Sultan, of his own free will, lately issued, were 
in consequence of the anxiety for his Christian subjects felt by his Chris- 
tian allies, or that those Christian subjects will not obtain some alleviation 
of the sufferings and injustice to which they are exposed, by the powerful 
protests which your Excellency, a short time ago, felt yourself compelled 
to address to the Porte 1 In listening to such remonstrances, and in acting 
upon them, the Porte acquires respect and esteem, but it parts with no 
right, and contracts no engagement. 

" Reschid Pasha says, with reference to the paragraph, that no one 
would consent to draw down upon himself the reproaches and the 
blame of his contemporaries, as well as posterity, by admitting the esta- 
blishment of a state of things as injurious for the present as the future ; 
or to put in writing words that could detract from the glory of institu- 
tions that the Ottoman emperors have founded, by a spontaneous move- 
ment of their personal generosity and innate clemency. But the paragraph 
neither warrants any such interpretation, nor calls for any such censure ; 
and if it did, it would be as applicable to Great Britain, to France, and to 
Austria, as to Russia. 

" In considering the original draft of the note, the special attention of 
her Majesty's Government was directed to the treaty of Kainardji, for the 
purpose of securing that the Porte should be called upon to do no more 
with respect to religious privileges than that to which Reschid Pasha says 
it is ready to consent, namely, to express ' assurances calculated to disperse 
the doubts brought forward by the Russian Government, and which have 
formed the subject of the discussions.' 

" But the paragraph states that ' the Government of his Majesty the 
Sultan will remain faithful to the letter and to the spirit of the treaties of 



126 



THE wak: 



Kainardji and Adrianople, relative to the protection of the Christian 
religion.' 

" To this there can be no objection, because Reschid Pasha says : 'As no 
one can deny that this treaty exists, and that it is confirmed by that of 
Adrianople, it is quite apparent that the precise dispositions of it will be 
faithfully observed.' 

" The second part of the paragraph, however, is in no way dependent 
upon the first, but, on the contrary, is disconnected from it. It does not 
say that, as a consequence of the treaty, the Sultan ' will regard,' &c, but 
the word ' and ' is expressly introduced to guard against such a consequence 
being assumed. The true reading, therefore, is, 1 the Sultan will remain 
faithful to the treaties ;' his Majesty also ' considers himself bound in 
honour to cause to be observed for ever, and to preserve from all prejudice 
now or hereafter, the enjoyment of the spiritual privileges which have been 
granted by his Majesty's august ancestors to the Orthodox Eastern Church, 
and which are maintained and confirmed by her.' 

" Now, if any part of this paragraph can justify the fears entertained by 
Rescind Pasha, of giving ' to the Government of Russia grounds for claim- 
ing to exercise alright of superintendence and interference in such matters,' 
it assuredly is not the first passage, nor its supposed connexion with the 
second, but it is the second itself, by which the Sultan makes no ordinary 
engagement, but pledges his honour to maintain for ever inviolate all the 
privileges enjoyed by the Greek Church ; and this second passage is taken 
from the note which Reschid Pasha was prepared to address to Prince 
MenchikofF. 

" "With respect to the third paragraph objected to by the Porte, the view 
of her Majesty's Government was precisely that which is taken in the note 
of Reschid Pasha : ' It cannot be doubted that the Imperial Government 
will not hesitate to cause the Greek rite to participate, not only in the 
advantages which, of its own will, it has granted to the other communions 
of the Christian religion professed by the communities its subjects, but in 
those also which it might grant to them for the future.' The passage which 
follows the words ' moreover,' was meant to have a prospective sense, and 
the words ' Christian rites' were understood to apply to subjects of the 
Porte." (Pp. 92, 93.) 

* * * 

" Such being the opinion of her Majesty's Government, they cannot but 
regret the course that has been pursued at Constantinople. They do not 
question the right or the propriety, on the part of the Turkish Govern- 
ment, to examine closely that which was proposed for their adoption ; but if 
it had been signed subject to any reservations that the Porte thought neces- 
sary, or if the judicious proposal of your Excellency, as reported in your 
despatch of the 18th of August, had been acted upon, great delay would 
have been avoided, and some important advantages might have been 
gained. 

" Such a mode of proceeding would at once have removed the doubts 
which now generally prevail respecting the desire or intention of the Porte 



who's to blame? 



127 



to effect a peaceful settlement ; and, as the modifications proposed by the 
Turkish Government merely interpret the note in the sense intended by 
the four powers, they could not have hesitated to accept them, and thus 
give the Sultan a security for the future. In fact, they would have con- 
stituted themselves referees as to the true interpretation of the note, in 
the event of any difference arising hereafter upon it between the Porte 
and Eussia. Not only were these modifications considered unimportant, 
and as not altering the sense of the note, by the Austrian Government, 
but by the Russian minister at Vienna ; and it might reasonably, therefore, 
have been expected, that if the note had been signed, Russia would have 
joined the four powers in agreeing to its right interpretation. 

" Your Excellency will understand that the modifications, although in 
the opinion of her Majesty's Government unnecessary, are not objected to 
as unreasonable, but that the mode of proposing them is likely to be pro- 
ductive of embarrassment, and to retard the solution of a question which 
Turkey is so deeply interested in settling ; and they do not disguise from 
themselves that the Emperor of Russia, with reference to the condition 
upon which he reluctantly adhered to the note, may now decline to agree 
to the changes, notwithstanding that they have been strongly recommended 
by the four powers to his acceptance. 

" Reschid Pasha, in his note, says, that in the event of the modifications 
being adopted, the Porte will immediately send an ambassador extraor- 
dinary, upon condition of the evacuation of the Principalities ; and he 
adds, that a solid guarantee will be expected from the powers, ' against all 
interference in future,' and against the occupation from time to time of 
the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. 

" With respect to the first, it has always been considered, not only by 
her Majesty's Government, but by the four powers, that the evacuation of 
the provinces was the sine qua non of any arrangement being concluded 
on the part of the Porte ; and they have no reason to doubt, but on the 
contrary they have cause to believe, that if the note had been accepted by 
the Porte, the orders for the withdrawal of the Russian troops would long 
before this time have been given. 

" As regards the solid guarantee expected by the Porte, Reschid Pasha 
must well know that it is utterly impossible for the four powers to enter into any 
such engagement. The term ' interference ' by itself is most vague, and 
might be held to the legitimate reclamations and remonstrances that, 
according to international law and usage, every Government is entitled to 
address to another ; nor could the four powers make such a proposal 
to Russia, and still less give any guarantee upon the subject, without reci- 
procally imposing upon themselves similar conditions, and thus leaving 
the Turkish Government at perfect liberty to deal as it pleased with the 
religious, the social, and the commercial interests of their respective sub- 
jects throughout the Ottoman empire. In short, it would be as impossible 
to promise that, for the future, there shall be no * interference ' on the part 
of Russia, as it would be to undertake that, towards that power, there 
shall never be a just cause of complaint given by Turkey ; and, if any such 



128 



THE WAS: 



engagement were entered into by the four powers, it niight be justly con- 
sidered by Turkey as an insult to her honour, and a disregard for her. 
independence, which she would not endure. 

8 Equally difficult would it be to give a solid guarantee against any future 
occupation of the Principalities, with reference to the peculiar treaty which 
exists between the two powers respecting those provinces, and which, 
under certain circumstances (of which the powers could not always con- 
stitute themselves judges), gives to Russia, as well as to Turkey, the right of 
sending troops there. That treaty, it is true, has now been grossly violated ; 
but it is to be hoped that there will be no renewal of an act against which 
the opinion of Europe has been unequivocally pronounced/' — Pp. 93 — 95. 

" In conclusion. I have to observe that these last conditions were not 
made in the note sent to Vienna, and which, without them, the Porte was 
prepared to sign as a final settlement of the question. There is consequently 
some reason to apprehend that they have since been brought forward, under the 
conviction that they could not be complied with ; and, should this unfortunately 
be the case, it will verify the prediction of your Excellency, made as long 
ago as the 10th of July, that there would soon be more to apprehend from 
the rashness than from the timidity of the Turkish ministers : and it will 
confirm the opinion lately communicated to her Majesty's Government, and 
which they gather also from the tone of your Excellency's despatches, 
namely, that the feeling of the Turkish Government is a desire for war, founded 
on the conviction that France and England must still perforce side with Turkey, 
and that the war will, therefore, be a successful one for the Sultan, and 
maintain for him guarantees for the future which will materially strengthen 

HIS TOTTERING POWER. 

" England and France will shrink from no obligation that their honour 
and duty clearly prescribe, let the sacrifice be what it may of fulfilling that 
obligation. Although bound by no treaty stipulations, they look upon the 
maintenance of the Ottoman empire as a great feature of European policy, 
and they desire to uphold the dignity and independence of the Sultan. 
But other interests besides those of Turkey are committed to their charge, 
and before they expose these to the danger and the injury that war would 
inevitably entail, they are bound to take care that no effort for the pre- 
servation of peace has been omitted ; and it is, therefore, in the most 
friendly spirit, and with a sincere regard for the best interests of Turkey, 
that her Majesty's Government advise the Porte not to be dazzled by the 
military preparations which, with laudable zeal for their own defence, they 
have lately made : not to yield to the religious fanaticism, for which such 
just provocation has been given, nor to think that war under the present cir- 
cumstances of the Ottoman empire can fail to be attended with consequences most 
disastrous ; but, on the contrary, that they should exhibit a cordial readi- 
ness to adopt, and not a desire to evade, such an adjustment of their 
present unfortunate differences with Russia as they may think safe and 
honourable. I am, &c. 

(Signed) " Clarendon." 



WHO'S TO BLxiME? 



129 



Mb. 93, Part II. pp. 99 — 101. — Count Nesselrode to Baron Meyendorff (commu- 
nicated to the Earl of Clarendon, by Baron Brunnow, September \Qth). 

" I will not in this place examine the alterations which have been made 
at Constantinople ; I have done so in a separate despatch. I will for the 
present confine myself to demanding whether the Emperor, after having 
denied himself the potcer of changing even a single word, in a draft of note 
drawn up without his participation, can allow the Ottoman Porte to retain 
that power for itself, and permit Russia to be thus placed in a position of 
inferiority as regards Turkey. We conceive that the dignity of the Emperor 
precludes this. Let the course of events be called to mind. In the place 
of the ' Menchikoff note,' the adoption of which without alteration we had 
put forward as the condition of the re-establishment of our relations with 
the Porte, a different note was proposed to us. For this reason alone we 
might have declined to discuss it. We might, whilst acceding to it, have 
had more than one objection to offer to it, more than one alteration of its 
terms to insert in it. You are well aware, M. le Baron, that from the 
time that we consented to modify the ultimatum which we had presented 
at Constantinople, the form of a note is not that which could have 
suited us. You are acquainted with the plan and form of arrangement 
which we should have preferred. Nevertheless, we did not insist on 
that plan. We set it completely aside as soon as other proposals were 
made to us. Wherefore % Because, by opposing to these a counter pro- 
ject, or any counter propositions whatever, which, nevertheless, we had 
a full and perfect right to do, we might have incurred the reproach of 
seeking to protract the matter, and gratuitously to prolong a crisis which 
occasions anxiety to Europe. Wishing, on the contrary, to bring that 
crisis as soon as possible to an end, and acquiescing with this view in the 
wishes which were expressed to us, we sacrificed our objections of sub- 
stance and of form. On the mere receipt of the first draft of note agreed 
upon at Vienna, and even before we knew if it would be approved at 
London and at Paris, we announced by telegraph our adhesion to it. 

" The draft, as finally agreed upon, was sent to us at a later period, and 
although it had been modified in a sense which we could not mistake, nevertheless 
we did not, on that account, retract our adhesion or raise the slightest diffi- 
culty. Was it possible, we ask, to manifest greater readiness and more 
conciliatory dispositions % But when we acted in this manner, it was well 
understood that it was on condition that the draft of note, which the 
Emperor had accepted without discussion, should be accepted in the same 
manner by the Porte. It was under the conviction that Austria would 
regard it as an ultimatum in which no change was to be made, as a last 
effort of its friendly intervention, which, if the effort were to fail by reason 
of the obstinacy of the Divan, would cease ipso facto. We regret to per- 
ceive that such is not the case. But the cabinet of Vienna will, on its 
side, admit that if it is a question not of ultimatum, but of a new draft of 
note which each of the two parties is at liberty to modify, we then resume 

K 



130 



THE WAR: 



the right which we had voluntarily renounced of proposing, in our turn, 
our own alterations — of again considering the draft of arrangement — and of 
altering not only its terms but its form. 

" Would this result enter into the views of Austria ? Would it suit 
the powers, who, by modifying and adopting her draft of note, made it 
their own work ? It is for them to consider the delays which will neces- 
sarily result from such a course, or to examine whether it is for the 
interest of Europe to cut these delays short. TTe see only one way of 
putting an end to them. It is that Austria and the powers should frankly 
and firmly declare to the Porte that, having opened to it in vain the only 
way which can lead to the immediate re-establishment of its relations with 
us, they thenceforth abandon to it the task. TTe conceive, that if they 
hold this language unanimously to them, the Turks, yielding to the advice 
of Europe, instead of reckoning upon its assistance in a contest against 
Russia, will accept the note such as it is, and will cease to prejudice their 
position in so serious a manner in order to afford themselves the childish 
satisfaction of having modified certain expressions of the document, which 
we had accepted without discussion. For one of two things — either the 
modifications required by the Porte are important, and then it is very 
obvious we should refuse to assent to them ; or they are insignificant, and 
in that case, why should the Porte continue, without necessity, to make 
its acceptance dependent on them. 

" In conclusion, M. le Baron, the ultimatum agreed upon at Vienna is 
not ours. It is that of Austria and the powers, who having in the first 
instance devised, discussed, and modified it in its original terms, have con- 
sidered that it might be accepted by the Porte without prejudice to its 
interest and to its honour. It is for them, therefore, and not for us, forth- 
with to bring to an end the uncertainties of the present crisis. "We, on 
our sides, have done all that depended upon us to abridge useless delays, 
by renouncing, when the arrangement was proposed to us, all kinds of 
counter propositions whatever : no one can refuse this testimony to the 
sincerity of the Emperor. Having for a long time exhausted the measure of 
concessions without the Porte having hitherto made a single one, his Majesty 
cannot go further without prejudice to his position, and without exposing him- 
self to the risk of renewing his political relations with Turkey under 
unfavourable circumstances, which would deprive them of all stability for the 
future, and would inevitably bring on a fresh and more decided rupture. At the 
present moment, indeed, fresh concessions in regard to the tenns of the 
note would serve no purpose ; for we perceive, by your despatches, that 
the Ottoman Government is only waiting for our acquiescence in the alter- 
ations made in the Vienna note, in order to make its signature of it, as well 
as the mission of the ambassador who is to convey it here, dependent on 
fresh conditions and inadmissible propositions, which it has already put 
forward on the subject of the evacuation of the Principalities. On this 
last point, M. le Baron, we can only refer to the assurances and explana- 
tions contained in our despatch of the 10th of August ; and repeat that 
the arrival at St. Petersburg of a Turkish ambassador, bearer of the 



who's to blame? 



131 



Austrian note without alterations, will be sufficient to ensure our troops 
being immediately ordered to repass our frontier. Receive, &c. 

(Signed) " Nesselrode." 

No. 94, jop. 103 — 105. — Russian Analysis of the three Modifications introduced by 
the Ottoman Porte into the Vienna Note. 

"1. In the Vienna draft it is said, 1 If the emperors of Russia have at 
all times evinced their active solicitude for the maintenance of the immu- 
nities and privileges of the Orthodox Greek Church in the Ottoman 
empire/ &c. 

" This passage has been thus modified : ( If the enrperors of Russia have 
at all times evinced their active solicitude for the religion and Orthodox 
Greek Church.' 

" The words, ' in the Ottoman empire,' as well as those, ' the mainte- 
nance of the immunities and privileges/ have been struck out, in order to 
be transposed to a subsequent passage, and applied to the sultans alone. 
This omission deprives the mutilated passage of all its meaning and sense ; 
for no one assuredly disputes the active solicitude of the sovereigns of 
Russia for the religion which they profess themselves, and which is that 
of their subjects. What it was designed to recognise is, that there has 
ever existed, on the part of Russia, active solicitude for her co-religionists 
in Turkey, as also for the maintenance of their religious immunities, and 
that the Ottoman Government is disposed to take account of that soli- 
citude, and also to leave those immunities untouched. 

" The present expression is the more unacceptable since, by the terms 
which follow it, more than solicitude for the Orthodox religion is attri- 
buted to the sultans. It is affirmed that they have never ceased to 
watch over the maintenance of its immunities and privileges, and to 
confirm them by solemn acts. However, it is precisely the reverse of 
what is thus stated, which, having more than once occurred in times 
past, and specifically in the affair of the Holy Places, has compelled us 
to apply a remedy to it, by demanding a more express guarantee for 
the future. If we lend ourselves to the admission that the Ottoman 
Government has never ceased to watch over the maintenance of the 
privileges of the Greek Church, what becomes of the complaints which 
we have brought against it 1 By doing so, we admit that we had no legiti- 
mate grounds of complaint ; that Prince Menchikoff's mission was without 
motive ; that, in a word, even the note which it has addressed to us was 
wholly superfluous. 

" 2. The suppressions and additions of words introduced into this pas- 
sage, with marked affectation, are evidently intended to invalidate the 
treaty of Kainardji, while having the appearance of confirming it. 

" It was said in the note originally drawn up at Vienna, that 4 faithful 
to the letter and to the spirit of the stipulations of the treaties of Kain- 
ardji and Adrianople, relative to the protection of the Christian religion, 
the Sultan considered himself bound in honour ... to preserve from all 

k 2 



132 



THE AVAR! 



prejudice . . . the immunities and privileges granted to the Orthodox 
Greek Church. 3 These terms, which made the maintenance of the immu- 
nities to be derived from the very spirit of the treaty — that is to say, from 
the general principle laid down in the Seventh Article — were in conformity 
with the doctrine which we have maintained and still maintain. For, 
according to us, the promise to protect a religion and its churches, implies, 
of necessity, the maintenance of the immunities enjoyed by them. They 
are two inseparable things. These terms, originally agreed upon at Vienna, 
were subsequently first modified at Paris and at London, and if we ^d not 
object to this at the time, as we should have been entitled to do, it is not 
that we misunderstand the purport of that alteration. We clearly perceived 
the distinction made between two points, which, in our estimation, are 
indissolubly connected with each other ; but this distinction was, however, 
marked with sufficient delicacy to admit of our accepting, from a spirit of 
conciliation, and from a desire of speedily arriving at a definitive solution, 
the terms of the note as they were presented to us, which we thenceforth 
looked upon as unalterable. These motives of deference no longer apply 
to the fresh modification of the same passage, which has been made at 
Constantinople. The line of demarcation between the two subjects is 
there too plainly drawn to admit of our accepting it, without falsifying all 
that we have said and written. The mention of the treaty of Kainardji 
is superfluous, and its confirmation without object, from the time that its 
general principle is no longer applied to the maintenance of the religious 
immunities of the religion. It is for this object that the words, c the letter 
and the spirit,"' have been suppressed. The fact that the protection of the 
Christian religion is exercised ' by the Sublime Porte' is needlessly insisted 
on, as if we pretended ourselves to exercise that protection in the Sultan's 
dominions ; and as it is, at the same time, omitted to notice that, accord- 
ing to the terms of the treaty, the protection is a promise made, and an 
engagement undertaken by the Sultan, there is an appearance of throwing 
a doubt upon the right which we possess of watching over the strict fulfil- 
ment of that promise. 

" 3. The alteration proposed in this passage of the Austrian note is alto- 
gether inadmissible. 

" The Ottoman Government would merely engage to allow the Orthodox 
Church to share in the advantages which it might grant to other Christian 
communities, subjects of the Porte. But if those communities, whether 
Catholics or others, were not composed of native rayahs, but of foreign 
monks or laymen (and such is the case with nearly the whole of the con- 
vents, hospitals, seminaries, and bishoprics of the Latin rite in Turkey), 
and if, let us say, it should be the good pleasure of the Porte to grant to 
those establishments fresh religious advantages and privileges, the Orthodox 
communities, in their character of Ottoman subjects, would not, under the 
terms which it is desired to introduce into the note, have the right of obtaining the 
same favours, nor loould Russia have the right of interceding for them. 

"The malevolent intention of the ministers of the Porte will become still 
more evident, if we cite an instance, a possible contingency. Let us sup- 



who's to blame? 



133 



pose the very probable case of the Latin Patriarch of J erusalem, recently 
extolled, obtaining from the Porte prerogatives not enjoyed by the Greek 
Patriarch. Any claim on the part of the latter would be rejected, in con- 
sideration of his character of ' subject of the Porte.' 

" The same objection would be made by the Ottoman ministry with refe- 
rence to the Catholic establishments of Palestine, in case any fresh advan- 
tage or right, not specified in the last firmans, should hereafter be granted 
to them, to the prejudice of the native communities." 

Of this able despatch we find (in No. 121 l ) Lord Westmorland 
stating to Lord Clarendon that it gave Count Nesselrode (then at 
Olmutz) "pleasure to be able at once to say, that the despatch that 
I had read to him, addressed by your Lordship to Lord Stratford 
on the 10th instant, was satisfactory to him;" and further on, that 
" his Majesty the Emperor had expressed his satisfaction with the views 
and reasoning so ably put forward by your Lordship in the despatch 
addressed to Lord Stratford (Sept. 10th, 1853, quoted p. 91) ; but 
that he had been annoyed and hurt at the doubts which seemed to be 
expressed in the one addressed to me, as to whether he intended to 
adhere to the policy he had so distinctly and so unreservedly declared 
to be the one by which he would be ruled." In that despatch " the 
policy of suspicion" had raised its head. 

It might in justice have been supposed, that, after propositions so 
clear and so plain, drawn up by the collective, or, at least what is believed 
to be the collective, wisdom of Europe, that in case of refusal of their 
propositions and advice, the blame of failure would have been left to 
remain on the heads of the power that had declined advice, namely 
Turkey, and that we should not have found a British minister standing 
foremost to proclaim his own ignorance and rashness, and to defend 
the Turks : but the case was different. Lord Stratford had been again 
at work, and had his fresh plan to terminate the quarrel which he had 
done so much to produce. It is as follows, and though not then 
acted upon, proved the guiding star of further schemes as irrelevant as 
it was to the real point in dispute. 

Lord Strafford de Redclife to the Earl of Clarendon, (received August 3c?). 
(Plan to be addressed to Russia.) 

" Therapia, Jffly 23d, 1853. 
"My Lord, — Aware of the deep interest taken by his Majesty the 
Emperor of Eussia, and by the vast majority of his people, in all that 
concerns the religion which they profess, and fully appreciating the motives 
of that interest, I had much pleasure in making known to your Excellency 

1 Westmorland to Clarendon, Sept. 28th, 1853, Tart II. p. 128. 



134 



THE WAS: 



the firmans which, the Sultan, my gracious sovereign, promulgated at the 
end of Shaban in this year ; and, for the removal of all doubts, I now 
assure you, on behalf of the Sublime Porte, that it is the sincere intention 
of his Imperial Majesty, reserving the sacred rights of sovereignty towards 
his own subjects, to secure to the Greek or Orthodox Church, by means 
of those firmans duly enforced, the enjoyment of the privileges thereby 
confirmed, aud also of such other privileges and immunities as may here- 
after be granted by his Majesty to any other sect whatever of his Christian 
subjects. 

" The Sublime Porte entertains no doubt that the assurance grounded 
on the above-mentioned firmans, which have inspired confidence every- 
where, will also give satisfaction to Russia." 

Inclosure 2 in J\ T o. 39. — Project of Convention. 

"Malta Lima, le \\ Juillet, 1853. 

"The representatives of Austria, France, Great Britain, and Prussia, 
having met together in conference with the Ottoman Minister for Foreign 
Affairs, on his Highness's invitation, Rescind Pasha stated as follows : — 

" 1 1 am directed by his Majesty the Sultan to communicate to your 
Excellencies, with a translation in the French language, this document, 
which is a draft of note which, dictated by real sentiments of conciliation, 
appears to the Imperial Government calculated to meet the wish of Russia 
in regard to the question of religious privileges. 

" ' I declare, officially, that the Porte is resolved not to go beyond the 
terms of a note strictly conformable to this draft, any other arrangement 
appearing to it to be prejudicial to the sacred rights of its sovereignty and 
of its independence. 

" 1 It is well understood that, so soon as the Court of Russia shall have 
announced its acceptance of this draft, the Porte will not hesitate to send 
an ambassador to St. Petersburg, charged to deliver the aforesaid note. 

" ' In return for these formal assurances, the Porte expects that the 
Court of Russia will not delay giving orders for the evacuation of the 
Danubian Principalities. 

" 1 Finally, I declare, in the name of his Majesty the Sultan, that if, not- 
withstanding all these efforts to arrive at a peaceful and honourable arrange- 
ment, he should be compelled to take other measures for the independence 
of his empire and the integrity of his rights, the war which might ensue 
would only be looked upon by him as a contest for the maintenance of his 
independent.' 

" His Highness concluded this communication by requesting the repre- 
sentatives to have the goodness to undertake to convey the foregoing 
declaration, as well as the draft of note, to their colleagues at Vienna and 
at St. Petersburg, as supplementary to the previous communication relating 
to the same matter, and to obtain, with as little delay as possible, a reply 
from the Russian Cabinet, to be forwarded forthwith to Constantinople." 



who's to blame? 



135 



Acting upon Lord Stratford's advice (No. 73 1 ) that the Turks had 
acted fairly, and could not have acted differently, the moment that 
Lord Clarendon saw the Turkish modifications he announced, with no 
ordinary satisfaction, that the Turks were right, and that England 
would support them in their views and resolutions ! He at once 
changes his tune and his tone, and calls upon Russia, the party origi- 
nally and sorely grieved, and acknowledged by all to have been so, 
without receiving full and adequate redress, to give way or abide the 
consequences, and also calls upon all the other powers to insist upon 
her doing so ! He declined the first advice of France to reiterate the 
acceptance of the Vienna note by the Turks, receiving at the same 
time a clear acknowledgment that it did bear, in his mind, the inter- 
pretation that the Porte put upon it. Finding England resolute 
in her forward course, France readily consented to follow, caring little 
how her work was done so that it was done. He turned a deaf ear to 
the urgent and repeated solicitations of Austria and Prussia, but espe- 
cially the former, to adopt this reasonable course, while he at the 
same moment knew that the Turks had decided upon war, which war 
he knew he was ready to support. This resolution and this opinion 
on the part of Great Britain impelled the Turks onward in their war- 
like course, and rendered all further reasonable and rational negotia- 
tions with them hopeless. Let us attend for a moment to the letter 
and the spirit of his declarations. In No. 128 2 he informed Baron 
Brunnow, who seems to have been abashed at his manner, " in the mean- 
while I should not hesitate to inform him that, under no circumstances, 
would her Majesty's Government recommend the Turkish Government 
now to accept the Vienna note." In No. 135, 3 repudiating the words, 
ff letter and spirit of the treaty of Kainardji," and insisting, in the face 
of his former deliberate opinions, and of the strongest evidence to the 
contrary, that a new right is sought by Russia, his Lordship concludes a 
despatch founded wholly upon his "policy of suspicion" thus: — " If 
Europe is, for such causes, to be exposed to the calamities of war, they 
will be without parallel in history ; and I again express the earnest 
hope of her Majesty's Government, that the Austrian Government will 
not attempt to obtain the concessions contained in the Vienna note, which 
the Porte cannot grant, but that it will spare no effort to persuade the 
cabinet of St. Petersburg frankly and at once to give effect to the 
reiterated declarations of the Emperor." In No. 101 4 the Austrian 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, August 20th, 1853, Part IT. p. 82. 

2 Clarendon to Seymour, Oct. 6th, 1853, Part IT. p. 137- 

3 Clarendon to Westmorland, Oct. 9th, 1853, Part IT. p 113. 

4 Clarendon to Westmorland, Sept. 21st, 1853, Part II. r. 111. 



136 



the wae: 



Government expressed itself in the strongest manner on this point. 
" The Austrian Government felt sure that they would now all agree in 
urging the Porte no longer to refuse accepting the note as it stood. At 
all events, if her counsels were again disregarded, Austria, while 
deploring the fatal consequences which must ensue from a fresh refusal 
on the part of the Porte to defer to the wishes of the powers, could 
only consider her efforts to effect a reconciliation at an end.'" In No. 
124 1 Austria again uses strong and proper language, thus : — "If the 
Porte is made to understand that, shoftld it remain deaf to the repre- 
sentations of its allies, it will lose all title to their support. Nothing 
would have more effect, in the opinion of the Austrian Government, 
in making the admirers of the Porte aware of the dangers to which 
the Ottoman empire is exposed, than language held by the maritime 
powers proportionate to the gravity of the occasion. If the Porte 
should push their blindness so far as to desire to take the initiative in 
hostilities, then the Austrian Government considers it time to declare 
openly to the Porte that it will be reduced to complete isolation, of 
which it can easily foresee the consequences." 

The annals of diplomacy, however crooked and ignorant, do not 
afford a case in any way to compare or to contrast with the present. 
Here we have, if Lord Clarendon's words were strictly correct, an 
acknowledgment that four of the greatest cabinets in Europe were 
either inconceivable political simpletons, or intended knaves. We are 
unblushingly told, that they either did not understand what they 
wrote, or that they clothed their views in such language that it might 
not be understood ; and, in short, that their intentions were different 
from the meaning they conveyed — in short, that with the Turks they 
intended to deceive Russia. In No. 213, Part II. p. 217, Nov. 17th, his 
Lordship tells us that the Turks interpret the note, or read it, as he then 
did ! No doubt they would agree to this new interpretation ! The note, 
we have seen, was recommended and urged in its plain bearing upon the 
Ottoman Government, as the unanimous opinion and decision of the 
four great powers. Lord Clarendon turns round and states that the 
Turkish alterations were right (No. 100 2 ), that the Russian interpre- 
tation of the note " was at variance with the intentions of the four 
powers," and that all the other powers agree with him in opinion that 
they were so. Now we find (No. 126 s ) that Count Buol could not 
" entirely agree to the proposition." In No. 115, 4 we find Lord 

1 Clarendon to Westmorland, Oct. 5th, 1853, Part II. p. 133. 

2 Clarendon to Westmorland, Sept. 20th, 1853, Part II. p. 110. 

3 Clarendon to Westmorland, Oct. 5th, 1853, Part II. p. 132. 
* Loftus to Clarendon, Sept. 23d, 1853, Part II. p. 121. 



who's to blame? 



137 



Loft us telling us that when he communicated Lord Clarendon's 
changed tone to Baron Manteuffel, " his Excellency seemed much sur- 
prised at this intelligence," and heard a long despatch read in explana- 
tion of it, "without expressing any decided opinion." The French Govern- 
ment, at the first communication of the resolve to them, stated that 
they should re-urge upon the Porte to accept the note as it had been 
drawn up. Yet, with all this before him, Lord Clarendon (No. 125 1 ) 
instructs Lord Loftus to tell the Prussian Government that " it is quite 
impossible for her Majesty's Government now, under any circumstances 
or conditions whatever, to recommend the adoption of the Vienna note 
to the Porte, nor," as he stated (No. 106 2 ) to Lord Cowley, "to offer 
the British interpretation of it as an inducement to the Turkish Govern- 
ment to adopt it S" But this was not all. In a separate despatch to 
Lord Cowley of the same date, Lord Clarendon adds, that even " if 
active hostilities "should have "commenced," he would take no measures 
to oppose them j or in other, and his own words, " they will certainly 
offer no advice to the Turkish Government contrary to the interests of 
the Porte." 

Lord Stratford's prescriptions, especially the strong dose in No. 38 
(July 23d, 1853, Part II. p. 31), had already taken full effect. He tells 
Lord Clarendon — whining about suffering Turkey — "it is evidently 
most desirable to shorten it by all available means, and to make it, in 
case of failure, the passage to a more determined and progressive state 
of things." " With no pretensions to foresight, I cannot conceal my 
apprehensions that if the last reasonable prospect of bringing Russia 
to terms by negotiation were allowed to close in despair, the responsi- 
bility would rest with those who are deterred from the performance of 
duty by the sacrifices it necessarily involves ! " Yes, war by all means, 
let who will pay for it, in order that Lord Stratford's speculations, 
crotchets, and resentments, may be carried out ! How dangerous it 
is to trust such servants with power, by placing fleets at their disposal! 

The decision of the four powers, in the framing and recommending 
the Vienna note, was clearly unanimous. Prussia, in her manifesto 
against the Porte, dwelt, as she was entitled to do, upon the fact, and 
states thus : " To no purpose, even, have the principal powers of Europe 
sought, by their exhortations, to shake the blind obstinacy of the 
Ottoman Government." Surely this is correct. (Seep. 116.) Yet Lord 
Clarendon (No. 242 3 ) indignantly denies the fact. "Facts," says he, 
" do not bear out the statement that the principal powers of Europe had 

1 Clarendon to Loftus, Oct. 5th, 1853, Part II. p. 132. 

2 Clarendon to Cowley, Sept. 23d, 1853, Part II. p. 114. 

3 Clarendon to Seymour, Nov. 16th, 1853, Part II. p. 240. 



138 



THE WAS : 



in vain endeavoured to shake the blind obstinacy of the Porte !" The 
honour and feeling, or "honour and independence" of the obstinate Turk, 
was here uppermost in Lord Clarendon's mind, and as more deserving 
of consideration, than his own or that of his country. How could he 
forget the note that he had aided in drawing up, that he commanded 
Lord Stratford to call upon the Turkish Government to sign, and that 
he ably wrote six folio printed pages to prove was all fair, just, and 
reasonable, but which he knows the Turks refused, though urged thereto 
by the four greatest powers in Europe 1 These facts stand undeniable. 
The whole proceedings were characterised by great inconsideration and 
suspicion, and inferences as contrary to " the intentions of the four 
powers," but which intentions no one could know till they made them 
known, but which they (England and France) kept locked up in their 
own bosoms. In Xo. 117, 1 Lord Clarendon makes some very startling 
statements, which, unless these had been published, could never have 
been believed to have been made by a British statesman. Amongst 
others, he states that the Russian complaint about the Holy Places 
"has been satisfactorily settled !" l^ow, this is contrary to the fact. 
The guarantee or "solemn engagement," required by Russia as the 
most important part of that settlement, and which all acknowledged 
she ought to receive, was decidedly refused by Turkey. " But," says his 
Lordship, " the Vienna note contains a guarantee against which Russia 
raises no objections." Admitted, but then Turkey decidedly refused to 
sign that note, and Lord Clarendon himself says she ought not to sign 
it ; consequently, no guarantee was given, and the original question and 
cause of the dispute remained unsettled. There is no denying this 
truth, nor evading its force. 

Lord Clarendon proceeds with some most dangerous and extraordinary 
views, such as when he tells us that " the intentions of the Conference" 
were not that the Sultan should " concede to the Greek Church all such 
advantages as might be granted to other Christian denominations, but 
only those advantages which were conceded to communities who, like 
the Greeks, were Ottoman subjects." He adds, " that if the Sultan 
concluded a concordat with the Pope, conferring privileges on Roman 
Catholics, not subjects of the Porte," his Greek subjects were not to 
enjoy anything of the kind ! Well, leave the Pope unshackled. That is 
the secret aim; and would the placing Roman Catholics, not subjects of 
the Porte, above and before 14,000,000 of Greek Christians, be pleasing 
to the latter, and preserve peace and union in Turkey 1 Certainly not. 
What would the Protestants in Great Britain say, if their Government 
were to grant foreign Roman Catholics and Mohammedans privileges 
1 Clarendon to Seymour, Sept. 30th, 1853, p. 123. 



who's to blame? 



139 



in the United Kingdom which none other of our population enjoyed % 
Let Lord Clarendon try this Stratford- Turkish scheme in this country, 
and see if he will stand the result. 

It is painful to have to wade through such errors and inconsistencies, 
and to censure the conduct and proceedings of our rulers ; but it is 
necessary to do so, in order to show how clumsily their whole negotia- 
tions were conducted, on the part of this country, and to endeavour to 
elucidate, from their dark declarations, the truth which they sought to 
conceal, namely, predetermined hostility towards Russia. 

The lynx- eye of Nesselrode (No. 94= 1 ) quickly detected the dis- 
honesty concealed under the suppression of the words, "spirit and 
letter of the treaty of Kainardji," &c, in the Turkish modification 
which went to annul, and were intended to annul, all the existing 
treaties between Russia and Turkey; and he rightly concluded that 
to proceed on such unstable grounds, would be " to renew political rela- 
tions with Turkey under unfavourable auspices, which would deprive 
them of all solidity for the future, and inevitably bring about a fresh 
and more decided rupture." Moreover, Sir H. Seymour (No. 119 2 ) 
tells us, the rejection by Russia of the Turkish note was not intended 
to close the door against further negotiations that might bring about 
a peaceable solution of the dispute, but merely as " declining to con- 
cede to the Sultan a faculty which he had not himself exercised, as 
considering his (the Emperor of Russia's) assent to the Vienna note 
cancelled so soon as the Sultan's refusal to agree to it became decided, 
and in this manner as reserving to himself perfect freedom as to the 
future course of diplomatic action." And, notwithstanding these 
peremptory and warlike declarations, we shortly afterwards find the 
British Government, while carrying the sword in its right hand, press- 
ing all and sundry to join to preserve peace, but with the essential 
difference, that they clung to Turkey as in the right, and decreed 
Russia to be in the wrong. The wits of statesmen, especially at Vienna, 
were set to work to devise some new plan of accommodation. The 
first of these that made its appearance was a scheme emanating from 
conferences held at Olmutz between the Emperors of Russia and 
Austria, and an English minister. In No. 122 3 , Lord Westmorland 
gives the scheme and the view of it thus : — 

" The representatives of the four powers, upon the promise being given 
by the Porte, that it will sign, in its original form, the Vienna note, are 
ready to deliver to the Turkish Government a declaration founded upon 

1 Nesselrode's Analysis, August 28th, 1853, Part II. p. 103. 

2 Seymour to CkrencloD, Sept. 23d, 1853, Part II. p. 127. 

a Westmorland to Clarendon, Sept. 28th, 1853, Part II. p. 129. 



140 



THE WAR: 



the assurances given by his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia, to the 
effect that his Majesty asks only for a general guarantee of the immunities 
already granted to the Greek Church, and for nothing which could in any 
way prejudice the independence or rights of the Sultan, or which would 
imply a desire to interfere {ingerer) with the internal affairs of the 
Porte : that what the Emperor desires, is the strict maintenance of the 
status quo in all matters appertaining to the Orthodox Greek Church, and 
the promise to make that Church participate in any future advantages 
which, at a time subsequent to the present, the Sultan may be disposed to grant 
to any other denomination of Christians." 

" This claim, as your Lordship will observe," says Lord Westmor- 
land, " is very different from that implied in the interpretation which 
has been given to the paragraph in the Vienna note objected to by 
Rescind Pasha." " It is, therefore, prospective in its operations, and as 
such, it is not believed that it ought to be in any way a condition 
onerous to the Porte, or unfitting for it to grant." Lord Clarendon's 
letter preparatory to it, and the note itself, are here produced. Let 
them speak for themselves : — 

No. 126. — The Earl of Clarendon to the Earl of Westmorland. 

" Foreign Office, October 5, 1853. 

" My Lord, — Count Colloredo has placed in my hands a despatch frorn 
Count Buol, in which he refers to the effect produced on the cabinets of 
London and Paris by the confidential communication made by the Cabinet 
of St. Petersburg, in support of its rejection of the modifications required 
by the Porte in the Vienna note, and to the explanations which the British 
and French Governments have considered indispensable, in consequence 
of the interpretation given to that note by the Government of Russia. 

" Baron de Bourqueney, at the moment of Count Buofs departure for 
Olmutz, received instructions to invite Count Buol to declare, in conjunc- 
tion with the representatives of the three powers, the true sense of the 
Vienna note to be opposed to the interpretation put upon it by Count 
Nesselrode ; and although Count Buol could not entirely agree to this pro- 
position, he availed himself of the occasion afforded to him in his interview 
with Count Nesselrode, to devise some means of giving renewed action to 
the conferences, which had been for the moment paralysed. 

" The explanations of Count Nesselrode have confirmed Count Buol in 
the conviction that Russia does not aim at any interference in the internal 
affairs of the Ottoman empire, and that the demands of the Emperor of 
Russia do not involve anything derogatory to the sovereign rights of the 
Sultan. And Count Buol regards the declaration of this conviction, as it is 
embodied in the enclosed projet de note, to be the exact and authentic ex- 
pression of the meaning of the Emperor of Russia, the more especially as 
his Imperial Majesty has seen and approved this note, as expressing his 



who's to blame? 



141 



real intentions ; and Count Buol is of opinion that the proper method of 
offering a guarantee against any false interpretation being put on the 
Vienna note, and of overcoming the scruples of the Porte, would be to 
make known these intentions by a simultaneous declaration of the repre- 
sentatives of the four powers. 

" The Austrian Government is ready to authorize the Internuncio at 
Constantinople to make the declaration contained in the annexed projet de 
note as soon as his colleagues shall have received a similar authority from 
their Governments, and shall have been assured that the presentation of 
this note will be followed by the immediate signature of the Vienna note, 
and its transmission by an ambassador to St. Petersburg. 

" Count Buol hopes that this projet de note is "calculated to efface the 
impression produced on the English and French Governments by the last 
communication from the Kussian Government ; and is of opinion, that as 
the Cabinet of Kussia disavows all intention of interference in the internal 
affairs of Turkey, and gives a more satisfactory definition of the rights 
which it wishes to^, see guaranteed, as well as an unconditional adherence 
to the projet de note, the objections to the Vienna note appear groundless. It 
appears to Count Buol to be of great importance to adhere to the Vienna 
note, notwithstanding the difficulty of getting it accepted at Constan- 
tinople ; and he hopes that the resistance of the Ottoman Government will 
give way before the united and energetic representations of the four 
powers. Should it be otherwise, and should the Porte obey the dictates 
of impulse rather than the advice of its friends, such conduct would lead 
the Austrian Government to suppose that the Porte has decided to adopt 
a course which Austria is not inclined to follow. 

" But the Austrian Government does not anticipate the occurrence of 
such an extremity, if the Porte is made to understand that should it 
remain deaf to the representations of its allies, it will lose all title to their 
support. Nothing would have more effect, in the opinion of the Austrian 
Government, in making the advisers of the Porte aware of the dangers to 
which the Ottoman empire is exposed, than language held by the maritime 
powers proportioned to the gravity of the occasion. If the Porte should 
push their blindness so far as to desire to take the initiative in hostilities, 
then the Austrian Government considers it time to declare openly to the 
Porte, that it will be reduced to the complete isolation, of which it can 
easily foresee the consequences. 

" I am, &c. 
(Signed) " Clarendon." 

Page 134. — Inclosure in No. 126. — Draft of Note. 

" In recommending unanimously to the Porte to adopt the draft of note 
drawn up at Vienna, the Courts of Austria, France, England, and Prussia, 
are convinced that that document by no means prejudices the sovereign 
rights and dignity of his Majesty the Sultan. 

" That conviction is founded on the positive assurances which the 



142 



THE WAR : 



Cabinet of St. Petersburg has given in regard to the instructions by which 
his Majesty the Emperor of Russia is animated, in requiring a general 
guarantee of the religious immunities granted by the sultans to the Greek 
Church within their empire. 

'•' It results from these assurances, that in requiring, in virtue of the 
principle laid down in the treaty of Kainardji, that the Greek religion and 
clergy should continue to enjoy their spiritual privileges under the protec- 
tion of their sovereign the Sultan, the Emperor demands nothing contrary 
to the independence and the rights of the Sultan — nothing which implies 
an intention to interfere in the internal affairs of the Ottoman empire. 

" TThat the Emperor of Russia desires, is the strict maintenance of the 
religious status quo of his religion — that is to say, an entire equality of 
rights and immunities between the Greek Church and the other Christian 
communities, subjects of the Porte, consequently the enjoyment by the 
Greek Church of the advantages already granted to those communities. He 
has no intention of resuscitating the privileges of the Greek Church which 
have fallen into disuse by the effect of time or administrative changes, 
but he requires that the Sultan should allow it to share in all the advan- 
tages which he shall hereafter grant to other Christian rites. 

" The Imperial Cabinet of Austria would, consequently, fain not doubt 
that the Subliine Porte, considering anew, with all the serious attention 
which the gravity of the state of affairs requires, the explanations given by 
Russia with the view of defining exactly the nature and extent of her 
demands, will decide upon adopting, in its integrity, the Vienna note. The 
adoption of it, while it gives to the Ottoman Government fresh claims to 
the sympathy and support of the powers which have recommended it, 
offers it, at the same time, means as ready as they are honourable for 
effecting its frank reconciliation with the Emperor of Russia, a reconcilia- 
tion so imperiously required by so many vast interests." 

This note, and those declarations on the part of Russia, met the 
approbation of the French Government. M. Drouyn de Lhuys in- 
formed Lord Cowley (Xo. 124 l ) "that the Emperor was inclined to 
view the proposed declaration favourably; that his Majesty thought 
that it guarded the points on which the French and English 
Governments had the most insisted ; viz. the non-interference of Russia 
in the internal affairs of Turkey, or any assumed right of Russia to 
obtain privileges for the Greeks, other than those enjoyed, or to be 
conceded to, other Christian communities, subjects of the Porte." 
Lord Cowley, in the name of his Government, threw cold water on all 
this, — started a column of suspicions, fears, and objections, — and termi- 
nated the sitting by himself and M. Drouyn de Lhuys coming to the 
decision that their Governments would " not abandon the Porte to his 
late," let that pet favourite do what he would ! On the part of Turkey, 



1 Cowley to Clarendon, Oct. 4th, 1S53, Part IT. p. 130. 



who's to blame? 



143 



Lord Cowley characterised such a course of proceeding as " the right 
to have an independent opinion" — in other words, the opinion of 
none but himself was independent. In No. 103 1 this noble Lord had 
gone so far, then, as to state that Lord Aberdeen and Lord Cla- 
rendon had gone so far as to say, that " any further proceedings at 
Vienna would be useless, for that it would not be fair to urge the Porte 
to sign a document which would give Russia such advantage as it was 
now clear the Russian Government expected from it." 

Under such circumstances and encouragement, it was no wonder'that 
the Turks proceeded to action. They had got both Governments so 
completely hooked, that they could not disentangle themselves from the 
question, let the results be what they might. As early as Sept. 11th, 
reports were rife at Constantinople that the Mahommedan population 
meditated the massacre of the Christian population, and an attack 
upon the Sultan himself (No. 108 2 ). " The want of union in the 
ministry, and the threats directed against themselves, led to fears of 
most ruinous results." This led the ambassadors to call up four steam- 
frigates from the fleets to protect the capital. There is some reason to 
believe tha,t this was a got-up affair, in order to get a naval force of 
some strength through the Dardanelles, in order to encourage the 
Turks to war, in the certainty of European support. No disturbance 
at this time took place ; but, assuming the report to be serious, Lord 
Clarendon (No. 109 3 ) directed Lord Stratford to bring up the fleets to 
Constantinople. But this Lord Stratford did not do at that moment, 
as the Turkish minister (No. Ill 4 ) gave him "a strong assurance that 
the revolutionary movement " (if ever there was any) " was checked 
for the moment." Affairs were now coming to a crisis. On the 1st of 
October (No. 148 5 ) the Porte determined on going to war with Russia, 
and, on the 4th of the same month (No. 149 6 ), issued their manifesto, 
or declaration of war, with instructions to Omer Pasha on the Danube, 
and to their generals in Asia, to commence hostilities within fifteen days 
of the date that they supposed that the Russian generals who were 
opposed to them had received the notice. A formal demand was also 
made by the Turkish Government to the British and French ambas- 
sadors, to summon the fleets to Constantinople. In communicating 
this intelligence to his Government, Lord Stratford, as might have been 

1 Cowley to Clarendon, Sept. 20th, 1853, p. 113, Part IT. 

2 La Cour to Drouyn de Lhuys, Sept. 11th, 1853, p. 115. 

3 Clarendon to Stratford, Sept. 23d, 1853, Part II. p. 114. 

4 Stratford to Clarendon, Sept. 15th, 1853, Part II. p. 121. 

5 Reschid Pasha to M. Musurus, Oct. 1st, 1853, Part II. p. 153. 

6 Stratford to Redcliffe, Oct, 4th, 1853, p. 153, with Incisures, Part II. 



144 



THE WAR : 



expected (No. 157 1 ) excuses, to the utmost of his power, this dange- 
rous act, and informs us that the Porte had " appealed with perfect 
success to the zeal of the Mahommedan, and to the loyalty of his 
Christian subjects" (if this latter was true, Lord Stratford has told as 
many lies on other occasions, about the state of Turkey, as were suf- 
ficient to sink a navy) ; that their spirit and national will was so 
great, that u no Government can afford to throw away, or to chill by 
unseasonable disappointment." He concedes the point that there were 
"some appearances respecting them to justify a suspicion that the 
Porte has looked, at times, rather to the camp than to the cabinet for 
a solution of its differences with Russia f but great allowances should 
be made for " the difficulties and complications of the matter on hand," 
and from "the peculiarities which still prevail here in the habits of 
thinking, the modes of transacting business, and the process of com- 
munication ; " adding that " there is much, no doubt, to disapprove 
and even to complain of, in the Porte's habitual relations with Chris- 
tendom," but concluding in the following remarkable words : " The 
Sultan and his ministers cannot be blind to a truth which is obvious 
to every one — they must perceive that their hold upon the sympathies 
of any auxiliary power is one which has its origin in the sense entertained 
by that power of its own interests. Temporary circumstances may pro- 
duce an exceptional effect ; but, in their very natural and reasonable 
anxiety to elude the grasp of Russia, they can hardly be blamed for 
looking with hope to the adverse interests and corresponding policy of 
England and France /" Here is the whole truth told, and the secret 
of the cause of the war on the part of England and France against 
Russia laid open, namely, their own interests and corresponding policy, 
as adverse to Russia. This is, truly, "a Daniel come to judgment." It 
will not be forgotten. What a confession ! It is not the cause of 
truth and justice, or regard for the poor Turk, but the interests and 
policy of those two nations in whose hands Turkey is only a weapon to 
be used to attack her neighbour, and then to be squeezed, shivered, and 
thrown away ! ! Lord Stratford seems to have been in high spirits on 
the occasion. " There is," says he, properly telegraphing in French, 
English being unworthy, and unsuited to the great occasion (No. 161 2 ), 
" every appearance that hostilities will commence in eight or ten days, 
if not sooner. The Sultan has required the entrance of the squadrons, 
and I agreed with the French ambassador in this request. They will 
pass the straits in a body. No formal proposition has come here 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, Oct, 5th, 1853, Part IT p. 145. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, Oct. loth, 1S53, Tart 11. p. ICS. 



who's to blame? 



145 



from Vienna, subsequently to the meeting at Olmutz. The draft, con- 
fidentially announced by M. Brack, is looked upon by the Porte as 
inadmissible. Reschid Pasha, and perhaps his colleagues, would be 
favourable to the notion of a draft of the Vienna note, free equally 
from the modifications and from the passages to which they apply ; but 
the acceptance of such a note by the council -general must be looked 
upon as impossible, under existing circumstances." The Sultan knew 
that he could require the presence and assistance of the fleets at his 
pleasure, otherwise neither he nor "his ministers" would have acted as 
they did. Stratford and La Cour had quietly, though, perhaps, "hypo- 
thetical^," taught them all, that such a movement and assistance was 
secured to them ! 

In Part II. p. 291, Lord Stratford lets us more into the views of 
Turkey. " What they never cease to insist upon, is a clear and un- 
questionable deliverance from Russian interference applied to spiritual 
matters." — " They would gladly put forward claims to a new dis- 
position of the provinces, to the recognition of Circassian independence," 
&c. " I have," says he, " striven to impress the truth in every form 
of language upon their minds, that however natural such sentiments 
may be, their indulgence on the present occasion is neither just, nor 
wise, nor humane, seeing that the original difference can now be settled 
on safe and honourable grounds, with every moral and political ad- 
vantage on the Sultan's side ; while an unnecessary continuance of 
hostilities would involve the most perilous hazards, the most exhausting 
sacrifices, a vast effusion of blood, and, more than possibly, the horrors 
of a general war" 



L 



146 



THE WAT? ; 



CHAPTER V. 

DECLARATION OF WAR BY TURKEY — IMPORTANT CONCESSION, AND DECLA- 
RATIONS BY RUSSIA, FRANCE, ENGLAND, AND TURKEY — MOVEMENT OF 
FLEETS — PROTOCOL OF 5TH DECEMBER — SEVERAL OTHER NOTES AND PRO- 
TOCOLS — ALL REFUSED BY TURKEY, ETC. ETC. 

The declaration of war, on the part of Turkey, took a considerable por- 
tion of Europe by surprise. The spirit in which it was made is shown 
by the fact stated by M. Drouyn de Lhuys (No. 127 1 ), namely, it took 
place before the Divan was " acquainted with the new interpretation 
which Count Nesselrode had given to the note," and persisted, for the 
second time, in its resolution, and declared that this note in its original 
form was "for ever inadmissible." This declaration of war, however, 
put Europe on its mettle, and set their wits to work — some sincerely, 
others insincerely — to devise means to arrest hostilities. Count Buol, 
on the part of Austria, expressed a hope (No. 154 2 ), that the support 
which the Governments of France and England would give to the 
Sultan *' would not in any way interfere with their character as medi- 
ators." Baron Manteuffel, on the part of Prussia, tells us, amidst his 
surprise, 3 that he " abstains from reverting to the grounds of the new 
attitude thus taken up by the Cabinet of London. I look upon it as 
one of those facts into which a merely retrospective examination is not 
calculated to render the ways of conciliation and peace more even, 
but which it is necessary to take into account, in order to devise new 
forms of arrangement." — " For this purpose I appeal with confidence 
to the calm and enlightened judgment of the British Government, 
which assuredly will not, any more than ourselves, deceive itself in 
regard to the serious character of the present state of affairs, and the 
immense responsibility connected with the present crisis ; " but, " in 

1 Drouyn de Lhuys to Walewski, Oct. 4th, 1853, p. 135. 

2 Westmorland to Clarendon, Oct. 13th, 1853, Part II. p. 164. 

8 Page 170, Manteuffel to Bruunow, Oct. 14th, 1S53, Tart II. p. 170. 



who's to blame? 



147 



order that we may flatter ourselves with some chance of success in 
this matter, we must, in the first place, endeavour to prevent any 
warlike precipitation on the part of the Sublime Porte ; and we have 
enjoined the King's Envoy at Constantinople to express himself in 
this sense, on every opportunity that shall offer itself." 

Lord Clarendon, dropping for a moment his uplifted sword, and 
taking up his pen (No. 1 64 1 ), sends Lord Stratford another note, and 
urges him, if possible, to bring about an arrangement, " otherwise than 
by a new treaty between the Porte and Russia."-—" It is, however, my 
duty to inform your Excellency, that her Majesty's Government 
observe with regret that due attention has not been paid by the 
Turkish Government to the advice tendered by your Excellency, with 
a sincere regard -to the Sultan's own interests." — " You desired that 
the declaration of war and the commencement of hostilities should be 
delayed until all attempts at negotiation should have finally proved 
unsuccessful." — "Your Excellency is instructed firmly, but in the 
most friendly spirit, to convey this caution to Rescind Pasha ; and 
you will not conceal from him how great will be the disappointment 
of her Majesty's Government, if he should now reject the note which 
has been framed with due regard to the Sultanas honour, and if, more- 
over, the rejection of the note should rest on no better grounds than 
popular excitement or military enthusiasm, inducing the Porte to pre- 
fer war to peace, and to incur the risk of all the evils and dangers 
which such a decision must necessarily bring with it." — " The tradi- 
tional policy of this country will be rigidly adhered to. The highest 
political interests, not alone of England, but of Europe, are involved 
in tl^e maintenance of the Ottoman empire; and these interests 
demand that any act of aggression by Russia against Turkey should 
be vigorously resisted. But a desire for war on the part of the Porte, 
in. disregard of its consequences either to Turkey herself or to her 
allies, while there is yet a possibility that the legitimate objects which 
the Porte has in view may be attained by negotiation, would be 
viewed with great displeasure by this country, and would necessarily 
influence the policy towards the Sultan that it might be the duty of 
•her Majesty's Government to pursue." 

The note alluded to is here adduced (No. 164 2 ), curtailed of those 
passages more immediately connected with the Holy Places, and 
stripped of the unmeaning rubbish of diplomatic preambles, which con- 
sist of promises, firmans, &c. <fcc." — words without meaning, and 

1 Clarendon to Stratford, Oct. 24th, 1853, Part II. p. 173. 

2 Clarendon to Stratford, Oct. 24th, 1853, Part II. p. 173, Inclosure. 

L 2 



148 



THE WAR : 



intended to be so, and totally irrelevant to the point at issue, viz. " a 
national engagement having the force of a treaty," which was the 
Russian object sought : — 

Projet de Note. 

"His Majesty the Sultan, having nothing more at heart than to re- 
establish between himself and his Majesty the Emperor of Russia the 
relations of good neighbourhood and of perfect understanding which have 
unfortunately been impaired by recent and painful complications, has 
anxiously endeavoured to discover the means of obliterating the traces of 
that difference. 

" With this view the undersigned is ordered to declare, with reference 
to the stipulations of the treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that of Adri- 
anople, that the Sublime Porte is firmly resolved to observe the promise 
contained therein, by continuing constantly to protect the Christian reli- 
gion and all its churches. 

" As regards the religious privileges of the Greek rite, it is a point of 
honour with his Imperial Majesty the Sultan, to maintain in force, and in 
security from all prejudice, for the present as well as for the future, the 
spiritual privileges granted to the Greek Church by his Majesty's august 
predecessors, and confirmed by himself ; and, in a spirit of benevolence 
and of equity, conformable to the principles which direct the Ottoman 
Government, to cause that Church to partake of the spiritual privileges 
granted, or which may be granted, to any Christian commimity subject to 
the Ottoman Government. 

" The undersigned has the honour to enclose a copy of the Imperial 
firman, confirmatory of the privileges of the Greek clergy, which has lately 
been delivered to the Patriarch of that rite. 

"This firman is a fresh proof of the generous intentions, and of the 
sovereign will of his Majesty the Sultan in this respect, which has in all 
quarters inspired confidence that the promulgation of this firman will 
suffice to dispel all doubt or apprehension on the subject of the religion 
professed by his Majesty the Emperor of Russia." 

" His Imperial Majesty the Sultan regards it as a point of honour to 
watch over the maintenance of the spiritual privileges granted to the 
Greek Church by his illustrious ancestors. If, in the exercise of his 
rights of sovereignty, he is ambitious of being the author of the prosperity 
of his people, and the object of their benedictions, he attaches an equal 
importance not only to the scrupulous observance of the existing treaties 
between the Sublime Porte and Russia, but also to the fulfilment of every 
desire expressed by his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, his august ally, 
the accomplishment of which would contribute to draw more closely the 
bonds of friendship which unite the two sovereigns. 

" In communicating what precedes to your Excellency, by order of his 
Imperial Majesty, my gracious sovereign, I avail," &c. 



who's to blame? 



149 



It is necessary here to observe that this note, together with all, 
or nearly all, the others, were drawn up about Vienna, London, 
and Paris, without either Turkey or Russia knowing anything about 
them. The Turk, however, who still retained a glimmering of reason, 
notwithstanding his "weakness, errors, and prejudices," and several 
other little peccadillos excusable in him but in no one else, saw this, 
and revolted against and justly complained of such proceedings. In 
No. 71, 1 Rescind Pasha tells uSj that " the Government of Russia, also, 
was not consulted in regard to the drawing up of that draft." The 
idea seems to have been that the Turk would accept whatever they 
dictated, and that if Russia ^did not agree to it, they would compel 
her. In all this they were wrong, and consequently, says Lord Cla- 
rendon (No. 169 2 ), we must adopt a wiser course, "in order to avoid 
the error committed on a forme?" occasion, which the Emperor of Russia, 
no less than the Sultan, has a right to expect shall not again be re- 
peated, that no proposal shall be made to his Imperial Majesty that 
has not previously been agreed to by the Porte." 

It may not be uninteresting to turn for a moment to consider, from 
the papers before us, some of the more material causes which, with the 
impulses from without, encouraged the Turks to proceed to hostilities. 
As early as the 2d August, 3 Lord Clarendon, " with the approval of 
more than one of his colleagues," told Count Walewski that he had 
informed Lord Stratford thus : — " In the event of any further act of 
aggression by Russia, or undue delay on her part in accepting the 
terms for an amicable arrangement that may be proposed to her, her 
Majesty's Government, in conjunction with that of France, will be pre- 
pared to take more active measures for the protection of Turkey 
against a power of whose hostile designs there will then exist no rea- 
sonable doubt " — England and France being thus the sole judges ! ! 
In page 35, 4 that impartial diplomatist, Lord Stratford, states that 
the Porte, at his advice, was producing a note which would accomplish 
" the relinquishment of any pretension to a counter declaration from 
Russia;" in other words, whatever the Turk said, the Russian would 
be compelled to yield to ! In No. 83, 5 Clarendon informs Cowley, 
" that any movements of the fleets that should have the character of 
a retreat, or of abandoning the policy which France and England had 
been engaged in upholding, was not for a moment to be thought of' 

1 Keschid Pasha to the Four Representatives, Inclosure, No. 1, August 19th, 1853, p. 73. 

2 Clarendon to Loftus, Oct. 25th, 1853, p. 179. 

3 Clarendon to Cowley, August 2d, 1853, p. 22. 

4 Stratford to Westmorland, July 23d, 1853, Part II. p. 35. 

5 Clarendon to Cowley, Sept. 6th, 1853, Part II. p. 88. 



150 



THE WAR: 



In No. 101, 1 Lord Clarendon states, that "her Majesty's Government 
would consider it nothing short of dishonesty to persuade the Turkish 
Government to sign the note, now that they were made aware that 
their interpretation of it was not that of the Emperor of Russia." In 
other words, it has been discovered, either that we did not know what 
we were saying or doing, or that we ha^e been detected in attempting 
to deceive Russia! In No. 106, 2 his Lordship says, "Her Majesty's 
Government do not think it expedient farther to press the note on 
the acceptance of the Porte, nor to offer the British interpretation of 
it as an inducement to the Turkish Government to accept it." Thus 
Turkey was left to defy Russia, certain of British support, whether 
right or wrong ! In No. 119, 3 Seymour informs us: — " Unfortunately 
the warlike disposition manifested by the Turks, together with the idea 
which has been encouraged by the public press, of the Emperor's consent 
having been extorted from him under pressure, are certain to increase 
the difficulty of obtaining concessions on the side of Russia." In 
No. 133, 4 Lord Clarendon, adverting to " the enthusiasm of the 
Turkish army, and the excitement of the people," says to Lord Strat- 
ford, " I have to instruct you, after concerting with M. De la Cotjr, 
whose instructions will be to a similar effect, to request that Admiral 
Dundas will bring the British fleet to Constantinople, whether war has 
been declared by the Sultan or not ! In No. 148, 5 Reschid Pasha com- 
mands the Turkish ambassadors at the different European Courts, to 
inform them that " the Imperial Government, under existing circum- 
stances, reckons upon the moral and material support of England and 
France, and it is to that object that the language which you will have 
to hold at London should be directed." Reschid Pasha had been pre- 
viously well tutored to require and to expect this. In No. 157, 6 Lord 
Stratford tells us, that "the popular spirit and national will" was 
such "as few Governments can entirely control, and which no Govern- 
ment can afford to throw away or to chill by unseasonable disappoint- 
ment." In No. 353, Part I, 7 Lord Stratford, after enumerating the 
numerous dangers surrounding Turkey, tells us, " I can hardly doubt 
that the notion of Reschid Pasha and his friends, if fully supported 
from without, is, in failure of negotiation, to settle accounts once for 
all with Russia," — " and to place the Turkish empire on a footing of 

1 Clarendon to Westmorland, Sept. 24th, 1S53, Part II. p. 111. 

2 Clarendon to Cowley, Sept. 23d, 1S53, Part II. p. 114. 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, Sept. 23d, 1853, Part II. p. 127. 

4 Clarendon to Stratford, Oct. 8th, 1853, Part II. p. 142. 

s Rescind Pasha to Musurus, Oct. 1st, 1853, Part II. p. 153. 

6 Stratford to Clarendon, Oct. 5th, 1853, Part II. p. 1G5. 

7 Stratford to Clarendon, July 4th, 1S53, Part I. p. 371, Sec. 



who's to blame? 



151 



close connexion with the leading, and particularly with the Western, 
Powers of Europe," &c. He must be blind, indeed, who cannot see the 
quarter from which such advice proceeded, and the objects had in 
view by the Turks, or rather their ministers, in conjunction with their 
interested allies. " That is your course," says Stratford to them. 
The interests of France and England — or the Western Powers — are 
" adverse to those of Russia, and therefore you are sure of their sup- 
port if you beard her." Besides, he gives us another reason, and, 
perhaps, not the least important one, namely this : — " The Moham- 
medans feel no hesitation in expressing a desire for hostilities, for, 
according to them, continual war in Turkey is requisite to keep alive the 
spirit of Islamism /" 

Much stronger passages than these might be culled out from pages 
of the official documents under review, but sufficient, it is considered, 
has been adduced to show that France and England abetted this spirit 
for their own purposes. They left the Turks liberty to do as they 
pleased : Only oppose Russia, and we are with you. The effects of 
such conduct and proceedings produced a painful effect at St. Peters- 
burg. In No. 171, 1 Sir H. Seymour is obliged to tell us, that, in an 
official interview with Count Nesselrode, " The latter," said he, "wished 
that he could feel certain that the existence of unjust suspicions had not 
been betrayed of late ;" and added, that " although grieved to say so, 
he would not conceal from me his apprehension, that it was the settled 
purpose of her Majesty's Government to humiliate Russia." — "I might 
be assured that, under no possible circumstances, would humilia- 
tion be submitted to by the Emperor." Continuing — "The Chancellor 
wished that it were in his power to set his mind at ease ; but ob- 
served, that the feeling which he attributed to her Majesty's Govern- 
ment was common to all England. How, he would ask, was it 
possible, that such hostility should foe felt throughout all classes 
against Russia 1 " These truths cannot be denied. Her Government, 
her counsellors, her press, and her people, misled and misinformed, 
called for the most deadly hostility against, and humiliation of Russia. 
The officious imprudence of Sir H. Seymour could not deny this, while 
he knew well that the cause thereof arose from reasons quite different 
from those which he stated — causes, too, which he more than others 
wished to impress on his Government. As an instance of the one-sided 
Mahommedan feeling which ruled the mind of this diplomatist, the 
same despatch gives us a most remarkable elucidation : " The weight 
of personal character," says he, " may well be allowed to that of the 



1 Seymour to Clarendon, Oct. 14-th, 1853, Part II. p. 180. 



152 



THE WAR: 



Emperor" 1 but "in the affairs of state it is the character of the agree- 
ment, and not of the person, which is to be considered." But if so, 
then this applies equally to England that it does to Russia ; and the 
latter has no more reason, in any arrangement which she had to make 
with Turkey, to rely upon the character of Sultan Abdul-Medjid, or 
Ins word (all that has ever been adduced), in the arrangements pro- 
posed between Russia and Turkey, than Russia had in arrangements 
with England. 

The declaration of war changed the face of diplomatic proceedings, 
It stopped the manufacture, to a certain extent, of notes, but gave 
birth to the creation of protocols and conferences, as the bases of 
treaties which, like their predecessors, the Turk looked upon with the 
most stoical indifference. The declaration of war took place on the 
6th October, and was despatched to the armies from Constantinople on 
the 5th. It reached Omar Pasha late on the 8th, or very early on the 
9th. He immediately, and in all haste, executed his commission. His 
summons was (No. 190, p. 204) received by Prince Gortchakoff at 
3 a.m. on the 9th. His reply, and refusal to its demand, is dated 
Bucharest, Sept. 10th. From the 9 th, then, the fifteen days for the 
commencement of hostilities are to be dated, which will bring the expiry 
of that period to the 24th of October. In No. 246, p. 242 (Inclosure), 
Consul Yeames informs us (Odessa, October 28th), " that hostilities com- 
menced on the Danube early on the morning of la%t Sunday, the 23d 
instant" by an attack on some Russian vessels passing up the Danube, 
when they were within their own territory ; and on the night of the same 
day, by a Turkish force crossing into Tehetal, one of the islands of the 
Delta, opposite Ismael, and opening a fire upon the pontoon bridge at 
that place. This took place one day, at least, before the expiry of the 
time prescribed by the Turkish general. " This step," says Lord 
Clarendon (No. 21 3 2 ), " her Majesty's Government could not but 
regret had been taken by the Porte whilst attempts at negotiation 
were not yet wholly abandoned, but his allies were still endeavouring 
to bring her differences with Russia to a peaceful and honourable 
termination." The ambassadors at Constantinople, and especially 
Lord Stratford, were instructed to require from the Turkish Govern- 
ment a prolongation of the time for the commencement of hostilities. 
This, with much reluctance on the part of the Divan, he, on the 21st 
of October, gained for ten days longer. This extension was to be sent 
to the armies immediately ; but Omar Pasha, secretly instructed by his 

1 lTo\v can this man excuse his subsequent calumnies against this very Emperor ? He — 
England — ought to blush at such duplicity and double-dealing ! 
3 Official Circular, dated Nov. 7th, and in p. 218. 



who's to blame? 



153 



Government (for instructions he must have had, or he would have been 
reprimanded for his conduct, which he never was), took good care to 
render this concession null by commencing hostilities previous even to 
the day of the expiry of his first notice. This precipitation, Lord 
Clarendon sagely concluded, proved that the order for postponement 
" either had not been received, or seems not to have been obeyed " (No . 
219 1 ). Some stir was made about this scurvy treatment of the allies by 
demanding explanation, but we cannot find that any was ever given or 
received, while the British Consul at Batoum tells us (No. 232 2 ), that 
the Turkish messenger who brought the order for delay to that 
quarter actually joined in the Turkish attack on Fort St. Nicholas, 
which was taken, and where cruel barbarities, on the Turkish frontier, 
were committed upon the unfortunate inhabitants. 

This delay of ten days gave Lord Stratford much pain. " It is im- 
possible not to view with regret," says he (No. 252, p. 251), "and 
anxiety, this prolonged state of anxiety between peace and war ;" and 
hopes that the Porte, being thus obliged to " continue in such a state 
of dangerous indecision, may be viewed with friendly indulgence ! " 

The effect of the declaration of war, when it reached Vienna, is well 
and strongly expressed by Count Buol (No. 236 3 ) thus : " The Impe- 
rial Government has seen with concern .... that the Government of 
his Majesty the Sultan had abandoned the hopes of settling peaceably 
its differences with the Emperor of Russia. The regrets of the Court 
of Austria were the more warranted, since, at the very moment when 
the Sublime Porte was appealing to the fate of arms, the Emperor of 
Russia was repeating at Olmutz assurances which, in the estimation of 
the Cabinet of Vienna, were calculated to augment the chances of a 
pacific solution." — " All that Russia desires to obtain is an assurance 
of the strict maintenance of the religious status quo of the Greek 
religion, that is to say, entire equality of rights and immunities be- 
tween the Greek Church and the other Christian communities, subjects 
of the Porte; consequently, enjoyment in favour of the Greek Church 
of the advantages already granted to those communities, as well as a 
participation in those which the Sultan might hereafter concede to 
other Christian sects. On this basis the Cabinet of St. Petersburg is 
ready to enter immediately and directly with the Ottoman Government 
into negotiations for peace, the seat of which, according to it, might be 
established at Bucharest." 

Nothing could be clearer and plainer than this, while it is merely a 

* Clarendon to Westmorland, Nov. 9th, 1853, Part II. p. 221. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, Nov. 5th, 1853, Tart II. p. 250. 

3 Westmorland to Clarendon, Nov. 10th, 1853, (Iiiclosure, dated Nov. 10th, p. 236, Part 110 



154 



THE WAR : 



repetition of the declarations and intentions of Russia. But it was 
disregarded. Before entering upon new bases for treaties, we may 
shortly notice the fate of some of the old. In No. 304, 1 Lord Strat- 
ford tells us that the proposition conveyed in. Lord Clarendon's 
despatch, urged by him as directed, without reference to the aid of 
the Austrian and Russian ambassadors, "had met with no success'"' 2 — 
" to both of us the language of the Ottoman secretary was unfavour- 
able.'''' The Turks were so elated with the favourable accounts from 
the Danube, that they disdained all propositions, counsels, or advice. 
" The terms proposed could not be accepted without an appeal to the 
general council, and Reschid Pasha could hold out no prospect of 
their acquiescence, even if his colleagues were favourably disposed, which 
they evidently were not .... the leading men of whom constitute what 
is called the war party." — " I took my leave with evident marks of dis- 
appointment and dissatisfaction, expressing in strong terms my appre- 
hension that the Pasha would one day have reason to look back with 
painful regret at the issue of our interview ; and this I did not do till 
after I had vainly tried to reconcile him to my advice, by changing its 
form, and suggesting the adoption of its principle, in some way more 
suited to the state of actual hostilities." At pages 284 and 285, we 
find his Lordship returns to the charge and states : " The proposition 
at present submitted to the Porte is, substantially, nothing else but 
what that power has always shown herself disposed to accept." — " It 
cannot even be denied that the difficulty of amicably settling the 
differences which have led to the existing contest are visibly increased 
by the recourse which has been had to arms, and by the hostilities 
which have ensued." — " Public opinion in Europe approves the 
resistance of the Porte, and the squadrons of England and France 
are anchored in the Bosphorus for the protection of the Ottoman terri- 
tory. But the most sincere allies of the Porte cannot sacrifice the 
interests of their own subjects to its desire, however natural it may 
be, to obtain the advantages unlooked for at the commencement of 
its quarrel with Russia, and the most civilized nations are precisely 
those which would be the first to feel horror at a war, pushed, for 
any motive whatever, beyond the limits of reason and necessity." 
All this advice went for nothing. " The council," says he (Inclosure 
No. 3, p. 286), " is unwilling to accept it under present circumstances." 
At this point the Turks should have been left to their own counsels 
and resources ; and so they would have been, had France and England 
been honest and sincere in the matter. There was no chance of 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, Nov. 19t.li, 1S53, Part II. pp. 280, 281, with Inclosures. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, No. 354, Nov. 5th, 1853, Part II. p. 253. 



who's to blame? 



155 



obtaining the acceptance of the propositions, " even in a modified 
shape," 1 and the further answer is purely Turkish, " that if the draft in 
question had been received two months sooner, he (Reschid Pasha) was 
persuaded that the Porte would have received it with satisfaction ! " 
The cause of failure is quite plain. In No. 189, p. 186, May 26th, 
Lord Clarendon tells us that " the co-operation of the ambassadors of 
France and England, at this important crisis of Eastern affairs, cannot 
fail to give confidence to the Forte, and is in conformity with the desire 
of their Governments." This the Turks knew well, and that their new 
allies would never desert them. " Her Majesty's Government," says 
Sir H. Seymour to Count Nesselrode, October 11th, p. 181, u care very 
little whether the storm breaks now or a little later.'''' 

We next come to that great document " The Collective Note," the 
offspring of the brains of the English and French Cabinets. In No. 
273, 2 we find that this note was drawn up by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, 
submitted to and approved by Lord Clarendon, and despatched to 
Vienna, for the Conference to doctor up and transmit to Constantinople 
and St. Petersburg as they considered advisable. The following is the 
note in question, with the observation that it retains in full force the 
words, the "letter and spirit" of the Russian interpretation of the 
treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople, soon after to be disputed and 
denied : — 

The Earl of Clarendon to the Earl of Westmorland. — No. 282. 

" Foreign Office, November 29th, 1853. 

" My Lord, 

" Collective Note to be signed at Vienna. 

" The undersigned, representatives of Austria, France, Great Britain, and 
Prussia, assembled in conference at Vienna, have received instructions to 
declare that their respective Governments view with deep regret the com- 
mencement of hostilities between Russia and the Porte ; and anxiously 
desire, by mediating between the belligerent powers, to stop the further 
effusion of blood, and to terminate a state of things which seriously en^ 
dangers the peace of Europe. 

" Assurances have been received that Russia is willing to treat ; and 
the undersigned, not doubting that the Porte is animated by a similar 
spirit, request, in the name of their respective Governments, to be informed 
upon what conditions the Turkish Government is willing to negotiate a 
treaty of peace." 

The note adverted to, and which accompanied this despatch (Inclo- 
sure 2, in No. 282), being word for word the same as that confirmed, 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, Nov. 19th, 1853, Part II. p. 270, 

2 Cowley to Clarendon, Nov. 25th, 1853, Part II. p. 261. 



156 



THE WAR : 



at Vienna, dated the 5th of December, 1853, with the protocol pre- 
pared and transmitted to Constantinople, is here omitted as unneces- 
sary. The most urgent orders were sent to all the ambassadors of the 
four powers at that capital to press its acceptance on the Porte. 

Note addressed by the Vienna Conference to Reschid Pasha. 

" Vienne, le 5 Decembre, 1853. 

" The undersigned, representatives of Austria, France, Great Britain, and 
Prussia, assembled in conference at Vienna, have received instructions to 
declare that their respective Governments view with deep regret the com- 
mencement of hostilities between Eussia and the Porte ; and anxiously 
desire, by mediating between the belligerent powers, to stop the further 
effusion of blood, and to terminate a state of things which seriously 
endangers the peace of Europe. 

" Russia having given an assurance that she is willing to treat, and the 
undersigned not doubting that the Porte is animated by a similar spirit, 
they request, in the name of their respective Governments, to be informed 
upon what conditions the Turkish Government is willing to negotiate a 
treaty of peace." 

Protocol of a Conference of the Four Representatives, held at Vienna, 
December 5, 1853. 

" The undersigned, representatives of Austria, France, Great Britain, and 
Prussia, in conformity with the instructions of their Courts, have met 
together in conference, in order to devise the means of reconciling the 
difference which has arisen between Russia and the Sublime Porte. 

" The dimensions which that difference has assumed, and the war which 
has broken out between the two empires, notwithstanding the efforts of 
their allies, have become the object of most serious solicitude for Europe. 
Accordingly, their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the 
French, the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, 
and the King of Prussia, being equally impressed with the necessity of 
exerting themselves in order to put an end to hostilities which would not 
be protracted without affecting the interests of their own states, have 
resolved to offer their good offices to the two high belligerent parties, in 
the hope that they will be unwilling themselves to incur the responsibility 
of a conflagration, when, by an exchange of frank explanations, they may 
still be able to avert it, by replacing their relations on a footing of peace 
and good understanding. 

"The assurances given at different times by his Majesty the Emperor of 
Russia exclude, on the part of that august sovereign, the notion of assailing 
the integrity of the Ottoman empire. In fact, the existence of Turkey, in 
the limits assigned to her by treaty, is one of the necessary conditions of 
the balance of power in Europe ; and the undersigned Plenipotentiaries 
record, with satisfaction, that the existing war cannot, in any case, lead to 



who's to blame? 



157 



modifications in the territorial boundaries of the two empires, which would be 
calculated to alter the state of possession in the East established for a 
length of time, and which is equally necessary for the tranquillity of all 
the other powers. 

" His Majesty the Emperor of Russia, moreover, has not confined himself 
to these assurances ; he has declared that it never was his intention to im- 
pose upon the Porte any new obligations, or any which might not be in con- 
formity with the treaties of Routchouk, Kainardji, and Adrianople, according to 
the stipulations of which the Sublime Porte has promised to protect, throughout the 
whole extent of its dominions, the Christian religion and its churches. The Court 
of Russia has added, that in requiring from the Ottoman government a 
proof of its faithful adherence to former engagements, it by no means had 
the intention of diminishing the authority of the Sultan over his Christian 
subjects, and that its sole object had been to ask for explanations calcu- 
lated to prevent any misapprehension and any cause of misunderstanding 
with a neighbouring and friendly power. 

" The sentiments manifested by the Sublime Porte during the recent 
negotiations prove, on the other hand, that it was prepared to recognise 
all its treaty engagements, and to take into account, as far as its sovereign 
rights would allow, the interest felt by his Majesty the Emperor of Russia 
in a religion which is his own, and that of the majority of his people. 

" In this state of things, the undersigned are convinced that the readiest 
and surest means of attaining the object desired by their Courts, will be 
to make a joint communication to the Sublime Porte, in order to set 
before it the wish of the powers to contribute, by their friendly interven- 
tion, to the re-establishment of peace, and to enable it to make known the 
conditions on which it would be disposed to treat. 

" This is the object of the annexed collective note, addressed to the Sul- 
tan's Minister for Foreign Affairs, and of the instructions likewise annexed, 
transmitted to the representatives of Austria, Prance, Great Britain, and 
Prussia, at Constantinople. 



In No. 30 1, 1 Lord Westmorland informs us that the representatives 
of the four powers agreed to this note, after some verbal corrections, 
and to transmit it to Constantinople; instructing, at the same time, 
the ambassadors to state to the Porte f£ the anxious desire of the four 
Governments that the Porte should favourably receive and act upon 
their suggestions, and the deep regret with which any appearance of 
disinclination on her part to do so would be viewed by them." Out 
of this, or with this, appeared a celebrated and important protocol, 
which we shall presently adduce ; which protocol the wise men of the 



(Signed) 



" BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN, 
BoURQUENEY, 



Westmorland, 
Arnheim." 



1 Westmorland to Clarendon, Dec. 3d, 1853, Part II. p. 277. 



158 



THE WAR: 



East thought should be a confidential document, of which no copy 
should be given, but that the contents of it might, after the departure 
of the messenger for Constantinople, be communicated confidentially to 
Baron Meyendorff and to Aniff EfFendi, in the same mode as had been 
adopted with regard to the note. In No. 302, 1 we find Lord Clarendon 
telling us how readily he agrees to, and how highly he approves of, all 
these proceedings. 

In No. 284, 2 we find in Lord Clarendon's instructions to Lord Strat- 
ford regarding this note the following rather singular directions : 
" With this expectation, the four powers feel that the answer to their 
inquiry should be left entirely to the wisdom and experience of the 
Turkish Government ; but in the event of your Excellency and your 
colleagues being consulted upon the subject, it would be desirable to 
advise the Porte to declare that the four powers have done justice to its 
conciliatory intentions by assuming that it is still desirous, upon 
honourable conditions, to terminate its differences with Russia, and to 
come to an understanding with that power ; and that with reference 
to the assurances that Russia has on various occasions given, that she 
asks for no new concessions, -rot for any right derogatory to the sove- 
reignty of the Sultan, the Porte is prepared to renew its offers, and to 
discuss the form in which peace shall be re-established and the reli- 
gious question settled, upon condition of not being ashed to accede to 
any demand that it has already refused, and of an arrangement being 
concluded for the evacuation of the Principalities." 

The amount and meaning of this instruction, telling the Turks what 
they should do, is somewhat novel, and appears to mean, — Stand still 
as you are, do as you please, act as foolishly and arrogantly as you 
please, only let us appear to be wise and honest men ! From instruc- 
tions such as the above, and to such a quarter, how could the British 
Cabinet expect success under any circumstances, but particularly the 
circumstances under which the question had then been placed ? 

In the meantime, and by way of keeping active the character of the 
tragedy, we have the sayings and doings of Sir H. Seymour to fill up 
any void that might be found. This gentleman appears to have been 
in his proper element, and to have been well instructed by the Foreign 
department, that in all his transactions with the Russian Government 
he should carefully keep Turkey foremost ; and in whatever commu- 
nication he had to make at St. Petersburg, he should make it in a style 
and manner as acrimonious as possible, and humiliating to Russia and 
her Government. In this he failed not. Take an example. In No. 

1 Clarendon to Westmorland, Dec. 9th, 1853, Part II. p. 279. 

2 Clarendon to Stratford, November 2<Jth, 1853, Part II. p. 209. 



who's to blame? 



159 



278/ we find him officially proposing to Count Nesselrode, that " in 
order to give the English representatives a fair chance of being listened 
to favourably at Constantinople," he should withdraw all the Russian 
troops behind the Pruth, when the " Turkish force might be induced 
simultaneously to fall back behind the Danube/' — while he " would 
venture to remark that in London, Russian interests would be entrusted 
to the management of a negotiator second in ability to none of the 
diplomatists of Russia ! " The Chancellor, after requesting him to 
repeat the propositions to him, observed that he was really surprised 
that such a proposition should be made to him on the part of her 
Majesty's Government ; that the position assigned to Russia was too 
disadvantageous and humiliating to be accepted; that for 150 years 
no such proposition could have been thought of for Russia in her 
demeles with the Porte ; that upon entering the Principalities, the 
Emperor had declared that he should only withdraw his troops when 
he had obtained satisfaction ; and that to do so now would be to lower 
himself in the eyes of the world. He, Count Nesselrode, had done 
much in the way of conciliation ; he had been blamed by many for 
having gone too far ; " but to this point he could not proceed. He 
could not possibly advise the Emperor to listen to such proposals," — ■ 
and " that he must say the idea of causing a conference to be attended 
by a Turkish plenipotentiary, appeared to be to sit in judgment upon 
Russia, and to summon her before the European tribunal." In No. 
29 2, 2 we find him lecturing Count Nesselrode in a way that justly 
surprised him, regarding a proclamation ascribed to Prince Gortcha- 
kofF, and deducing from it the intention of Russia to incorporate the 
provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia with her other dominions. Both 
were instantly and indignantly denied, while it is well known that the 
proclamation alluded to was a Parisian forgery, and which no sane 
person, nor indeed any person, would have credited or attended to for 
a moment — Seymour himself, perhaps, excepted. 

Nor did he stop here. In No. 293, 3 we find Count Nesselrode com- 
plaining bitterly and justly, upon an occasion of Seymour's attack, 
thus : " Russia had been assailed in the most virulent manner from 
every quarter, and when her voice was heard in reply, a shout was 
raised against her." It came really to this : all that was done by 
Russia was wrong — all that was done by the Porte was right. This, it 
must be confessed, was a very strange way of showing impartiality, 
and certainly it was not by pursuing such a course that the " diffi- 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, November 19th, 1853, Part II. p. 263. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, November 26th, 1853, Part II. p. 274. 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, November 26th, 1853, Part II. p. 275. 



160 



THE WAR : 



culty of which all complained would be solved in a peaceable manner." 
Russia said Seymour "was exclusively to blame in this affair, inasmuch 
as demands had been made and violent measures adopted, for which no 
grounds had ever been adduced ; having been wrong, too, I added, at 
the outset, every step you have taken in that direction made you 
more so. Then, of course, the Chancellor would not submit." Cer- 
tainly not. 

One additional reference is here given. In No. 230, p. 232, Part I, 1 
we find Lord Clarendon telling him that the Russian Government had 
more that once informed her Majesty's Government, that " the object of 
Prince Menchikoff 's mission was the settlement of the question of the 
Holy Places, and some binding agreement that should prevent any future 
disturbance of that settlement by the Turkish Government." Now, 
this is just the whole question. That " binding agreement" was, at the 
first and from the " outset" required but never granted, and by the 
Turks peremptorily refused. In No. 245, 2 Sir H. Seymour tells us 
that the positive declaration of the Russian Government to the 
Austrian ambassador was, that the demands by Prince Menchikoff 
" were of a very simple nature ; that they went only to the point of 
obtaining a solemn confirmation of the rights already in the possession 
of Russia .... this purpose never varied ; and that Prince Menchi- 
koff's note demands nothing but the sanction of rights possessed by 
Russia in virtue of the treaty of Kainardji." This "solemn engage- 
ment," or guarantee, was not only not given, but pointedly and 
decidedly refused ; and the plain meaning of the treaty of Kainardji, 
was denied and repudiated by France, England, and Turkey, after 
having been repeatedly acknowledged by them all. 

In No. 314, 3 we find the British ambassador again bearding Count 
Nesselrode on his keen and proper observation, that he had heard 
that France and England were engaged in drawing up a treaty for 
Russia. Not exactly, says Seymour, but her Majesty's Government 
were engaged in drawing up " the preliminaries and basis of a treaty." 
At the same time, he taunted the Count about Russia making the 
contest a religious war, which was not true ; while, at the same time, 
he eulogises Lord Stratford for not following his example, he having 
prevented the Turks from not making it a religious contest. But this 
latter statement, false as it is, will more property come to be consi- 
dered in another place, together with some strange and dangerous 
doctrines at the same time advanced. 

1 Clarendou to Seymour, June Sth, 1S53, Tart I. p. 232. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, June 4tth, 1853, Part I. p. 2(52. 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, Dec. 5th, 1853, Part II. pp. 26+, 265. 



who's to blame? 



161 



But to return to the Vienna collective note for a moment. It had 
the fate of all the other movements and proceedings connected with 
these ill-starred negotiations. It was never delivered nor submitted to 
the Government of Constantinople. Lord Stratford, as was customary 
with him, had forestalled it, and presented one of his own to the 
Turkish cabinet, no doubt more agreeable to their views and interests. 
His other colleagues, he says, agreed with him about it, and also that 
the Vienna note should not be presented to the Turkish ministers, lest 
it might occasion delay, and produce fresh difficulties with the Porte. 
Russia in this respect was never thought of. The collective wisdom, 
or folly, of Western Europe was set aside on this occasion. This pro- 
ceeding left " a painful impression " upon the conference at Vienna 
(No. 362 1 ). The respective ambassadors composing the conference 
resolved to seek the permission of their Governments to order the 
delivery of the note and protocol. This the French Government 
seemed at first sight inclined to do ; but Lord Clarendon, on the part 
of the British Government, (No. 363, 2 ) even before he had heard from 
Lord Stratford, or seen the new propositions till presented to him in 
copy by Count Walewski, set his face against it, because it might give 
some additional trouble to his Turkish protegees ; but especially, and 
from a strange mode of reasoning, because as it pleased them, so it 
would place the Emperor of Russia "more than ever in the wrong," if 
he refused to accept it ! In No. 370, 3 Lord Stratford gives much the 
same reason for the non-delivery of the note, stating, however, that he 
should keep it as the means of re-opening the question, " should his 
present propositions be declined ;" and adding, " the terms of the note 
are, doubtless, most considerate and flattering to the Turkish Government, 
but they afford, at the same time, so much encouragement to the pre- 
tensions of the war party, that the communication of them could 
hardly fail to strengthen that interest, and to render a successful nego- 
tiation more remote." 

In No. 369, 4 Lord Stratford tells us that he took up his new scheme 
in order to form a plan of proceeding which, in its issue, " might secure 
every reasonable advantage to Turkey, without injustice or palpable 
humiliation to Eussia." " The principal difficulties to be encountered 
were, the illusions of frontier successes — the national enthusiasm in 
favour of war — the fears of leading statesmen unwilling to oppose the 
current of popular sentiment — and, above all, the necessity of applying 

1 Cowley to Clarendon, Dec. 29th, 1853, Part II. p. 331. 

2 Clarendon to Cowley, Dec. 30th, 1853, Part II. p. 332. 

3 Stratford to Clarendon, Dec. 17th, 1853, p. 339. 

4 Stratford to Clarendon, Dec. 17th, 1853, p. 334. 

M 



162 THE WAR : 

to the general council for permission to entertain any plan of pacifi- 
cation with Russia. The Sultan, his ministers, and the council, all stood 
in fear of each otlier, and though perhaps at heart desirous of peace, 
were reluctant to forfeit their share of popularity enjoyed by the votaries 
of war." Such were the heterogeneous and innamniable materials 
that France and England encouraged, counselled, and precipitated 
into a state of war. 

Here follows Lord Stratford's new panacea, and for which all others 
were set aside. The reader will observe how different this is from all 
that preceded it. The rights of Russia under all preceding treaties 
were thrown overboard. This was what Stratford was always aiming 
at. Russia was henceforward to be bound hand and foot to the will and 
the command of the other four great powers, providing such an absurd 
combination could possibly exist for any length of time, and under 
which, while it did exist, the independence of both Russia and Turkey 
was alike to be destroyed ! iSTo independent Dation, nor nation worthy 
of independence, could possibly submit to such degradation as this. 
Yet it is this state that Russia is branded with all that is ambitious, 
base, and odious for not succumbing to, and regarding which Lord 
Clarendon has had the blindness and temerity to say that Russia will 
place herself " more than ever in the wrong " if she does not submit to ! 
Is it British statesmen who would thus tear national obligations and 
friendships to pieces, and who can counsel thus simply because they 
fear to oppose n the national enthusiasm for war," and to lose their 
share " of the popularity enjoyed'' by its votaries ! 

Inclosure 2, in No. 369. — Identic Note addressed by the Four Representatives to 

the Porte. 

" The undersigned, her Britannic Majesty's ambassador, in concert with 
the representatives of Austria, France, and Prussia, has the honour to 
make known to the Sublime Porte, that their Governments having still 
reason to believe that his Majesty the Emperor of Russia does not consider 
the thread of the negotiations as broken off by the declaration of war and 
the circumstances which have ensued from it ; and knowing, moreover, 
from the actual declaration of his Imperial Majesty, that he is only desi- 
rous of obtaining an assurance of perfect equality as regards the rights and 
the immunities granted by his Majesty the Sultan and his glorious ancestors 
to the Christian communities subjects of the Porte: 

" And the Sublime Porte, on its side, responding to this declaration by 
the declaration that it considers itself bound in honour to continue to 
uphold the aforesaid rights and immunities, and that it is still disposed 
to put an end to the difference which has arisen between the two empires : 

" The negotiation to be pursued would be based — 

'■ i. On the evacuation as soon as possible of the Principalities. 



who's to blame? 



163 



" 2. On the renewal of the ancient treaties. 

" 3. On the communication of the firmans relative to the spiritual privi- 
leges granted by the Sublime Porte to all its non-Mussulman subjects : a 
communication which, being made to all the powers, would be accom- 
panied with suitable assurances given to each of them. 

" The arrangement already made, for the completion of the agreement 
relative to the Holy Places and religious establishments at Jerusalem, 
would be definitively adopted. 

" The Porte would declare to the representatives of the four powers that 
it is ready to name a plenipotentiary, to establish an armistice, and to 
negotiate on the bases above specified, with the concurrence of the powers, 
and in a neutral town on which they might agree. 

" The declarations made by the powers in the preamble of the treaty of 
July 13th, 1841, would be solemnly confirmed by those same powers, with 
a view to the independence and integrity of the Ottoman empire, and to 
European concert. 

" And the Porte, on its side, would declare, with the same view, its firm 
resolution more effectually to develop its system of administration and 
the internal improvements, which should satisfy the wants and the just 
expectation of its subjects of all classes. 

" Pera, December 13, 1853." 

The propositions here made were, as might readily be supposed, 
agreed to by Turkey, as appears from No. 372 1 , where Pisani reports : 
" The general council, which met to day (the 18th) for the second time, 
has come to the decision that peace should be concluded with Russia 
on the following bases — namely, immediate evacuation of the Principa- 
lities by the Russian troops ; preservation of the sovereign rights 
unimpaired ; and a guarantee from the four powers for the future. 
Having asked for explanation as to the guarantee expected by the 
council, Reschid Pasha replied that the note given in lately by the 
four representatives provides for that contingency." 

With an air of open triumph and ill-concealed hostility to Russia, 
Lord Stratford (No. 39 6 2 ) furnishes the Turkish ultimatum, as quietly 
advised and corrected by himself, and which he considered, rashly 
considered, was the climax and triumph of his Turkish policy. " The 
answer," says he, " is addressed not only to me, but to each of my 
three colleagues respectively." " The hope which it encourages may 
not, indeed, be realized," but " the injured, and by no means unsuc- 
cessful party, was the first to give proof of its pacific views." " The 
Porte takes a just view of what is required alike by her interests and 

1 Pisani to Stratford, Dec. 18th, 1853, Part II. p. 343. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, Dec. 31st, 1853, Part II. p. 361. 

M 2 



164 



THE WAR 



her duties/' and " I verily believe has reached the utmost verge of 
concession with respect to spiritual privileges." And he adds, " I am 
further of opinion that, with a view to the condition of the non-Mussul- 
man communities of this empire, and the development of those 
resources on which the Porte's independence must ever mainly rest, it 
would not be safe to hedge round the Ottoman empire with European 
guarantees, unless the Porte engaged at the same time to realize and 
extend her system of improved administration, in good earnest." In 
short, guarantee nothing in a country so unsafe and unstable. To save 
ourselves trouble, give them as little trouble as possible in reference to 
promises which they cannot, and which they really never intend to 
fulfil. If the proposals made were Jesuitical, deceitful, and unmeaning, 
as these really were, but worthy of the aim and the occasion, the reply 
of the Ottoman Government was, if possible, still more so ; but it is so 
far clear that it denied Russia redress for a great wrong committed, 
and threw overboard all its previous engagements with Russia at " the 
suggestion of its European allies," satisfied these would support them in 
their dishonourable course. Here is the Turkish reply : — 

hiclosure in No. 396. — Rescind Pasha to the Four Represe?itatives. 

" Rebiul-akhir, 1270 (le 31 Decerabre, 1S53). 

"His Majesty the Sultan has seen the note dated the 12th of December, 
N.S., relative to peace, which your Excellency has sent us, and which is iden- 
tical with that of the ambassador of France and the ministers of Austria 
and Prussia, your colleagues. 

" As it appears from these collective communications that the intentions 
of his Majesty the Emperor of Russia are pacific; that if the Sublime Porte 
has been forced to undertake the war, it is solely for the maintenance of its 
sovereign rights ; that there is nothing in the proposed plan of arrange- 
ment prejudicial to the sacred rights of the Ottoman empire ; and that his 
Majesty the Sultan's very special regard for, and entire confidence in, the four 
powers, his exalted allies, require his acquiescence in their wishes for the 
work of peace, the Sublime Porte has found the plan of arrangement which 
has been proposed to it to be such as it can accept. 

" It is requisite, then, that the evacuation of the Principalities of Wal- 
lachia and Moldavia, to take effect as quickly as possible, should be the first 
point of the negotiations. And as, in order not to deviate from its system 
of moderation, and not to separate itself from the counsels of its allies, the 
Sublime Porte will consent to the renewal of the treaties, that should be 
the second point of the conferences. 

" With regard to the spiritual privileges of the communities, consisting 
of all classes of the non-Mussulman subjects of the Ottoman empire, as 



who's to blame? 



165 



these privileges have already for a long tim6 been granted by the august 
ancestors of his Majesty the Sultan ; as it is only a short time since his 
Highness has confirmed them by a firman decorated with his liatti-humayoun 
(imperial autograph) ; and as the Government of his Highness considers it 
a point of dignity always to maintain them ; the Sublime Porte will make 
no difficulty in. announcing to all the powers, as it has done heretofore, and 
again lately, and as it declared to the whole of Europe when it established 
the Tanzimat, that it is its firm and sincere intention to uphold for ever 
the spiritual privileges of the communities consisting of its own subjects : 
and that if one of those communities should possess, as regards spiritual 
privileges, something more than the others, it will grant to the latter, if 
they desire to enjoy them in the same manner, the favour to be put in this 
respect also on a footing of equality. That being the case, there will not 
be the slightest hesitation in delivering to the Russian cabinet also, 
as there will be given to each of the four powers, a copy of the orders of 
the Porte in this respect, accompanied by an identical note drawn up in 
this sense. 

" The mode of arrangement as regards the Holy Places, and for carrying 
into execution what has been decided with regard to the construction of 
certain religious buildings at J erusalem, shall be completely adopted. 

"Thus the Porte is prepared to conclude a peace in the manner pointed out 
to it by its allies ; and if intelligence is received that the cabinet of St. Peters- 
burg likewise accepts these bases, the Porte will name and send a plenipo- 
tentiary to a congress to be held in a neutral city which shall be specified 
by the four powers, and at which delegates of the four powers shall assist, 
for the arrangement of affairs with the plenipotentiary of the court of 
Russia ; and thereupon, as is natural, a temporary armistice for a fixed 
period will be concluded. 

" Considering the great relations of this empire with the governments of 
Europe, the Sublime Porte is fully entitled to be included within the limits 
of collective security, and to be admitted into the European union ; and for 
this purpose it will be necessary to confirm and complete in this sense the 
treaty of 1841. Accordingly the Porte is persuaded that the allied courts 
will be pleased to exert their good offices in this respect. 

" As it is calculated that forty days are sufficient to convey this decision 
to St. Petersburg, and to receive an answer, the powers are requested to 
provide for this likewise. 

"His Majesty the Sultan has particularly at heart that every class of his 
subjects should enjoy that security and that justice which the Tanzimat, 
really and completely carried into execution, hold out to it ; and, in a word, 
that by making the necessary reforms in the administrative system, great 
force may thereby be given to the principles of justice and equity in favour 
of all. 

" His Majesty the Sultan having directed that the greatest care should 
be taken to carry into effect these sublime maxims, I likewise hasten to 
announce it, as such commands cannot fail to give pleasure to the 
powers." 



166 



THE AVAR : 



la reference to the document quoted, Lord Clarendon (No. 399 v ) 
tells us : " Her Majesty's Government consider the answer of the 
Porte to the identic note of the four representatives, to be quite satis- 
factory. It presents the basis of a just and honourable peace, and of 
a guarantee of the Sultan's rights, together with & formal pledge, on the 
part of the Porte, to carry on the measures of internal reform upon 
which mainly depend the future welfare and prosperity of Turkey." 
His Lordship is here so delighted at approaching what he considered as 
the termination of his warlike labours, that he altogether forgets, or 
omits to state, by what right any foreign state has to call upon or to 
dictate to any other power what internal reforms that power should 
make in its dominions, or why England and France should be entitled 
to demand as just that which is denied to Russia, who most certainly 
has the prior claim. 

This Turkish reply (Stratford replying to Stratford) was soon embo- 
died into a protocol at the famous manufactory established at Vienna, 
and in which, statesmen-like, they take up nearly altogether new 
ground, in order that they might forward their work to St. Petersburg. 
It runs thus : — 

Inclosure 2 in No. 403. — Protocol of a Conference held at Vienna, January \2>th, 
1854. {Present: the Representatives of Austria , France, Great Britain, and 
Prussia.) 

"The representatives of Austria, France, Great Britain, and Prussia, 
being assembled in conference, the representative of Austria read a note 
addressed by Rescind Pasha to the internuncio, in reply to that which he 
had delivered to Him under date of the 12th of December last, and which 
was identical with the communication made at the same time to the Porte 
by the representatives of the three other courts at Constantinople. Rescind 
Pasha's answer being the result of a step taken by the four representatives, 
before the arrival at Constantinople of the collective note signed in the 
conference of the 5th of December, the representative of Austria invited 
the conference to examine with him whether the contents of that document 
were in accordance with the views and intentions expressed in the protocol 
of the same date. 

"After full deliberation, the undersigned were unanimously of opinion 
that the conditions on which the Porte declared its readiness to treat for 
the reestablishment of peace with Russia, were in conformity with the 
wishes of their Governments, and proper for communication to the cabinet 
of St. Petersburg. 

" Impressed more and more with the serious character of the existing 
state of things, and with the urgency for putting an end to it, the under- 

1 Clarendon to Stratford, Jan. 17th, 1854, Part II. p. 30l5, 



who's to blame? 



167 



signed express their confidence that Eussia will accept the resumption of 
negotiations on the bases which, in their opinion, offer an assurance of 
their success, and afford to the two belligerent parties an opportunity for 
coming to an understanding in a suitable and honourable manner, without 
Europe being any longer grieved by the spectacle of war. 
i " The representatives of Great Britain ? France, and Prussia, entrust to 
the representative of Austria the task of making known to the cabinet of 
St. Petersburg the opinion recorded in the present protocol, to which is 
annexed a copy of the note addressed in an identic form by Eeschid Pasha 
to the four representatives at Constantinople. 

(Signed) " Buol, Westmorland, 

BOURQUENEY, ARNIM." 

Austria and the Vienna conference complained loudly that their 
erowning work, the note and protocol of the 5th December, was not 
presented at Constantinople. But these complaints were soon quieted. 
Hitherto Austria and Prussia, but especially the former, had acted the 
part of faithful mediators. But from this period forward a complete 
change came over the counsels of both, especially of Austria ; she 
became decidedly anti-Russian. The reasons are not unknown. France 
and England promised her that they would oppose all attempts at 
insurrections against her authority in Hungary, or Italy, or Poland, 
with probably a slice of Turkey as u a material guarantee " for good 
behaviour, if Austria would assist them in their object to humble and 
to crush Russia ; but that if she would not do so, they would attack her 
in Italy, and encourage insurrections in Poland, Hungary, and Italy, 
while Prussia would be attacked by France on the side of the Rhine. 
Thus, as the important and forcible Russian manifesto or memorandum 
of the 3d March, scarcely known in this country, tells us, they by 
" threats and caresses" accomplished their primary object. All these 
secret proceedings were, as far as possible, withheld from the eyes of 
the public. They were too arbitrary, and dangerous, and unjust, to be 
laid before it then ; but they will not be less so when they become 
publicly known, as before long they must be. 

The Vienna conference, having thus been circumcised and made 
Islamites at the command of England and France, departed from their 
first faith, and, like all other renegadoes, stood forward to defend that 
which they had previously opposed. England was the chief operator 
in the present case, for we are informed by Earl Westmorland 
(No. 398 1 ), that the Turkish propositions "perfectly satisfactory to 
M. de Bourqueney and myself," were transmitted to St. Petersburg, 

1 Westmorland to Clarendon, Jan. 12th, 1854, p. 365. 



168 



THE war: 



but without daring to disclose to the Russian Government the fact 
that the protocol they had previously penned and sent to Constanti- 
nople for acceptance had never been presented, because it had been 
forestalled by another proposed and " suggested to the Porte by her 
allies," that is, by Lord Stratford and Baraguay d'Hilliers, and which 
had produced the Turkish proposals or accession, which (in No. 403 1 ) 
Lord Westmorland tells us " was most highly approved of by the mem- 
bers of the conference ; that it was considered as doing full justice to 
the anxiety with which the four powers had laboured to obtain from the 
Government of the Sultan such proposals for the reestablishment of 
peace as, while honourable to themselves, would equally be so to the 
Emperor Nicholas." Our labour and anxiety, therefore, cannot be 
thrown away. Therefore, as the honour and power of our respective 
countries are pledged to support Turkey in whatever she may do as 
connected with Russia, so we now in their names decide and decree, 
and expect " that in pursuance of the respect for the maintenance of 
the tranquillity and the independence of the states of Europe by which 
his (the Emperor Nicholas's) policy has been distinguished, he will seize 
this opportunity of putting an end to a state of things which, by being 
prolonged, might compromise all those interests which he has hitherto so 
eminently cooperated in maintaining." No stronger evidence can be 
adduced to disprove all the lies and falsehoods which had been launched 
against Russia for her insincerity and relentless ambition, than the 
confession here made, though it does appear strange, and betrays a 
great lack of reason and justice, that the party who had been originally 
wronged, and so causelessly abused, should thus be unceremoniously 
commanded to do what the original wrongdoer and the interests of her 
supporters choose to dictate. It might have been supposed, and would 
reasonably have been expected by any one but, perhaps, Earl Westmor- 
land and M. de Bourqueney, and the powers whose organs they were, 
that Russia, as one European state, would have, and ought to have 
had, something to say in the matter ; and this more especially when 
she saw such might, and on the part of some states, so ungenerously, so 
unnecessarily, and so unjustly, arrayed against her. The declaration 
of war by Turkey had, indeed, in political parlance and morality, abro- 
gated the treaties that had existed between the two countries, Russia 
and Turkey, but not certainly, as yet, those between Russia and 
England ; and, therefore, it was cunningly and secretly advised by her 
allies, to obtain the ground that they now occupied, and without which 
they had not a leg to stand upon for their interested interference. On 
this ground, by first getting the Turkish declaration of war, and next, by 

1 Westmorland to Clarendon, Jan. 13th, 1854, p. 368. 



who's to blame? 169 

artfully making, or rather getting it made, an European question, they 
calculated that they would be able to curb and to humiliate Russia, and 
thus to secure their own interests (thanks to Lord Stratford for this 
true statement of the case) and extend their power over Turkey and 
her dominions, and to catch as much of her territory as each might be 
able to obtain, in the future quarrels which were sure to arise among 
them. 

The Islamitic proposals above alluded to having been transmitted to 
St. Petersburg, were answered, and, asTrom the chief party in the cause, 
not unreasonably answered, by the following propositions on the part 
of Russia : — 

Inclosure in No. 32, Part VII. p. 19. — Annex to the Protocol of the Conference 
held at Vienna, February 2d, 1854. 

" In answer to the propositions of the Porte, transmitted to St. Peters- 
burg subsequently to the protocol of the 13th January, Russia has informed 
us that, faithful to the declarations which she made at the commencement 
of the contest, she desires neither to aggravate the dangers to which 
Turkey has exposed herself, nor to impose upon her a peace incompatible 
with her integrity and her independence. 

" Russia is persuaded that there never will have been a treaty less diffi- 
cult to negotiate, and to bring to a satisfactory conclusion, than the one 
which the Porte should now propose, with a sincere desire to replace its 
relations with Russia on their former footing, and to remove for ever the 
grounds of dissension which have arisen, by coming to a frank understand- 
ing upon the meaning and the bearing of its previous engagements, and of 
their present mutual intentions. 

" Russia maintains that there is a distinction to be made between the 
substance — that is the conditions — of the peace, and the form — that is the 
mode — of the negotiation." 

3{r 5^ ¥fc ^fc 

" The Imperial cabinet attaches to them the essential and irrevocable 
condition, that the definitive negotiation for the signature of the treaty of 
peace should be carried on directly between Russia and the Porte, either 
at head quarters or at St. Petersburg, by means of a plenipotentiary whom 
the Porte should send to one or other of those places. 

" The Russian cabinet observes that, in the event of negotiations being 
set on foot at St. Petersburg, the representatives of the four powers might 
be furnished with the requisite instructions for directing, assisting, and 
supporting by their counsels, the Turkish plenipotentiary, without there 
being any necessity for an ostensible conference ; and that form once set 
aside, it may be relied upon that the attitude of Russia will be all the more 
conciliatory. 

" As regards the substance of the negotiations, the Emperor, faithful to 
his disinterested sentiments, proposes as bases of the pacification, so far as 



170 



THE WAR: 



it is possible to define them in the midst of circumstances which vary 
every day, and in the event of direct negotiations between Eussia and the 
Porte being shortly opened : 

" 1. The full and entire confirmation of former treaties concluded be- 
tween Eussia and the Porte, dating from that of Kainardji, and of the 
special conventions of Adrianople relative to the Danubian Principalities 
and to Servia. 

" 2. Explanations, to be recorded by the respective plenipotentiaries 
charged with the negotiation of peace in a separate act in the form of a 
protocol, or of an additional article, the draft of which is hereunto annexed, 
concerning the signification and practical application of the former and 
latter firmans of the sultans relative to religious liberty, and to the 
immunities accorded to the churches of the Orthodox Eastern rite. 

" 3. The evacuation, with the least possible delay, of the Danubian pro- 
vinces, and of the other territories and towns forming part of the Sultan's 
dominions, which may, in consequence of the events of the war, be occu- 
pied by the Eussian armies, so soon as the arrangement shall be con- 
cluded. 

" 4. The reestablishment of the order of things, and of the govern- 
ments of the Principalities, such as they were settled by the stipulations 
of Adrianople." 

* * * * 

" As concerns the treaty of July 13, 1841, Eussia considers it as never 
having ceased to be in force, since it was concluded both for the time of 
peace as well as for that of war ; consequently, there would be no occasion 
for its renewal or completion by a guarantee." 

Inclosnre 3 in No. 32. — Draft of Protocol. 

" After having signed the articles of the treaty intended to reestablish 
peace between the two empires, and to substitute for a transitory disagree- 
ment the relations of friendship which have hitherto been maintained by 
their two sovereigns, in accordance with their mutual interests, the pleni- 
potentiaries have applied themselves to consider more particularly the 
original cause of that disagreement ; and with the view of obliterating, for 
the future, every trace of it, they have severally recorded in the present 
protocol the following declarations and provisions : — 

" The Ottoman plenipotentiary, in the first place, asserted in the Sultan's 
name, the constant solicitude with which that sovereign is animated for 
the security in his states of the clergy, the churches, and the religious 
establishments of the Orthodox Eastern faith, expressing sincere regret 
that there could have existed, for a moment, any doubts on this subject in 
the mind of his Imperial Majesty. He declared that his Majesty the Sultan 
had not, for a moment, thought of contravening the general principles laid 
down in the treaty of Kainardji, as well as in the treaties which confirm it, 
and that it was his firm intention to continue invariably faithful to it. In 
corroboration of that intention, and in proof of the Sultan's resolution to 



who's to blame? 



171 



secure to the Orthodox Eastern rite in his dominions, the rights, immuni- 
ties, privileges, and spiritual advantages, which have been accorded to the 
said rite and to its churches by his Majesty's august predecessors, and 
even to extend in their favour the effects of his imperial benevolence, the 
Ottoman plenipotentiary was charged to communicate officially to the court 
of Russia the supreme Irade which the Sultan of his own accord granted on 
the of to the Greek Patriarch and clergy. The 

formal delivery of that document into the hands of the Imperial cabinet, 
and farther, the proclamation which had been publicly made of it, would 
demonstrate to the world that the Sultan considers it a point of honour to 
enforce for ever, and to preserve from all infringement, both now and for 
the future, the privileges confirmed or latterly accorded by his Majesty. 
His Majesty further promised, in a spirit of perfect equity, to allow the 
Greek Church to participate in the advantages which he might hereafter 
accord to the other Christian Churches. 

" In return for these assurances, the plenipotentiary of Eussia declared 
that if divers acts of the Porte, and especially with regard to the Holy 
Places, having appeared to the Emperor to indicate intentions little favour- 
able to the faith which he professes, had induced his Majesty to require, at 
the same time, with the settlement of the more special question of the 
Holy Places, a general guarantee of the rights, privileges, and religious 
immunities accorded to the Orthodox Church ; on the other hand, it never 
entered his Majesty's mind to ascribe to that guarantee a character different 
from that which naturally results from the principle laid down in the 
treaty of Kainardji, and confirmed in subsequent acts — consequently, any- 
thing contrary to the Sultan's rights and independence ; and that, in requir- 
ing that the Greek Church and clergy should continue to enjoy those rights 
and privileges under the protection of their sovereign the Sultan, the 
Emperor had sufficiently explained the nature of that guarantee. 

" In receiving from the hands of the Ottoman plenipotentiary the afore- 
said supreme Irade, the Eussian plenipotentiary declared, in the name of 
his august master, that he accepted that manifestation as a further pledge 
of the cordial and sincere friendship so much to be desired for the two 
empires, and in a spirit of the most perfect confidence. 

" These prehminaries once settled, and the general question thus solved, 
the undersigned proceeded to place on record, by a definitive arrangement, 
the results of the former negotiation at Constantinople. 

" Consequently, the sovereign firman, issued by his Majesty the Sultan 
on the , in order to explain and corroborate that 

of January 1852, as well as another firman, dated f 
relating to the repairs of the great dome of the Temple of the Holy Sepul- 
chre, were brought officially to the knowledge of the Imperial court of 
Eussia by the Ottoman plenipotentiary ; and it was agreed that those 
sovereign ordinances, designed, when strictly carried out, to guarantee the 
status quo of the sanctuaries in possession of the Orthodox Greeks, either 
exclusively or in common with other sects, are considered by the two 
cabinets to be mutually satisfactory, and that they cannot, for the future 



172 



THE war: 



give rise to further discussion. Furthermore, the Sublime Porte promised 
that if any unforeseen circumstances should render necessary any modifi- 
cation of the actual state of things, she would take care to inform the 
court of Russia thereof beforehand, reserving to herself to make a similar 
declaration to those European courts to whom she may be bound by 
special stipulations. 

" Moreover, as the subjects of the empire of Eussia, secular as well as 
ecclesiastic, who are permitted by the treaties to visit the Holy City of 
Jerusalem and other places of devotion, ought to be considered on an 
equality with the subjects of the most favoured nations, and as those 
nations, Catholic and Protestant, have their own prelates and special eccle- 
siastical establishments, it has been determined that, in the event of the 
Imperial court of Eussia demanding it, a suitable locality should be 
granted in the city of Jerusalem, or in the neighbourhood, for the con- 
struction of a church, appropriated to the celebration of Divine service by 
Russian ecclesiastics, and of an hospital for sick or needy pilgrims, which 
pious establishments shall be under the special superintendence of the 
Russian Consulate-General in Syria and in Palestine. 

" The present act having thus settled the points which remained in dis- 
cussion, and definitively confirmed the results already obtained, the pleni- 
potentiaries have signed it, and have affixed to it the seal of their arms." 

A great stir was about this time made at Constantinople. An 
insurrection of the Mussulman population was organized against the 
Government on account, as it was said, of its pacific policy. A num- 
ber of the fanatic Ulemas were accused of conspiracy, seized after the 
customary Turkish fashion, imprisoned, and subsequently banished to 
Candia ; but, as they were afterwards liberated and allowed to return 
to Constantinople, and as not an individual was tried or punished, 
there is good reason to believe that' the whole was a Turkish Anglo- 
ministerial plot, devised to get the allied squadrons up to Constanti- 
nople, as bringing war nearer, and actual retreat from it more difficult. 
In this, to a certain extent, they succeeded ; but, admitting that the 
cause assigned for this move was correct, it merely establishes the fact 
that we have been led into war to support the warlike propensities 
and views of the Mahommedans. 

While these things were going on, important movements took place 
with the combined fleets, together with the, to the Turks, fatal naval 
battle of Sinope. To render this portion of the subject clearer, we 
must go at some length into the objects which these fleets had in view, 
as those appear in the various and voluminous despatches. It is hard 
labour to dig out from that correspondence the real and ultimate inten- 
tions of the allied courts — that is, of France, Turkey, and England — 
with reference to their naval objects. 



who's to blame 5 ? 



173 



Their earliest movements testify their object. In No. 225, Part I, 
p. 229, M. Drouyn de Lhuys tells us that the French fleet was, on the 
2 2d March, ordered from Toulon to Salamis, the moment they heard 
of Prince Menchikoff's arrival at Constantinople, in order to support 
Turkey. In No. 220, Part I. p. 226, Lord Cowley tells us that the 
French fleet was ordered from Salamis to the Dardanelles, and there 
placed at the command or requisition of the Sultan. But Lord Cowley 
and Lord Clarendon leave us no room for doubt upon this subject. In 
No. 332, 1 Lord Cowley tells us that the object, as communicated to 
him by Drouyn de Lhuys, was that " France and England were deter- 
mined to hold possession of the Black Sea as an equivalent for the 
occupation of the Danubian Provinces by Russia," and to control 
" her action in the Black Sea by sweeping that sea of the Russian flag ! " 
In No. 339, 2 Lord Clarendon follows this up by declaring that " her 
Majesty's Government approve also of the whole of the combined 
fleets being ordered on this service ; as, in fact, it is only by obtaining 
the complete command of the Black Sea that the policy of the English 
and French Governments can be carried out ! " This cannot be mis- 
taken, though, at that time, it is doubtful if they were really aware of 
the end to which this policy would lead them. In No. 345, 3 his Lord- 
ship is, if possible, still more explicit. He says : " The intentions of 
the English and French Governments, which were JjOng since an- 
nounced to the Porte, must be firmly and faithfully executed. For this 
purpose, although with no hostile design against Russia, it is essential 
that the combined fleets should have the command of the Black Sea ; 
and the necessary instructions have accordingly been addressed to the 
ambassadors and admirals of England and France." Plain common- 
sense is puzzled to find out, in this diplomatic rubbish, how Turkey, 
being at war with Russia, such a proceeding in the Black Sea could 
not be considered as an act of defiance and hostility to Russia. Yet 
so Seymour would persuade us, that the movement was " not with 
the intention of attacking Russia, but certainly of defending Turkey" 
.then at war with Russia ! (No. 412, Part II. p. 374.) Lord Cowley, 
who seems to be no great headpiece in diplomacy, and who is con- 
stantly making blunders, makes the matter worse by attempting 
the justification of the proceeding thus : " That the Russian Govern- 
ment, having declared that the occupation of the Danubian Provinces 
by the Russian troops was a set-off against the presence of the Britisli 
and French fleets in the waters of the Bosphorus, England and France 

1 Cowley to Clarendon, Dec. 16th, 1853, Part II. p. 30G. 

2 Clarendon to Stratford, Dec. 20th, 1853, Part II. p. 319. 

3 Clarendon to Seymour, Dec. 27th, 1853, Part II. p. 322. 



174 



THE WAR : 



might have, in the occupation of the Black Sea, an equivalent to them 
for the occupation of the Principalities." So far, then, both rogues, if 
rogues they both were, would have stood on equal ground, if they — 
England and France — had had the same just cause of quarrel with 
Russia that Russia had with Turkey, but which they certainly had not. 

Diplomatists as well as doctors differ. In No.29, 1 Sir H. Seymour, 
in an interview with Count Nesselrode, could " not accede " to the 
point urged, that the position of the English and French fleets out- 
side of the Dardanelles was not "a threatening attitude" against 
Russia. Now, numerous authorities are compelled to admit that it 
was. The Times, which at that time spoke by the command of our 
Government, 2 declares that it was a hostile and warlike demonstration 
against Russia; and M. Drouyn de Lhuys, in urging his Government 
to send them into the Dardanelles (No. 81 3 ), says, " We should under- 
take to withdraw immediately that the order to evacuate the Danubian 
Provinces should have been given." Baron Brunnow, in the name 
of his Government (No. HO 4 ), complains that all the movements of 
the fleets disclosed hostile feelings against Russia, their movements 
having been openly declared to be to support Turkey in her negotia- 
tions with Russia. In No. 127, 5 in reference to their policy to sup- 
port Turkey, Drouyn de Lhuys tells us, " All the traditions of our 
policy impose upon us the duty of not neglecting it ; " and the dis- 
patch of the French squadron, first to Salamis, and subsequently to 
Besika Bay, sufficiently proves the vigilance of the Emperors Govern- 
ment. Lord Clarendon (No. 130 6 ) tells us, that "he hoped that the 
combined fleets are now at Constantinople, prepared to act in the 
defence of the Sultan /" and also, " at whatever place they may think 
necessary." But the strongest proof that such movements of the fleets 
were viewed in a hostile light by reasonable and disinterested men, is 
found in the complaints of Count Buol, about these movements taking 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, July 24th, 1853, p. 23. 

2 " for the purpose of a demonstration, their presence at the Dardanelles is sufficient. For 
the protection of Constantinople itself they are near enough to give effectual assistance, if the 
capital be threatened. Should the fleet he compelled to enter the Black Sea, it can only be in 
the character of armed mediatory powers, as the allies of Turkey for the purposes of war." — 
Times, July Sfk, 1853. " The one," Besika Bay, " was an act of strict defence and observa- 
tion, which lias all along been regulated by the utmost forbearance, and is still contrasted by 
the respect for the Convention of 1841." — Times, July 1853. Subsequently the journal 
in cmestion told us, that it was the movement of the fleets that alarmed Russia, and made 
her agree to the Vienna note in the ready manner that she did. 

a Drouyn de Lhuys to Wale.wski, Sept. 1st, 1853, p. 87. 

4 Brunnow to Clarendon, Sept. 25th, 1853, p. 116. 

5 Drouyn de Lhuys to Walcwski, Oct. 4th, 1853, p. 134. 
Clarendon to Cowley, Oct. 7th, 1853, p. 140. 



who's to blame? .175 

n 

place without the Austrian Government being made acquainted with 
them, especially while it was engaged in endeavouring to negotiate a 
peace. In No. 389, 1 Lord Westmorland tells us, that "Count Buol 
expressed his surprise at these strong declarations, and stated that he 
was not prepared to expect that they would be directed to use coercion 
against the Russian ships of war, while navigating upon their own 
coasts, in the manner described." To this Lord Westmorland made 
the remarkable reply, that " it was occasioned by the attack upon the 
Turkish squadron in Sinope — an offence which they were called upon 
to resent." Lord Clarendon (No. 404 2 ) comes more proudly to the 
point, thus : — " Further inaction would have been dishonourable to 
England and France, who alone were the competent judges of the duty 
that their honour prescribed ; and who, upon such a question, could 
certainly not be expected to take counsel with any other power." And 
yet they tell every other power that they must all do as they bid 
them ! ! 

The Turks, according to Lord Stratford, would hear of no notes but 
their own ; and latterly no notes nor acknowledgments of any kind. 
Their illustrious allies, the two great Western Powers, as they term 
themselves, were above taking counsel or advice from any quarter but 
the Turks and the Koran ; and according to its doctrines, they came 
to the resolution to propagate their opinions and views by the sword. 
While talking of peace they were meditating war. Their conduct 
with the fleets in the Baltic and Black Sea was puerile and undecided 
in the extreme. They sent these fleets there, in their unmeaning 
slang, not to make war on Russia, but to defend Turkey ; the latter 
power being at that moment at war with Russia, and consequently 
whatever they did in any way to defend her, whether by menace or 
active aid, was war against Russia ! So far they were willing to 
wound, but then a little afraid to strike; and with that magnanimity 
and those disinterested principles that moved them, they came to the 
resolution that as Russia had honestly and fairly got a navy, it should 
be destroyed, in order, as it would appear, that no other powers, them- 
selves excepted, should have any ; when all other powers that had 
sea coasts would be, as they conceived, placed at their mercy. How 
kind, and how just ! 

1 Westmorland to Clarendon, January 4th, 1854, Part JJ. p. 357. 

2 Clarendon to Westmorland, January 17th, 1854, Part H. p. 370. 



1 76 THE WAR : 



CHAPTER VI. 

SINOPE — FLEETS ENTER THE BLACK SEA — CONFERENCE AT TIENNA — LA- 
BOURS — FRESH PROTOCOLS — CORRESPONDENCE AND DECLARATIONS ABOUT 
THEM BY THE DIFFERENT POWERS — HOSTILE MESSAGE TO RUSSIA — RECAL 
OF AMBASSADORS — WAR ANNOUNCED —SECRET CORRESPONDENCE — RUSSIAN 
IMPORTANT MEMORANDUM — CORRESPONDENCE WITH THIS COUNTRY ABOUT 
TURKEY, 1844, ETC. ETC. 

Before going further, it is advisable to consider the naval engagement 
which took place at Sinope — -the time, the circumstances, and results 
attendant upon it — and about which so much misrepresentation, and 
falsehoods, and concealments, and so much dangerous declamation and 
hostile vituperation have taken place, to irritate and to inflame the 
public mind. It has formed the stock-in-trade of the war factions 
since the middle of December last — with what justice a short state- 
ment, and attention to facts and dates, will show. In No. 251, 1 Lord 
Stratford, with that arbitrary dictation which he is ever ready to use, 
when he has his own views to carry out, informs us that, after con- 
sulting with the admirals and French ambassadors, M. Pisani should 
go to the Porte, and " make it clearly understood that the Porte could 
not be allowed, under present circumstances, to follow out its own 
notions, without a suitable and constant attention to the voice of its 
allies.*' And further, in Inclosure No. 1, that the British and French 
ambassadors are entitled to receive from the Porte an unreserved ex- 
planation of its intentions ; and a knowledge of the intended opera- 
tions, whether naval or military, is absolutely necessary, for them to 
determine, in concert with their respective admirals, in what manner 
their instructions may be most efficiently and prudently carried out." 
The reply was (Inclosure, No. 2), that " Omar Pasha and Selim Pasha 
were instructed to act only on the defensive, and that the latter, espe- 
cially, should not venture too much. The Turkish squadron, with 
1 Stratford to Clarendon, Nov. 5th, 1853, Part II. p. 248. 



who's to blame? 



177 



the exception of the three-deckers, is to proceed to the Black Sea, and 
will probably be ready by Sunday. It is intended to cruise along the 
Asiatic shore, returning round by the Crimea and the European coast. 
Should it fall in with the enemy s squadron, an attach is contemplated? 
In No. 252, 1 Lord Stratford says he had prevented the Turkish fleet 
from going into the Black Sea ; but, on the same date, he warns Pisani 
to be sure of it, "because," says he,. "we must be careful on our side 
that we are neither drawn into operations contrary to our better judg- 
ment, nor confounded with those who, against calculation and expe- 
rience, incur hazards which are out of proportion with the results in 
view. We do not pretend to lay our commands upon the Porte, or to 
deprive her in any degree of her liberty of action ; but we claim for 
ourselves the right of not partaking in measures which we do not 
approve, and of keeping aloof — and marking to the public that we do 
keep aloof — when attempts are made to carry them into effect against 
our declared opinion. Thus it is that, in the present instance, we 
suspend the orders for bringing up the remainder of the squadrons, 
until we know the Porte's final decision with respect to the proposed 
expedition into the Black Sea." In Inclosure No. 2, of the same date, 
and dated Saturday, 12 o'clock, his Lordship proceeds : "I have just 
learned that orders are come up for sending four line-of-battle ships, 
and ten sailing frigates, into the Black Sea, to-morrow. In consequence 
of this, I shall not order up the remainder of the squadrons, till I 
hear from Rescind Pasha that the intended enterprise, in so far as 
sailing vessels are concerned, is abandoned. You must tell his Highness, 
once for all, that we will not be drawn in the wake of the Porte ; 
and that, if they want our support, they must be content to respect our 
opinions? 

Still this Turkish fleet did sail on 6th November, and traversed the 
Black Sea ; and we hear no more of them officially, at Constantinople, 
till the 3d of December, shortly announcing the results of the dis- 
astrous battle of Sinope. Into the full details of that action I do not 
mean to enter. It is foreign to my present purpose, which is merely 
to arrange facts and dates, and to point out how occurrences took 
place, and succeeded each other ; in short, to show how the war was 
produced, not how it was carried on or conducted. The battle was 
bravely fought on both sides, but the result was the total destruction 
of the Turkish fleet, or rather that portion thereof there assembled. 
The fleet, when it sailed, was under the chief command of Mustapha 
Pasha, or the renegade Englishman, Captain Slade. Renegade or 
hypocrite he must be, because he got a command which none but a 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, Nov. 5th, 1853, p. 250. 

N 



178 



THE WAR 



true Mussulman could then hold, as the lav/, since passed, to permit 
foreigners not Mussulmans to hold offices, had not -then been pro- 
mulgated, The Eussian authorities and officers assert, that the fleet 
destroyed formed a squadron intended to raise up commotions in Cir- 
cassia. Of this there is, I believe, no doubt, whatever may be said, or 
has been said, to the contrary. And not only so, but we shall presently 
see that not only was it intended for this purpose, but that it had 
actually landed military stores on the coast of Circassia, to aid rebel- 
lion. For a whole month we have no official accounts of the proceed- 
ings of the fleet, which went to sea directly contrary to the command 
of the British ambassador. Why this ominous official silence 1 The first 
thing we hear officially about it is in No. 335, 1 when Lord Stratford 
brings forth despatches from the Turkish commander at Sinope, dated 
Nov. 29th, stating that after the departure of Mustapha Pasha several 
Russian men-of-war had appeared off the harbour, in a warlike atti- 
tude, and calling for reinforcements, " which if not sent to us, and our 
position continues the same for some time — may God preserve us from 
them ! — it may well happen that the Imperial fleet may sustain some 
loss." The honest Turk here announces that he may be attacked, and, 
in short, that he deserves to be attacked by his open and recognised 
enemy. He does not complain of this, but leaves complaint to be 
made by his hypocritical and tender-hearted allies. 

It is of considerable importance that we should ascertain, as cor- 
rectly as possible, what this fleet was about in the Black Sea, for nearly 
a whole month ; and as official authority, for its secret purposes, has 
chosen to remain silent, we must have recourse to the next best — and 
probably to the best and most honest — namely, those public vehicles 
of intelligence which so fully tell everything that goes on in this 
world. But before I do this, it is advisable to notice a few official 
references to it. 

In No. 331, 2 we learn that " the Turks were the first to fire" — they 
had previously refused to surrender. They refused to await the arrival 
of the flag of truce sent to summon them to do so. In No. 371, 3 
Lord Stratford, in lamenting the destruction of these Turkish ships, 
proceeds: "Not that I w T ould throw the blame of that disaster any- 
where but on the Porte and its officers. They alone, or their profes- 
sional counsellors, were cognizant of the miserable state of the land 
defences of Sinope. They alone are answerable for the obvious impru- 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, December 4th, 1853, p. 311, Inclosure Nos. 2 and 3, Part II. 
pp. 313, 311.. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, Dec. 9th, 1S53, Part II. p. 305. 
a Stratford to Clarendon, Dec. 17th, 1853, Part II. p. 339. 



who's to blame? 



179 



dence of leaving so long, in helpless danger, a squadron exposed to 
attack from hostile ships of far superior force." In No. 25, 1 Lord 
Stratford, on the authority of the British consul at Samsoon, says, that 
" the loss of life at Sinope was not so great as the first reports stated." 
To the date of December 12th, about 300 Turkish sailors, survivors, 
had reached that place, and more were expected. The country around 
was overspread with fugitives, who were committing great ravages 
amongst the ill-fated population. In No. II, 2 by order of Lord Cla- 
rendon, Lord Stratford demanded of the Turkish Government that 
they should institute a strict inquiry into the affair of Sinope, and to 
inform him officially how the court of inquiry was constituted, and 
also the result of their inquiries. The following directions were most 
conspicuous : — 

"1st. To what or to whom is attributable the defective state of the 
fortifications of Sinope ? 

"2d. By whose orders, and for what object, the flotilla destroyed at 
Sinope was sent out % 

" 3d. By whose orders the vessels composing that flotilla anchored in. 
the port of Sinope ? " 

No reply, however, has been given or published regarding the 
results of that promised investigation — a proof that the Turks could 
not give an honest account of it, and also that the private accounts 
received of its objects and operations were in general correct. To 
these I now proceed. 

The Turkish fleet proceeded to sea on the 6th of November. The 
main body, under Mustapha Pasha, returned to Constantinople on the 
25th or 26th, having, as appears from the official account, left a part 
of the force under Osman Pasha at Sinope. From two public journals, 
generally believed to be well informed on such subjects, the following 
extracts are taken. The Morning Herald, December 18th, quoting 
from a German paper, says, that " three Turkish frigates had landed 
arms and other articles at Gelendjik, on the coast of Circassia." The 
same paper, December 17th, under date Constantinople, December 
2d, says, " Three Turkish steamers, with arms and ammunition for 
Circassia, landed their cargoes at Verdan, near Anapa, and then re- 
turned to Constantinople." Again, the Morning Herald, December 30th, 
under date Constantinople, December 5th, states : "The Ottoman fleet 
some time previous had entered the Black Sea, with a convoy of arms 
and munitions of war, to land on the coast of Circassia. Part of 
the fleet was under the command of Slade, and part under Mustapha 

1 Stratford io Clarendon, Jan. 15th, 1854, Part VII. p. 16. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, Jan. 4th, 1854, Part VII. p. 5, Inclosure No. 1. 

N 2 



180 



THE WAR: 



Pasha. The former returned after having been some days out ; the 
latter accomplished his mission, and returned ; saw the Russian fleet, 
but did not attack it. Slade was to guard Mustapha Pasha, but lost 
sight of him on the first day." 

The next authority is the Times, which paper is still more specific. 
In the Times of December 4th, we are told that " the Turkish squa- 
dron which had entered the Black Sea contrary to the advice of the 
British ambassador, had returned to the Bosphorus in safety, before 
the 26th of November." In the Times of December 9th, under date 
Constantinople, November 25th, we are informed, that " the Captain 
Pasha entertained the allied admirals on board his own ship, the 
Mahmoud. In the Times, November 19th, under date Constantinople, 
November 5th, we are told that the Turkish fleet destined to cruise 
in the Black Sea, consisted of four frigates, three steamers, and two 
corvettes and two brigs. In the Times, November 25th, under date 
Constantinople, November 10th, we are told that a fresh division of 
the Turkish fleet entered the Black Sea, where a Russian fleet had 
been seen. In the Times of November 26th, under date Constanti- 
nople, November 15th, we are told that a second division of the 
Turkish fleet had entered the Black Sea, to join Mustapha Pasha. 
Under date Paris, November 26th, we are told, in a communication 
from Marseilles, that Admiral Slade had entered the Black Sea to 
cruise, with one line-of-battle ship, five frigates, and one steamer, ac- 
companied by Saffa Bey, a celebrated Circassian chief, liberated by the 
Sultan, to drive off the Russian cruisers from Anapa, and to supply 
arms and ammunition to the Lesghians, the Leghs, and Tcherkeses," 
&c. In the Times of December 13th, we are told that the Turkish 
ships destroyed at Sin ope had each 800 soldiers, besides artillerymen, 
on board, and a large sum of money, bound to the eastern coast of the 
Black Sea. And in the Times of December 14th, we are told that 
the Sinope squadron was destined to attack Soukhoum Kale. 

A consideration of all these details can leave no doubt upon any 
unprejudiced mind, of these the aggressive proceedings of the Turkish 
squadron ; nor were they wrong, being at war with Russia, in what 
they did, but in acting so they must have been aware that they took 
the consequences on themselves. The Russians could not fail to know 
correctly of circumstances that took place in their own territory, and 
they decidedly state that this squadron landed arms and ammunition 
in order to kindle up rebellion in their dominions. The silence of 
their opponents regarding the movements of the Turkish fleets at this 
time is conclusive that their account is the just one ; and, consequently, 
it is contrary to all reason to assert, as England and France have 



who's to blame*? 



181 



asserted, that the battle of Sinope was an affront to, and (No. 357 l ) 
" an act of defiance to England and France, which, assuredly, would not 
pass unnoticed." But it is put forward in justification of this charge, 
that Russia had declared, on the 27th of October, that she would take 
no aggressive measures against Turkey beyond the temporary occupa- 
tion of the Principalities. Be it so ; but then this declaration was 
made and assurance given, before she had heard of the declaration of 
war against her by Turkey, and also conditionally upon the Turks 
remaining quiet on the Danubian and Asiatic frontiers. Moreover, 
there is an important despatch from Count Nesselrode to Reschid Pasha, 
after Russia had received the Turkish declaration of war, stating that 
Russia would still remain as before, unless the active proceedings of 
Turkey should force her to have recourse to active hostilities. This 
very important despatch is not given with the other official docu- 
ments, though Lord Stratford, no doubt, received a copy of it. It is 
inserted in the Journal de Constantinople of Dec. 5th, and is a docu- 
ment of great importance, as showing the real views of Russia, and 
consequently we hear nothing about it, and therefore, it is presumed, 
it is concealed from the British public. The short and the long of the 
matter is, that the naval battle of Sinope was made just so much pro- 
fligate diplomatic capital as would tend to inflame and irritate the 
jmblic mind, and drive it to acts of political injustice and reprisals. 

It is considered that it would be a waste of time to enter upon the 
consideration of the extensive correspondence regulating the Black Sea, 
and the schemes, alike evasive and insincere, concocted by France and 
England, for preventing two hostile powers from fighting each other 
in that sea and its environs ; or that one party should be allowed to 
fight, and the other, the strongest, to be restrained ; or that both 
should fight when and where, and after the manner that should be 
prescribed to them by their volunteer masters, — a course forming a 
burlesque upon diplomacy and negotiations, and alike discreditable and 
dangerous on the part of two powers like France and England, who 
proposed it. Neither is it considered necessary to go more minutely 
into the details of the proceedings at Olmutz, the main facts and 
results of which have been given; nor of Count Orloff's mission to 
Vienna, which was to induce the Austrian Government to observe, in 
case of war between France and England against Russia, a strict 
neutrality. This Austria refused, although she had again and again 
stated that such would be the course she would adopt in the event of 
extended hostilities. In No. 156 2 Lord Westmorland tells us, on the 

1 Clarendon to Seymour, Dec. 28th, 1853, Part II. p. 329. I 

2 Westmorland to Clarendon, Oct. 15th, 1853, Part II. p. 144. 



182 



THE WAR: 



positive authority of Count Buol, that " the position of Austria in the 
contest which has arisen was, and would continue to be, that of a strict 
neutrality." There are reasons for everything ; and there are reasons 
for this change of views on the part of Austria, which have already 
been noticed. The only point worthy of more particular notice arising 
out of Orloff's mission is, the suggestions offered to him by Count 
Buol, which he promised to lay before his master, the Emperor 
Nicholas. The principal one is here annexed. 1 Lord Clarendon, how- 
ever, scouted them with precipitate scorn, as he conceived (No. 73 2 ) 
" they ivould entail a most inconvenient delay" and that " her Majesty's 
Government would recognise no propositions but those which were 
transmitted to St. Petersburg on the 13th ult., and could consent to no 
modification of terms that had been declared by the conference to be 
just and reasonable ; and that, in the meanwhile, they would not relax 
in those preparations which were now actively making for bringing to 
a speedy conclusion the war in which Europe was to be involved by the 
Emperor of Russia." The reader will bear in mind that the proposi- 
tions of the 13th January, here alluded to, were those proposed by the 
Turkish Government, and which M. Drouyn de Lhuys (No. 41 3 ) tells 
us plainly; "These propositions, it must be recollected, had been sug- 
gested to the Porte by the representatives of the four powers, and had been 
adopted by the Sultan and his ministers." A great, and independent, 
and high-spirited nation, who had been wronged and deceived by the 
Turks, is here told, — You must now bend to the will and pleasure 
of these Turks, or we will compel you, and speedily crush you by our 
united strength ! 

The suggestions offered to Count Orloff by Count Buol produced 
some fresh offers from St. Petersburg. These reached Vienna at the 
moment the messenger from England arrived there to receive the co- 
operative note from Austria, to summon the Russian Government to 
evacuate the Principalities. Count Buol, with some difficulty, got the 
messenger detained two days, till the Governments of France and 
England could be consulted about the nature of the offers made for 
pacification. These differed, as might have been expected, from the 
Turkish propositions, but which does not prove that they were either 
wrong, unjust, or unreasonable, under all the circumstances of the case. 
On the contrary, the more that France and England sought to extend 
their power and influence in and over Turkey, the more it became 
necessary for Russia to guard against that influence and that power 

1 Westmorland to Clarendon, Oct. 15th, 1S53, Part II. p. 164. 

2 Clarendon to Westmorland, Feb. 20th, 1851, Part VII. p. 47. 

3 Cowley to Clarendon, Feb. 14th, 1853, Part VII. p. 10. 



who's to blame ? 



183 



from being exercised over her next neighbour to her prejudice. In this 
there was certainly nothing that could be accounted unreasonable or 
improper, and nothing but what came fairly within the scope of honest 
and fair negotiation. The French ambassador lets us shortly know the 
sticking point, namely, the insertion in, for a treaty between Russia and 
Turkey, that which Rescind Pasha had promised to give to the five 
powers (four only) by a simple declaration ; in short, that the liberation 
and improvement of the Christian population in Turkey was to be left 
to depend wholly upon firmans and promises' of the Turkish Govern- 
ment, which, made for the day and the occasion, are, as has been again 
and again witnessed, not worth a farthing — " so much waste paper." 
M. Bourqueney observes (p. 72), that with that and some other trifling 
difference or discrepancy, the Russian propositions " were still the same 
story ;" forgetting by this admission that he established her consistency, 
and refuted the numerous and virulent accusations brought against her 
of tergiversation, chicanery, and insincerity. 

Inclosure 2, in No. 32. — Annex to the Protocol of the Conference held at Vienna, 
February 2d, 1854. 

" Russia is persuaded that there never will have been a treaty less dim- 
cult; to negotiate and to bring to a satisfactory conclusion, than the one 
which the Porte should now propose, with a sincere desire to replace its 
Telations with Russia on their former footing, and to remove for ever the 
grounds of dissension which have arisen, by coming to a frank under- 
standing upon the meaning and the bearing of its previous engagements, 
and of their present mutual intentions." 

* * * * 

" The Imperial cabinet attaches to them the essential and irrevocable 
condition, that the definitive negotiation for the signature of the treaty of 
peace should be carried on directly between Russia and the Porte, either 
at head quarters or at St. Petersburg, by means of a plenipotentiary whom 
the Porte should send to one or other of those places." 

*3f£" 3fc *3fc « 

" As regards the substance of the negotiations, the Emperor, faithful to 
his disinterested sentiments, proposes as bases of the pacification, so far as 
it is possible to define them in the midst of circumstances which vary 
every day, and in the event of direct negotiations between Russia and 
the Porte being shortly opened : 

" 1. The full and entire confirmation of former treaties concluded 
between Russia and the Porte, dating from that of Kainardji, and of the 
special conventions of Adrianople relative to the Danubian Principalities 
and to Servia. 

" 2. Explanations, to be recorded by the respective plenipotentiaries 
charged with the negotiation of peace, in a separate act, in the form of a 
protocol or of an additional article, the draft of which is hereunto annexed, 
concerning the signification and practical application of the former and 



184 



THE WAR: 



latter firmans of the sultans relative to religious liberty, and to the immu- 
nities accorded to the churches of the Orthodox Eastern rite. 

" 3. The evacuation, with the least possible delay, of the Danubian Pro- 
vinces, and of the other territories and towns forming part of the Sultan's 
dominions, which may, in consequence of the events of the war, be 
occupied by the Russian armies, so soon as the arrangement shall be 
concluded. 

" 4. The re-establishment of the order of things, and of the governments 
of the Principalities, such as they were settled by the stipulations of 
Adrianople." 

* * * * 

"As concerns the treaty of July 13th, 1841, Russia considers it as never 
having ceased to be in force, since it was concluded both for the time of 
peace as well as for that of war, consequently there would be no occasion 
for its renewal or completion by a guarantee," 

Inclosure 3 in No. 32. — Draft of Protocol. 

" The Ottoman plenipotentiary, in the first place, asserted in the Sultan's 
name the constant solicitude with which that Sovereign is animated for 
the security in his states of the clergy, the churches, and the religious 
establishments of the Orthodox Eastern faith, expressing sincere regret 
that there could have existed for a moment any doubts on this subject in 
the mind of his Imperial Majesty. He declared that his Majesty the 
Sultan had not for a moment thought of contravening the general principles 
laid down in the treaty of Kainardji, as well as in the treaties which con- 
firm it, and that it was his firm intention to continue invariably faithful to 
it. In corroboration of that intention, and in proof of the Sultan's resolu- 
tion to secure to the Orthodox Eastern rite in his dominions the rights, 
immunities, privileges, and spiritual advantages, which have been accorded 
to the said rite and to its churches by his Majesty's august predecessors, 
and even to extend in their favour the effects of his Imperial benevolence, 
the Ottoman plenipotentiary was charged to communicate officially to the 
court of Russia the supreme Irade which the Sultan, of his own accord, 
granted, on the of , to the Greek Patriarch and clergy. The 

formal delivery of that document into the hands of the Imperial cabinet, 
and, further, the proclamation which had been publicly made of it, would 
demonstrate to the world, that the Sultan considers it a point of honour 
to enforce for ever, and to preserve from all infringement, both now and for 
the future, the privileges confirmed or latterly accorded by his Majesty. His 
Majesty further promised, in a spirit of perfect equity, to allow the Greek 
Church to participate in the advantages which he might hereafter accord 
to the other Christian Churches. 

" In return for these assurances, the plenipotentiary of Russia declared 
that if divers acts of the Porte, and especially with regard to the Holy 
Places, having appeared to the Emperor to indicate intentions little favour- 
able to the faith which he professes, had induced his Majesty to require, 
at the same time with the settlement of the more special question of the 



who's to blame? 



185 



Holy Places, a general guarantee for the rights, privileges, and religious 
immunities accorded to the Orthodox Church, on the other hand, it never 
entered his Majesty's mind to ascribe to that guarantee a character different 
from that which naturally results from the principle laid down in the 
treaty of Kainardji, and confirmed in subsequent acts — consequently, any- 
thing contrary to the Sultan's rights and independence ; and that, in 
requiring that the Greek Church and clergy should continue to enjoy those 
rights and privileges, under the protection of their sovereign the Sultan, 
the Emperor had sufficiently explained the nature of that guarantee. 

" In receiving from the hands of the Ottoman plenipotentiary the afore- 
said supreme Irade, the .Russian plenipotentiary declared, in the name of 
his august master, that he accepted that manifestation as a further pledge 
of the cordial and sincere friendship so much to be desired for the two 
empires, and in a spirit of the most perfect confidence." 

Directed and advised chiefly by the ambassadors of France and 
England, the Vienna Conference (No. 133 1 , Inclosure No. 1) decided 
u that it was impossible to proceed with those propositions but Lord 
Clarendon (of the same date, No. 126 2 ) had already settled the business. 
" Those proposals, so far as we know them, do not justify the further 
delay of the messenger, Blackwood ; and we desire that he should 
proceed at once to St. Petersburg." The decision of his Lordship and 
his allies had long been taken. Having coerced the Vienna Conference, 
his Lordship says (Part VII. No. 63, p. 41), "Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment can be no party to a modification of the Turkish terms, which have 
been declared by the Conference to be just and reasonable, and such as 
ought to be accepted by Russia." But Russia had a right to think on 
the subject. The messenger did proceed, and reached St. Petersburg 
on the morning of the 13th, and his message was immediately put into 
the hands of Count Nesselrode by Mr. Michele, the British consul at 
St. Petersburg, Sir H. Seymour having previously been relieved from 
his diplomatic duties, and, it is presumed, of his salary also, in that 
capital, by his recal, which reached him on the 14th February. 

The message in question was a remarkable and memorable one; 
new in the annals of the diplomacy of civilized nations, and one 
which in its consequences will be felt most deeply throughout the 
world, and in no part thereof more severely than in the United King- 
dom and the whole British empire. The French message was, we 
believe, of the same tenor ; what the Austrian and Prussian commu- 
nications were we are not told, nor is it of much consequence. The 
message, or summons, as it is otherwise called, is contained in No. 101. 3 

1 Westmorland to Clarendon, March 6th, 1853, Part VII. pp. 78—80, &c. 

2 Clarendon to Westmorland, March 6th, 1854, Part VII. p. 72. 

3 Clarendon to Nesselrode, February 27th, 1854, Part VII. p. 01. 



186 



THE WAE : 



After a preamble, stating that "the British Government has for many 
months anxiously laboured, in conjunction with its allies, to effect 
a reconciliation of differences between Russia and the Sublime Porte," 
and asserting that peace or war depended upon the resolve of Russia, 
his Lordship proceeds : " The British Government, having exhausted all 
the efforts of negotiation, is compelled to declare to the cabinet of 
St. Petersburg, that if Russia should decline to restrict within merely 
diplomatic limits the discussion which she has for some time past been 
engaged in with the Sublime Porte, and does not, by the return of the 
messenger who is the bearer of my present letter, announce her inten- 
tion of causing the Russian troops under the orders of Prince Gort- 
schakoff to commence their march, with the view to recross the Pruth, 
so that the Provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia shall be completely 
evacuated on the 30th of April next, the British Government must 
consider the refusal or the silence of the cabinet of St. Petersburg as 
equivalent to a declaration of war, and will take its measures accord- 
ingly. The messenger who is the bearer of this letter to your 
Excellency is directed not to wait more than six days at St. Petersburg 
for your reply ; and I earnestly trust that he may convey to me an 
announcement, on the part of the Russian Government, that by the 
30th of April next the Principalities will cease to be occupied by 
Russian forces." 

The future and impartial statesman, when the folly, vanity, and 
irritation of the moment shall have passed away, will, when he has to 
record the consequences which resulted from that act, pen with sorrow 
and with shame the historical fact that there should have been any 
British statesman who, as the organ of a British cabinet, could under 
any circumstances, especially under the present circumstances, put his 
name (that name, too, the amiable and excellent nobleman, Lord 
Clarendon) to a document like this. Had Seymour signed it, no sur- 
prise could have been excited. Perhaps he drafted it or pointed it. 
In every word and line we perceive a deep contemptuous, nay, even 
personal feeling, directed against a party which certainly was not the 
first to provoke the quarrel. It bears the stamp of forced bravado, 
put forth as if intended to cover error and injustice, and has the 
appearance of being intended to supply as much political capital as 
would end in supporting a rickety ministry, or the stability of an 
Imperial French throne. It is not like, nor is it what ought to have 
been, the voice of this nation upon such a solemn occasion. It has 
torn up by the roots steady and sincere friendships, and confidence 
which it will be difficult ever to restore, and inflicted upon a great 
and friendly nation wounds which can never be healed or forgotten. 



who's to blame? 



187 



All this is aggravated by the hypocritical hope conveyed, that the 
imperious and imperative demand — command — would be readily, and 
in the time prescribed, obeyed. His Lordship could expect no answer 
to such a message ; nay, further, he informs us that he expected none, 
because he tells Consul Michele thus : " If, previous to the expiration 
of that period, Count Nesselrode should inform you that the messenger 
need not remain at St. Petersburg ... in either of these cases you will 
direct the messenger to return to England with the utmost speed." 

Consul Michele was directed to deliver his burden to Count Nessel- 
rode, in conjunction with the French consul, whose message, by-the-bye, 
limited the time for evacuation to the 15th of April. This they did 
on the 14th of March, at twelve o'clock, the hour appointed to receive 
them (JSfo. 137 1 ). In this remarkable embroilment and finale it is 
worthy of notice that, whether ambassadors or consuls, the French and 
English went in pairs, as if afraid or ashamed to go alone in the per- 
formance of their doubtful work. The Emperor being absent from 
St. Petersburg, the message could not be submitted to him for some 
days. He returned on the 17th : on the 18th, Count Nesselrode 
summoned Michele to attend him at one o'clock next day. The result 
is soon told. " The Emperor does not consider it proper or becoming to 
return any answer to the letter of Lord Clarendon " {VEmpereur ne 
juge pas convenable de donner aucune reponse cb la lettre de Lord 
Clarendon). The head of a great or independent nation could not act 
otherwise. The message sent conveyed, and was intended to convey, 
a direct insult to the^Russian Government and Sovereign, and to pro- 
voke that war which had long been determined upon by Turkey and 
her allies. Having received, his answer, Michele next thought of 
number one — his salary. "What about the consular arrangements 
between the two countries?" said he to Count Nesselrode. "That 
will entirely depend," said the Count, calmly, " upon the course her 
Britannic Majesty's Government may adopt : we shall not declare 
war." You are their servant, and must obey them. 

A declaration of war against Russia was shortly after put forth ; 
but before I proceed to advert to it, it is proper to notice some cir- 
cumstances that occurred at St. Petersburg previous to the recal of 
Sir H. Seymour; next, "the Secret Correspondence;" and afterwards 
advert to the present state of Turkey, and the statements made by 
our ambassadors under that head, in which the reader will learn to 
his surprise the remarkably gross impositions, deceptions, and chicanery 
that were carried on in reference to this part of the subject, and 
thence be able to estimate the value of such authorities. 

1 Michele to Clareudou, March 19th, 1854, Part VII. p. 82. 



188 



THE WAR: 



Of the muddy-headed confusiou which guided the diplomatic opi- 
nions and proceedings of Sir H. Seymour, we have several striking 
specimens in the Official Correspondence. The two following may 
suffice in proof. In No. 207, 1 Sir H. Seymour says, in reference to 
the " reparation " required by Russia from Turkey, that u Russia had 
no more right to make war upon Turkey for withholding a political 
privilege, than England would have, if she went to war upon being 
refused any commercial advantage for which she might apply to a 
foreign Government." Now, if any foreign Government should refuse 
to grant to England the commercial privileges which that foreign 
Government had granted to another ; and if, as with regard to the 
Holy Places, a foreign Government had given to another Government 
privileges which she had granted by treaty, and then taken away'from 
England. — then England had a right, full redress being refused, to go 
to war with the power which had so acted. Again, if those privileges 
had been established under long subsisting treaties, as were the 
Russian rights to the Holy Places under special firmans and the treaty 
of Kainardji, and redress refused when demanded for a treaty thus 
violated, — then certainly England, like Russia, had a clear right to 
have recourse to hostilities to enforce her rights. Again, No. 376, 2 
the same gentleman tells Count Nesselrode, when the latter put it to 
him what England would have felt had the great powers of Em-ope 
interfered to direct and control her proceedings and actions in her war 
with China, thus : " The question was one in which no great European 
interests other than our own were engaged /" — thus broadly advancing 
the monstrous doctrine that the extension of our wars and our terri- 
tories to quarters of the world not European, did not increase our 
strength as opposed to other nations ; and that consequently they had 
no business or right to interfere with our acts and proceedings. 
With such ambassadors employed, this country will never be out of 
trouble. 

"When this ambassador's services were dispensed with, and become 
no longer necessary at St. Petersburg, he affected to take great interest 
in the safety of the British residents there. In No. 98, 3 he is compelled 
to tell Count Nesselrode and us, that our " countrymen " expressed 
"their unlimited confidence in the protection that they shall meet with 
from the Emperor, your gracious master, in conformity with the assur- 
ances which have been made to them." They sought and required no 
other — a sufficient refutation of the charges of despotism, barbarity, 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, October 29tli, 1S53, Tart II. p. 213. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, Dec. 26th, 1S53, Part II. pp. 31-S, 349. 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, Feb. 16th, 1854-, Part VII. 



who's to blame? 



189 



and avarice, that have been so loudly and so widely brought against 
him, and much of it through the instrumentality of Sir H. Seymour 
himself. 

Another instance of the want of truth and candour on the part of 
this gentleman, is his gratuitous positive statement (No. 76 1 ) of the 
general distress of the Russian commerce. " Business," says he, " as it 
may be well supposed, is nearly at a stand still at St. Petersburg." 
The best refutation to this misstatement, or rather untruth, is the 
return of the trade of Russia for 1853, showing the vast increase of 
many millions of roubles over that of 1852. 2 

The anti-Russian feeling of this gentleman breaks out on all occa- 
sions in the most unnecessary and uncalled-for manner, and unworthy 
of the character of a public servant, whose business it was to convey, 
within the strict sphere of his duty, correct information to his Govern- 
ment. Thus, in No. 4, 3 in reference to the march of Russian reinforce- 
ments (one of 27,000 men) for the army in Asia, he says : " They 
appear to be received everywhere {thanks to the arrangements which are 
made) in a triumphal manner thus conveying the insinuation that 
the welcome was forced ! How silly is such work and information as 
this ! 

The public are aware, and the correspondence, in numerous instances, 
shows us, the alarming accounts that this gentleman transmitted early 
last year about the movements of immense Russian armies in almost 
all parts of that empire, especially about Bessarabia. Now, in the 
Secret Correspondence, we find the Emperor telling him that, to the 
date of the 7th April, he had not moved a battalion or a ship ; and 
Consul Yeames tells us (Part II. p. 183) that, as late as the 7th Octo- 
ber, there were neither naval nor military movements going on at 
Odessa or its neighbourhood. It was the alarming and false accounts 
thus sent that alarmed and irritated this country, and greatly tended 
to induce her to rush into the war. 

The name of Sir H. Seymour will long be remembered in St. Peters- 
burg to the injury of the character of England. He told his gaping 
hearers at a lord mayor's dinner, after his return, that the Emperor sent 
to him " one fine winter's morning, saying that he would rather see his 
back than his face." No wonder, for if ever man abused confidence 
and hospitality, on the part of the Russian Sovereign and family, Sir 
H. Seymour did so at St. Petersburg. His own despatches convict him 
of this unamiable feature in the human character. He omits, however, 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, Feb. 10th, 1854, Part VII. p. 49. 

2 Petersburg Commercial Journal, 1854. 

3 Seymour to Clarendon, Jan. 19th, 1854, Part VII p. 2. 



190 



THE WAE : 



to tell, that almost on the same winter's morning, at least within 
twenty-four hours thereof, he received from Lord Clarendon a most 
peremptory order to leave St. Petersburg and the Russian terri- 
tory without one moment's delay ! His story, told and spread in 
England, namely, that the Emperor Nicholas had seized his " ward- 
robe" can never be forgotten. Though publicly certified by the Lord 
Mayor of London, like those documents that require his civic proof, 
it is, nevertheless, altogether a baseless fiction; and any man who 
could make a charge like this, especially under such circumstances, is 
very unfit to represent England in anything. To Sir H. Seymour, 
more than any other living public servant, this country is indebted 
for the present war and all its terrible consequences. 

THE SECRET CORRESPONDENCE." 1 

This is not the least valuable and important portion of the official 
correspondence that has been given to the public ; on the contrary, it 
is, notwithstanding the misrepresentations and falsifications that have 
been spread about it, and the ridicule that has been attempted to be 
thrown upon it by all whose object is to conceal truth, it nevertheless 
is the most important of the whole, and completely sets at rest the 
charges of duplicity, concealment, and aggressive ambition on the part 
of Russia against Turkey, and proves, not only that this country has 
no just cause of complaint against Russia, but that she actually came 
to a solemn and distinct arrangement with that power about the policy 
and line of conduct to be pursued by both in reference to Turkey. 

Sir H. Seymour acknowledges, that all the proceedings which gave 
rise to the correspondence in question, were carried on in the most unre- 
served, sincere, confidential, and friendly manner, and that he cordially 
agreed with the justice and propriety of all that was proposed. The 
different conversations that took place were carried on in the most 
homely and friendly way, as between private individuals concerning 
subjects of great public interest, as in a private circle. 

In No. I, 2 Sir H. Seymour tells us that the Emperor Nicholas, after 
discussing the critical state of Turkey, and under the homely phrase of 
" a sick — a very sick man," and his probable early dissolution, says, 
" that fate will be a great misfortune ; and it is very important that 
England and Russia should come to a perfectly good understanding in 
those matters, and that neither should take any decisive step of which 
the other is not apprised. ... I obseiwed, in a few words, that I re- 

1 Eastern Papers, No. 5. 

2 Seymour to Russell, Jau. 1 1th, 1853, p. 2. 



who's to blame? 



191 



joiced to hear that his Imperial Majesty held this language ; that this 
was certainly the view that I took of the manner in which Turkish ques- 
tions should be treated. ... I am convinced that the Chancellor is 
invariably favourable to measures of moderation, and, as far as it is in 
his power, to English mews. His desire, then, to act in harmony with 
her Majesty's Government, cannot but be strengthened by learning the 
cordial declarations which the Emperor has made to me upon the sub- 
ject. . . . His Imperial Majesty's words appear to me to possess con- 
siderable value, and certainly they offer me, at this moment, an 
advantage of which I shall not be backward in availing myself." In 
No. 2, 1 and at a subsequent and more important interview, still more 
explicit and important declarations were made and accepted. Describ- 
ing, in homely phraseology, the dangers and weakness of Turkey, the 
Emperor Nicholas said : "If the Turkish empire falls, it falls to rise no 
more ; and I put it to you, therefore, whether it is not better to be 
provided beforehand for a contingency, than to increase the chaos, the 
confusion, and the certainty of an European war, all of which must 
attend the catastrophe if it should occur unexpectedly, and before 
some ulterior system has been sketched : this is the point to which 
I am desirous that you should call the attention of your Government. 
. . . Now, I desire to speak plainly to you as a friend and a gentleman; 
if England and I arrive at an understanding of this matter, as regards 
the rest it matters little to me ; it is indifferent to me what others do 
or think. Frankly, then, I tell you plainly, that if England thinks of 
establishing herself one of these days at Constantinople, I will not 
allow it. I do not attribute this intention to you, but it is better, 
on these occasions, to speak plainly ; for my part, I am equally dis- 
posed to take the engagement not to establish myself there, as pro- 
prietor, that is to say, — for an occupier I do not say ; it might happen 
that circumstances, if no previous provision were made, if everything 
should be left to chance, might place me in the position of occupying 
Constantinople. . . . You will report what has passed between us to the 
Queen's Government, and you will say that I shall be ready to receive 
any communication which it may be their wish to make to me upon 
the subject." — " With regard to the extremely important overture to 
which this report relates, I will only observe, that it is my duty to 
record impressions as well as facts and statements; and I am bound 
to say, that if words, tone, and manner, offer any criterion by which 
intentions are to be judged, the Emperor is prepared to act with per- 
fect fairness and openness towards her Majesty's Government. ... I 
would now submit to your Lordship that this overture cannot, with 

1 Seymour io Russell, January 22d, 1853, Tart V. p. 3. 



192 



THE WAR : 



propriety, pass unnoticed by her Majesty's Government." It may bring 
about a union which may lead "to measures to prop up the /a/Zm^r autho- 
rity of the Sultan." while the offer to act cordially with her Majesty's 
Government in precautions, " may possibly prevent the fatal crisis 
being followed by a scramble for the rich inheritance which would 
remain to be disposed of. . . . A noble triumph," says Sir H. Seymour, 
elevated by his subject, and sincere in his expressions, " would be 
obtained by the civilization of the nineteenth century, if the void left 
by the extinction of Mohammedan ride in Europe could be filled up 
without an interruption of the general peace, in consequence of the 
precautions adopted by the two principal Governments the most in- 
terested in the destinies of Turkey!" No better justification of the 
conduct and views of the Emperor Nicholas can be put forward than 
is here done by one of his bitterest calumniators. 

In No. 4, 1 Lord John Russell replies in a very able despatch, point- 
ing out the dangers that might arise from any such as he imagined was 
wanted — a positive agreement or convention between the two countries. 
He observes : " Upon the whole, then, her Majesty's Government are 
persuaded, that no course of policy can be adopted more wise, more 
disinterested, more beneficial to Europe, than that which his Imperial 
Majesty has so long followed, and which will render his name more 
illustrious than that of the most famous sovereigns who have sought 
immortality by unprovoked conquest and ephemeral glory." But his 
Lordship's other observations are valuable, clear, and important, in 
reference to the contest now going on. " The ultimate proprietor of 
Constantinople, whoever he might be, would hardly be satisfied with 
the inert, supine attitude of Mahommed the Second. A great influ- 
ence in the affairs of Europe seems naturally to belong to the sovereign 
of Constantinople, holding the gates of the Mediterranean and the 
Black Sea. That influence might be used in favour of Russia ; it 
might be used to aid and to control her power. His Imperial Majesty 
has justly and wisely said, ' Our great, perhaps our only danger, is that 
which would arise from an extension given to an empire already too 
large,' but a vigorous and an ambitious ptowerful state, replacing the 
Sublime Porte, might however render war, on the part of Russia, a 
necessity for the Emperor or his successors."" This latter fact is quite 
clear, and should have been thought of by France and England before 
they embarked in their present senseless and dangerous crusade against 
Russia. His Lordship concludes his despatch with the following cor- 
rect and remarkable words : — " The more the Turkish Government 
adopts the rules of impartial law and equal administration, the less 
1 Russell to Seymour, Feb. 9th, 1853, Part Vj p. B. 



who's to blame ? 



193 



■will the Emperor of Russia find it necessary to apply that exceptional 
protection, which his Imperial Majesty has found so burdensome and 
inconvenient, though no doubt prescribed by duty, and sanctioned by 
treaty''' 1 " In placing this despatch in the hands of Count Nesselrode, 
you will/' adds his Lordship, " accompany its presentation' with the 
assurances of friendship and confidence on the part of her Majesty the 
Queen, which the conduct of his Imperial Majesty was so sure to 
inspire." 

In No. 6, 2 Sir H. Seymour gives us the report of a still more im- 
portant communication, much of which brevity compels me to omit. 
The Emperor stated " that he was perhaps even more interested than 
England could be in preventing a Turkish catastrophe. . . . ' There are 
several things,' said the Emperor, ' that I never will tolerate : I will 
begin by ourselves. I will not tolerate the permanent occupation of 
Constantinople by the Russians. Having said this, I will say that it 
never shall be held by the English or French, or by any other great 
nation. Again, I never will permit an attempt at the reconstruction 
of a Byzantine empire, or such cm extension of Greece as would render 
her a powerful state ; still less, will I permit the breaking up of 
Turkey into little republics, asylums for the Kossuths, and Mazzinis, 
and other revolutionists of Europe : rather than submit to any of 
these arrangements, I would go to war, and as long as I have a man 
and a musket left would carry it on.' ... Little more than a month ago 
he had assured the Sultan that, if his assistance was required for resist- 
ing the menaces of the French, it was entirely at the service of the 
Sultan. ... In a word, the Emperor went on to observe : 1 As I before 
told you, all I want is a good understanding with England, and this, 
not as to what shall, but as to what shall not be done. ... I and the 
English Government having entire confidence in one another's views, 
I care nothing about the rest.' I remarked," says Sir H. Seymour, 
" that I felt confident that her Majesty's Government could be as little 
disposed as his Imperial Majesty to tolerate the presence of the French 
at Constantinople ;" and, as all those Eastern questions affect Austria 
very nearly, " she, of course, would expect to be consulted. ' Oh ! ' 
replied the Emperor, c you must understand that when I speak of 
Russia, I speak of Austria as well ; what suits the one suits the other ; 
our interests, as regards Turkey, are perfectly identical.'" Referring to 
the Emperor's casual allusion to the dispute going on with Turkey, 
Sir Hamilton says : " Your Majesty must be sensible that any fresh 
concessions which have been obtained by the Latins, are not referable 

1 How then can those rights under treaty, here acknowledged, be now denied ? 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, "Feb. 22d, 1853, Tart V. p. 9. 

O 



194 



THE wae: 



to ill-will towards you, but to the excessive apprehensions of the French 
entertained by the unfortunate Turks /" In reference to Montenegro, 
so lately threatened by Omar Pasha, the Emperor observed : u It is 
impossible not to feel great interest in a population warmly attached 
to their religion, who have so long kept their ground against the 
Turks • and," the Emperor continued, " it may be fair to tell you, that 
if any attempts at exterminating these people should be made by Omar 
Pasha, and should a general rising of the Christians take place in 
consequence, the Sultan will in all probability in this case lose his 
throne. In this case he falls to rise no more. I wish to support his 
authority, but, if he loses it, it is gone for ever. The Turkish empire 
is a thing to be tolerated, not to be reconstructed ; in such a cause 
I protest to you I will not allow a pistol to be fired." His Majesty 
paid the highest compliments to the British Government for their good 
feelings expressed towards him. 

It is proper to observe that the Russian Government, upon the 
appearance of this correspondence, charged Sir H. Seymour with 
reporting some of it incorrectly, which is by no means improbable, as 
the official memorandum drawn up from it differs, in some respects, 
to that which the Emperor is represented to have stated ; and which 
memorandum was submitted to Sir Hamilton before it was despatched 
for his correction, should such be found necessary ; but the charge is 
the more probable, as Sir Hamilton, who on many points has certainly 
a bad or weak memory, acknowledges that " he is conscious of having 
forgotten the precise terms employed by him (the Emperor) with 
respect to the commercial policy to be observed at Constantinople when 
no longer held by the Turks." Now this, as far as England is con- 
cerned, is the most important part of the subject; and it is more than 
strange that a British ambassador should have forgotten this portion 
of the subject. The true reason is withheld. The reason is obvious. 
If given, it would have told in England in the Emperor's favour, and 
in favour of his views and his policy. The remaining portion of this 
remarkable and interesting correspondence it is considered necessary 
to give at length. It consequently speaks for itself, and renders all 
commentary unnecessary. It establishes the reverse of bad faith on 
the part of the Russian Government, in her dealings with England on 
the affairs of the East. Not the least curious and interesting part of 
the history of this correspondence was, that, immediately upon its pub- 
lication, it was sent out by the Foreign Office to the Governor of the 
Ionian Islands and our ambassador in Greece, with strict orders to 
have a portion of it printed and widely circulated amongst the Greek 
population everywhere, imagining that the part relating to the 



who's to blame? 



195 



announced opposition on the part of the Emperor of Russia to the 
extension of the kingdom of Greece and a Byzantine empire,, would 
tell against him, and in favour of Turkey and her two great allies. 
The orders were obeyed, but Sir Henry Ward was obliged to inform 
Lord Clarendon that the bait would not take, and that the Greek 
population was not so stupid as to be caught with such chaff. 

After all the compliments paid to the Russian Emperor in this cor- 
respondence, and the confidence expressed in his views and intentions 
by the British Government, it is impossible to account on any honest 
principles for their present animosity against him, and abuse heaped 
upon him. We proceed to notice this more at length in the following 
correspondence : — 

IB age 15. — Secret Correspondence. 

" The Emperor has, with the liveliest interest and real satisfaction, made 
himself acquainted with the secret and confidential despatch which Sir 
Hamilton Seymour communicated to him. He duly appreciates the frank- 
ness which has dictated it. He has found therein a fresh proof of the 
friendly sentiments which her Majesty the Queen entertains for him. 

" In conversing familiarly with the British envoy on the causes which, 
from one day to another, may bring on the fall of the Ottoman empire, 
it had by no means entered into the Emperor's thoughts to propose for 
this contingency a plan by which Russia and England should dispose before- 
hand of the provinces ruled by the Sultan — a system altogether arranged ; 
still less, a formal agreement to be concluded between the two cabinets. 
It was purely and simply the Emperor's notion that each party should 
confidentially state to the other, less what it wishes than what it does not 
wish ; what would be contrary to English interests, what would be contrary 
to Russian interests ; in order that, the case occurring, they might avoid 
acting in opposition to each other. 

" There is in this neither plans of partition nor convention to be bind- 
ing on the other courts. It is merely an interchange of opinions ; and the 
Emperor sees no necessity of talking about it before the time. It is pre- 
cisely for that reason that he took especial care not to make it the object 
of an official communication from one cabinet to another. By confining 
himself to speaking of it himself, in the shape of familiar conversation, to 
the Queen's representative, he selected the most friendly and confidential 
form of opening himself with frankness to her Britannic Majesty, being 
desirous that the result, whatsoever it might be, of these communications 
should remain, as it ought to be, a secret between the two sovereigns. 

" Consequently, the objections which Lord John Russell raises to any 
concealment as regards the other powers, in the event of a formal agree- 
ment being entered into, of which there is at present no question, fall to 
the ground ; and consequently, also, the inconveniences disappear, which 
he points out as calculated to contribute to hasten the occurrence of the 



196 



THE WAR : 



very event which Russia and England are desirous of averting, if the exist- 
ence of such an agreement should become prematurely known to Europe 
and to the subjects of the Sultan. 

" As regards the object of this wholly confidential interchange of opinions, 
the possible downfal of the Ottoman empire, doubtless that is but an 
uncertain and remote contingency. Unquestionably, the period of it can- 
not be fixed, and no real crisis has arisen to render the realization of it 
imminent. But, after all, it may happen ; happen even unexpectedly. 
Without mentioning the ever-increasing causes of dissolution which are 
presented by the moral, financial, and administrative condition of the 
Porte, it may proceed gradually from one, at least, of the two questions 
mentioned by the English ministry in its secret despatch. In truth, it 
perceives in those questions only mere disputes, which would not differ in 
their bearing from difficulties which form the ordinary business of diplo- 
macy. But that kind of dispute may, nevertheless, bring on war, and 
with war the consequences which the Emperor apprehends from it ; if, for 
instance, in the affair of the Holy Places, the amour-propre and the menaces 
of France, continuing to press upon the Porte, should compel it to refuse 
us all satisfaction ; and if, on the other hand, the religious sentiments of 
the Orthodox Greeks, offended by the concessions made to the Latins, 
should raise the immense majority of his subjects against the Sultan. As 
regards the affair of Montenegro, that, according to the late accounts, may 
happily be looked upon as settled. But, at the time that the Emperor had 
his interview with Sir Hamilton Seymour, it might be apprehended that 
the question would take a most serious turn. Neither ourselves nor 
Austria could have allowed the protracted devastation or forced submission 
of Montenegro ; a country which, up to the present time, has continued 
actually independent of the Porte ; a country over which our protection 
has been extended for more than a century. The horrors which are com- 
mitted there, — those which, by Ottoman fanaticism, have a short time 
since been extended over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and the Herzegovine, — gave the 
other Christian provinces of the Porte only too much reason to anticipate 
that the same fate awaited them. They were calculated to provoke the 
general rising of the Christians who live under the sceptre of the Turkish 
empire, and to hasten its ruin. It is not then, by any means, an idle and 
imaginary question, a contingency too remote, to which the anxiety of 
the Emperor has called the attention of the Queen his ally. 

" In the face of the uncertainty and decay of the existing state of things 
in Turkey, the English cabinet expresses the desire that the greatest for- 
bearance should be shown towards the Porte. The Emperor is conscious 
of never having acted otherwise. The English cabinet itself admits it. 
It addresses to the Emperor, with reference to the numerous proofs of 
moderation which he has given up to the jn'esent time, praises which his 
Majesty will not accept, because in that he has only listened to his own 
overbearing conviction. But, in order that the Emperor may continue to 
concur in that system of forbearance, to abstain from any demonstrations — 
from any peremptory language — it would be necessary that this system 



who's to blame? 



197 



should be equally observed by all the powers at once. France has adopted 
another. By menace she obtained, in opposition to the letter of the 
treaties, the admission of a ship of the line into the Dardanelles. At the 
cannon's mouth she twice presented her claims and her demands for in- 
demnity at Tripoli, and afterwards at Constantinople. Again, in the 
contest respecting the Holy Places, by menace she effected the abrogation 
of the firman, and that of the solemn promises which the Sultan had given 
the Emperor. With regard to all these acts of violence, England observed 
a complete silence. She neither offered support to the Porte, nor addressed 
remonstrances to the French Government. The consequence is very 
evident. The Porte necessarily concluded from this that from France 
alone it has everything to hope, as well as everything to fear, and that it 
can evade with impunity the demands of Austria and of Russia. It is 
thus that Austria and Russia, in order to obtain justice, have seen them- 
selves compelled in their turn, against their will, to act by intimidation, 
since they have to do with a Government which only yields to a peremp- 
tory attitude ; and it is thus that by its own fault, or rather by that of 
those who have weakened it in the first instance, the Porte is urged on in 
a course which enfeebles it still more. Let England, then, employ herself 
in making it listen to reason. Instead of uniting herself with France 
against the just demands of Russia, let her avoid supporting, or even 
appearing to support, the resistance of the Ottoman Government. Let her 
be the first to invite the latter, as she herself considers it essential, to 
treat its Christian subjects with more equity and humanity. That will 
be the surest means of relieving the Emperor from the obligation of avail- 
ing himself in Turkey of those rights of traditional protection to which he 
never has recourse but against his will, and of postponing indefinitely the 
crisis which the Emperor and her Majesty the Queen are equally anxious 
to avert. 

" In short, the Emperor cannot but congratulate himself at having given 
occasion for this intimate interchange of confidential communications be- 
tween her Majesty and himself. He has found therein valuable assurances, 
of which he takes note with a lively satisfaction. The two sovereigns 
have frankly explained to each other what, in the extreme case of which 
they have been treating, their respective interests cannot endure. England 
understands that Russia cannot suffer the establishment at Constantinople 
of a Christian power sufficiently strong to control and disquiet her. She 
declares that, for herself, she renounces any intention or desire to possess 
Constantinople ; the Emperor equally disclaims any wish or design of 
establishing himself there. England promises that she will enter into no 
arrangement for determining the measures to be taken in the event of the 
fall of the Turkish empire, without a previous understanding with the 
Emperor ; the Emperor, on his side, willingly contracts the same engage- 
ment. As he is aware that in such a case he can equally reckon upon 
Austria, who is bound by her promises to concert with him, he regards 
with less apprehension the catastrophe which he still desires to prevent 
and avert, as much as it shall depend on him to do so. 



198 



THE WAR: 



" No less precious to him are the proofs of friendship and personal 
confidence, on the part of her Majesty the Queen, which Sir Hamilton 
Seymour has been directed on this occasion to impart to him. He sees in 
them the surest guarantee against the contingency which his foresight had 
deemed it right to point out to that of the English Government." 

The Earl of Clarendon to Sir G. R. Seymour.— Tag e 19. 
{Secret and confidential?) 

" Foreign Office, March 23d, 1853. 

" Sir, — Your despatches of the 21st and 22d ultimo have been laid 
before the Queen, and I am commanded to express her Majesty's entire 
approval of the discretion and judgment displayed by you in the conver- 
sations which you had the honour to hold with the Emperor. 

" I need not assure you that the opinions of his Imperial Majesty have 
received from her Majesty's Government the anxious and deliberate consi- 
deration that their importance demands ; and although her Majesty's 
Government feel compelled to adhere to the principles and the policy laid 
down in Lord John Eussell's despatch of the 9th of February, yet they 
gladly comply with the Emperor's wish that the subject should be further 
and frankly discussed. The generous confidence exhibited by the Emperor 
entitles his Imperial Majesty to the most cordial declaration of opinion on 
the part of her Majesty's Government, who are fully aware that, in the 
event of any understanding with reference to future contingencies being 
expedient, or indeed possible, the word of his Imperial Majesty would be 
preferable to any convention that could be framed. 

" Her Majesty's Government persevere in the belief that Turkey still 
possesses the elements of existence ; and they consider that recent events 
have proved the correctness of the opinion expressed in the despatch of 
my predecessor, that there was no sufficient cause for intimating to the 
Sultan that he cannot keep peace at home, or preserve friendly relations 
with his neighbours. 

" Her Majesty's Government have accordingly learnt, with sincere satis- 
faction, that the Emperor considers himself even more interested than 
England in preventing a Turkish catastrophe ; because they are convinced 
that upon the policy pursued by his Imperial Majesty towards Turkey, will 
mainly depend the hastening or the indefinite postponement of an event 
which every power in Europe is concerned in averting. Her Majesty's 
Government are convinced that nothing is more calculated to precipitate 
that event than the constant prediction of its being near at hand ; that 
nothing can be more fatal to the vitality of Turkey than the assumption 
of its rapid and inevitable decay ; and that if the opinion of the Emperor, 
that the days of the Turkish empire were numbered, became notorious, 
its downfal must occur even sooner than his Imperial Majesty now appears 
to expect. 

" But on the supposition that, from unavoidable causes, the catastrophe 
did take place, her Majesty's Government entirely share the opinion of 
the Emperor, that the occupation of Constantinople by either of the great 



who's to blame? 



199 



powers would be incompatible with the present balance of power and the 
maintenance of peace in Europe, and must at once be regarded as impos- 
sible ; that there are no elements for the reconstruction of a Byzantine 
empire ; that the systematic misgovernment of Greece offers no encou- 
ragement to extend its territorial dominion ; and that, as there are no 
materials for provincial or communal government, anarchy would be the 
result of leaving the provinces of Turkey to themselves, or permitting 
them to form separate republics. 

" The Emperor has announced that, sooner than permit a settlement of 
the question by any one of these methods, he will be prepared for war at 
every hazard ; and, however much her Majesty's Government may be 
disposed to agree in the soundness of the views taken by his Imperial 
Majesty, yet they consider that the simple predetermination of what shall 
not be tolerated, does little towards solving the real difficulties, or settling 
in what manner it would be practicable, or even desirable, to deal with the 
heterogeneous materials of which the Turkish empire is composed. 

" England desires no territorial aggrandizement, and could be no party 
to a previous arrangement from which she was to derive any such benefit. 
England could be no party to any understanding, however general, that 
was to be kept secret from other powers ; but her Majesty's Government 
believe that no arrangements could control events, and that no under- 
standing could be kept secret. They would, in the opinion of her Majesty's 
Government, be the signal for preparation for intrigues of every descrip- 
tion, and for revolts among the Christian subjects of the Porte. Each 
power and each party would endeavour to secure its future interests, and 
the dissolution of the Turkish empire would be preceded by a state of 
anarchy which must aggravate every difficulty, if it did not render a 
peaceful solution of the question impossible. 

" The only mode by which such a solution could be attempted would be 
that of an European congress ; but that only affords an additional reason 
for desiring that the present order of things in Turkey should be main- 
tained, as her Majesty's Government cannot without alarm reflect on the 
jealousies that would then be evoked, the impossibility of reconciling the 
different ambitions and the divergent interests that would be called into 
play, and the certainty that the treaties of 1815 must then be open to 
revision, when France might be prepared to risk the chances of an Euro- 
pean war to get rid of the obligations which she considers injurious to her 
national honour, and which, having been imposed by victorious enemies, 
are a constant source of irritation to her. 

" The main object of her Majesty's Government, that to which their 
efforts have been and always will be directed, is the preservation of peace ; 
and they desire to uphold the Turkish empire, from their conviction that 
no great question can be agitated in the East without becoming a source 
of discord in the West ; and that every great question in the West will 
assume a revolutionary character, and embrace a revision of the entire 
social system, for which the Continental Governments are certainly in no 
state of preparation. 



200 



the war: 



" The Emperor is fully cognizant of the materials that are in constant 
fermentation beneath the surface of society, and their readiness to burst 
forth even in times of peace ; and his Imperial Majesty will probably, 
therefore, not dissent from the opinion that the first cannon-shot may be 
the signal for a state of things more disastrous even than those calamities 
that war inevitably brings in its train. 

" But such a war would be the result of the dissolution and dismemberment of 
the Ttirkish empire ; and hence the anxiety of her Majesty's Government to 
avert the catastrophe. Nor can they admit that the signs of Turkish decay 
are now either more evident or more rapid than of late years ; there is still 
great energy and great wealth in Turkey ; a disposition to improve the 
system of Government is not wanting ; corruption, though unfortunately 
great, is still not of a character, nor carried to an extent, that threatens the 
existence of the state ; the treatment of Christians is not harsh ; and the 
toleration exhibited by the Porte towards this portion of its subjects might 
serve as an example to some Governments, who look with contempt upon 
Turkey as a barbarous power. 

" Her Majesty's Government believe that Turkey only requires forbear- 
ance on the part of its allies, and a determination not to press their claims 
in a manner humiliating to the dignity and independence of the Sultan — 
that friendly support, in short, that, with states as with individuals, the 
weak are entitled to expect from the strong — in order not only to prolong 
its existence, but to remove all cause of alarm respecting its dissolution. 

" It is in this work of benevolence and of sound European policy that her 
Majesty's Government are desirous of cooperating with the Emperor. They 
feel entire confidence in the rectitude of his Imperial Majesty's intentions ; 
and as they have the satisfaction of thinking that the interests of Eussia 
and England in the East are completely identical, they entertain an earnest 
hope that a similar policy there will prevail, and tend to strengthen the 
alliance between the two countries, which it is alike the object of her 
Majesty and her Majesty's Government to promote. 

" You will give a copy of this despatch to the Chancellor or to the Em- 
peror, in the e^ent of your again having the honour to be received by his 
Imperial Majesty. 

" I am, &c. 

(Signed) " Clarendon." 

Page 26. 

" The Emperor has, with lively satisfaction, made himself acquainted 
with Lord Clarendon's despatch of the 23d of March. His Majesty con- 
gratulates himself on perceiving that his views and those of the English 
cabinet entirely coincide on the subject of the political combinations which 
it would be chiefly necessary to avoid, in the extreme case of the contin- 
gency occurring in the East which Eussia and England have equally at 
heart to prevent, or, at all events, to delay as long as possible. Sharing 
generally the opinions expressed by Lord Clarendon on the necessity of the 
prolonged maintenance of the existing state of things in Turkey, the Em- 



WHO'S TO BLAME? 



201 



peror, nevertheless, cannot abstain from adverting to a special point which 
leads him to suppose that the information received by the British Govern- 
ment is not altogether in accordance with ours. It refers to the humanity 
and the toleration to be shown by Turkey in her manner of treating her 
Christian subjects. 

" Putting aside many other examples to the contrary of an old date, it is 
for all that notorious, that recently the cruelties committed by the Turks 
in Bosnia forced hundreds of Christian families to seek refuge in Austria. 
In other respects, without wishing on this occasion to enter upon a discus- 
sion as to the symptoms of decay, more or less evident, presented by the 
Ottoman power, or the greater or less degree of vitality which its internal 
constitution may retain, the Emperor will readily agree that the best means 
of upholding the duration of the Turkish Government is not to harass it 
by overbearing demands, supported in a manner humiliating to its inde- 
pendence and its dignity. His Majesty is disposed, as he has ever been, to 
act upon this system, with the clear understanding, however, that the same 
rule of conduct shall be observed, without distinction and unanimously, 
by each of the great powers ; and that none of them shall take advantage 
of the weakness of the Porte to obtain from it concessions which might turn 
to the prejudice of the others. This principle being laid down, the Em- 
peror declares that he is ready to labour, in concert with England, at the 
common work of prolonging the existence of the Turkish empire, setting 
aside all cause of alarm on the subject of its dissolution. He readily accepts 
the evidence offered by the British cabinet of entire confidence in the up- 
rightness of his sentiments, and the hope that, on this basis, his alliance 
with England cannot fail to become stronger." 

When these papers made their appearance they created a great 
sensation, and were everywhere made the subject of misrepresenta- 
tion and attack. It was stated, by parties at Vienna and Berlin, that 
their contents were unknown to either Austria or Prussia. The Russian 
Government announced that they had been communicated to both. This 
was promised, as it was said from both places to be officially contradicted : 
no such contradiction, however, ever appeared. Seymour, who had 
helped to propagate accounts of concealment at the outset, forgot that 
he had stated (see page 3) that the Austrian ambassador at St. Peters- 
burg told him that the Emperor had communicated to him the con- 
versation he had held with Sir H. Seymour. The French Government 
took a bolder flight, and announced in the Moniteur, that Russia, when 
she had failed in her object with England, applied to France ; and 
that M. Castelbajac would lay the application before the world. Fer- 
tile as they are at fabrications in Paris, it is hardly necessary to 
observe that no such communications ever appeared, because none 
such existed. In this way irritation, and misrepresentation, and false- 
hood were kept up for many weeks, till some fresh subject was taken 
up, and the other, intended for a time, was forgotten. 



202 



THE WAR: 



Connected with the correspondence in question is the paper, Part 
VI., 1 containing the important memorandum drawn up by Count 
JSTesselrode, and approved of by the British Government, regarding the 
views and opinions of the Emperor of Russia expressed to our Go- 
vernment;, regarding Turkey and her prospects, when his Majesty was 
in England at that time. It is much to the same purport as the com- 
munications contained in the paper or Secret Correspondence already 
alluded to, and shows clearly the correct and just views of the Russian 
sovereign, in reference to that portion of Europe and Asia under the 
Ottoman Government, and what should be the course to be adopted 
in reference to it for the future. 

The following extracts will place this in a clear and a proper light : 
" The Porte has a constant tendency to extricate itself from the engage- 
ments imposed upon it by the treaties which it has concluded with 
other powers. It hopes to do so with impunity, because it reckons on 
the mutual jealousies of the cabinets. It thinks, if it fails in its engage- 
ments towards one of them, the rest will espouse its quarrel, and will 
screen it from all responsibility. ... In the present state of feeling in 
Europe, the cabinets cannot see with indifference the Christian popu- 
lations in Turkey subjected to flagrant acts of oppression and religious 
intolerance. . . It is necessary constantly to make the Ottoman minis- 
ters sensible of this truth, and to persuade them that they can only 
reckon on the friendship and on the support of the great powers, on the 
condition that they treat the Christian subjects of the Porte with toleration 
and with mildness. While insisting on this truth, it will be the duty 
of the foreign representatives, on the other hand, to exert all their 
influence to maintain the Christian subjects of the Porte in submission 
to the sovereign authority. ... If all the great powers frankly adopt 
this line of conduct, they will have a well-grounded expectation of pre- 
serving the existence of Turkey. . . . The object for which Russia and 
England will have to come to an understanding may be expressed in 
the following manner : — 1. To seek to maintain the existence of the 
Ottoman empire, in its present state, as long as that political combina- 
tion shall be possible. 2. If we foresee that it must crumble to pieces, 
to enter into previous concert as to everything relating to the esta- 
blishment of a new order of things, intended to replace that which 
now exists ; and, in conjunction with each other, to see that the change 
which may have occurred in the internal situation of the empire shall 
not injuriously affect either the security of their own states, or the 
rights which the treaties assure to them respectively in the mainte- 
nance of the balance of power in Europe." " For this purpose, thus 

1 Memorandum by Count Nosselrodc, delivered to the British Government, 184i. 



who's to blame? 



203 



stated, the policy of Russia and of Austria, as we have already said, 
is closely ' united by the principle of perfect identity.' If England, as 
the principal maritime power, acts in concert with them, it is to be 
supposed that France will find herself obliged to act in conformity 
with the course agreed upon between St. Petersburg, London, and 
Vienna. Conflict between the great powers being thus obviated, it is 
to be hoped the peace of Europe will be maintained, even in the 
midst of such serious circumstances. It is to secure this object of 
common interest, if the case occurs, that, as the Emperor agreed with 
her Britannic Majesty's ministers, during his residence in England, the 
previous understanding with Russia and England shall establish be- 
tween themselves must be directed." 

In all this there is nothing that is reprehensible, evasive, or unjust. 
It is curious that much of this memorandum is the very words of 
Lord Clarendon, in his voluminous Turkish correspondence, and is 
exactly the principle on which the allies are now acting in their sup- 
port of Turkey, after she had sought to shake herself clear of all her 
previous engagements with Russia, especially those connected with the 
treatment of her Christian subjects. The policy and objects of Russia are 
clear, straightforward, and proper, and have never varied nor changed. 
And the Emperor requested Sir H.Seymour to inform his Government 
(No. that what he had pledged himself to, "will be equally bind- 
ing upon my successor. There now exists memorandums of my inten- 
tions • and whatever I have 'promised, my son, if the changes alluded to 
should occur in his time, will be as ready to perform as his father would 
have been''' This is plain language. If the East India House and the 
Board of Control would lay bare their archives, how often should we 
find them consulting, many years before, how they were to deal with 
this rajah, and that nabob, and the territories belonging to them, when 
they would become extinguished 1 And have not England and France 
been for many years consulting together what should be done with Cuba, 
when she must be separated from Spain % Russia has done no more 
with regard to Turkey, and, if anything, has paid too much deference 
to them in matters where her own immediate and most important in- 
terests and safety are so deeply and so closely concerned. 

It is almost incredible, after such confidential, and friendly, and 
judicious communications and arrangements, that discord so fatal as 
that which has arisen between Great Britain and Russia could have 
taken place. Count Nesselrode's conclusion becomes just and irresist- 
ible (No. 207 2 ), when he tells Sir H. Seymour, "that after the admis- 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, April 20th, 1853, Part V. p. 23. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, Oct. 29th, 1853, Part II. p. 213. 



204 



THE WAR: 



sion by England of a reparation being due to us, it appeared as if that 
admission was now withdrawn ; that if England had insisted, as she 
ought to have done, at Constantinople, the Porte would long ago have 
given way ; and the Vienna note would have been signed ; that Eng- 
land, in fact, was solely to blame for the complications of the moment, 
and for those disastrous consequences to which they were likely to lead ; 
and that the conduct now pursued was an unworthy return for the 
proofs of friendship which had been given to England by his Imperial 
Majesty." 

Amongst the delusions of the day is the clamour raised against 
Russia about the free navigation of the Danube — as if the navigation 
of that river was shut up by her, or shut up at all. The treaty of 
Adrianople laid open the navigation of that stream. This Russia 
secured. It is now free for every one, so far as Russia is concerned, 
who are connected with that river, upwards and downwards, for all 
commercial purposes ; with only such tolls or dues as are necessary 
to defray the expense of quarantine stations, and machines for clear- 
ing, or keeping clear, the mouth of that river. But this is not all 
that the disinterested allies want ; it is a free passage for ships or 
vessels of war — though how they are to gain this, when the Ottoman 
dominion is extended to both banks, they do not say, or probably are 
not able to discover, and Austria may try to find out, as the party 
most interested. But what interest has Germany, properly speaking, 
to do with the navigation of the Danube. Except Lower Austria and 
part of Hungary, the business of Germany goes — must and will go 
— to the rest of the world by the rivers that flow into the Baltic or 
the German Ocean. Much of the present commerce of Hungary and 
Austria goes by railroad and rivers to the seas mentioned, and more 
and more will go every day by the channels mentioned. What right, 
moreover, has Austria, or any other power, to demand the free passage 
of any river that runs through the very heart of a neighbouring state, 
though its sources may be within its own dominions, but which, as 
regards Austria and the Danube, is not the case.. With equal right 
may Austria and Russia demand the freedom of the navigation of the 
Elbe and the Vistula, because the head waters of the land streams 
rise in their respective dominions. So also may Peru, and for the same 
reasons, claim from Brazil and New Granada the free navigation of the 
Maranon and the Orinoco. The whole clamour about the free navi- 
gation of the Danube is a delusion or claptrap — political capital wanted 
for mischievous purposes, by those disturbers of nations who have 
none of their own, nor any honest object in contemplation. What 
would be said by France if Switzerland demanded the free navigation, 



who's to blame? 



205 



even for ships of war, of the Rhone, to its mouth ; or by Austria, if 
Piedmont made a similar demand, and for the same reason, of the free 
navigation of the Po ? or Bavaria demanded the free navigation of 
the Danube, through the territories of Austria and Turkey, because it 
rises in the territories of the former power 1 

In reference to the treaty of 1841, the strangest misrepresentations 
prevail, and falsehoods are propagated. The public are made to believe 
that it was Russia that shut up the Dardanelles. Now, it is clearly 
her interest to have the Dardanelles opened to her ships of war. These 
straits, by the last treaties between Russia and Turkey, are laid com- 
pletely open to the commercial traffic of every country in the world ; 
and, by the exertions of Russia, some troublesome and expensive fiscal 
regulations imposed upon merchant ships passing through them were 
abolished. The whole commercial world are perfectly aware of these 
important facts, and yet the credulous public believe the contrary. It 
was not Russia, but the whole of the great powers of Europe, that shut 
up by solemn treaty the Dardanelles against all foreign ships of war. 
Here is the treaty itself in proof, in which, be it observed, there is not 
one word about guaranteeing the integrity or dominion of Turkey — 
as the public have been also falsely taught to believe — nor any docu- 
ment showing that we are bound to support them : — 

" In the name of the most merciful God. 

" Their Majesties, the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland, the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the 
King of the French, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of all the 
Russias, being persuaded that their union and their agreement offer to 
Europe the most certain pledge for the preservation of the general peace, 
the constant object of their solicitude ; and their said Majesties being 
desirous of testifying this agreement, by giving to the Sultan a mauifest 
proof of the respect which they entertain for the inviolability of his sove- 
reign rights, resolve, as well as of their sincere desire to see consolidated 
the repose of his empire ; their said Majesties have resolved to comply with 
the invitation of his Highness the Sultan, in order to record in common, 
by a formal act, their unanimous determination to conform to the ancient 
rule of the Ottoman empire, according to which the passage of the Straits 
of the Dardanelles and of the Bosphorus is always to be closed to foreign 
ships of war, so long as the Porte is at peace. 

# ■» # # 

" Art. 1 . His Highness the Sultan, on the one part, declares that he is 
firmly resolved to maintain for the future the principle invariably esta- 
blished as the ancient rule of his empire, and in virtue of which it has at all 
times been prohibited for the ships of war of foreign powers to enter the 
Straits of the Dardanelles and of the Bosphorus ; and that so long as the 
Porte is at peace, his Highness will admit no foreign ship of war into the 
said straits. 



206 the war: 

"And their Majesties, the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland, the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohe- 
mia, the King of the French, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of all 
the Eussias, on the other part, engage to respect this determination of the 
Sultan, and to conform themselves to the principle above declared. 

" Art 2. It is understood that, in recording the inviolability of the 
ancient rule of the Ottoman empire, mentioned in the preceding article, 
the Sultan reserves to himself, as in past times, to deliver firmans of pas- 
sage for light vessels under flag of war, which shall be employed, as is 
usual, in the service of the missions of foreign powers. 

" Art 3. His Highness the Sultan reserves to himself to communicate 
the present Convention to all the powers with whom the Sublime Porte 
is in relations of friendship, inviting them to accede thereto. 

" Art. 4. The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications 
thereof shall be exchanged at London, at the expiration of two months, 
or sooner, if possible. 

" Done at London, the 13th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1841. 
(l.s.) Palmerston. (l.s.) Neumann. (l.s.) Brunnow. 

(L.S.) ESTERHAZY. (L.S.) BOURQUENEY. (L.S.) ChEKIB." 

(l.s.) Bulow. 

The customary workmen at Vienna produced, on the 9th April, a pro- 
tocol widely different from any of their former works. They guarantee 
the Ottoman territory and their own. They propose to guarantee, 
under a treaty, " the civil and religious rights of the Christian subjects 
of the Porte," but seem to leave to "policy " and to " interest" to decide 
whether they should make Turks Christians, or Europe Mahom- 
medans ! The following are extracts from the protocol :■ — 

" The territorial integrity of the Ottoman empire is and remains the 
sine qua non condition of every transaction having for its object the 
reestablishment of peace between the belligerent powers ; and the govern- 
ments represented by the undersigned engage to endeavour, in common, to 
discover the guarantees most likely to attach the existence of that empire 
to the general equilibrium of Europe ; as they also declare themselves 
ready to deliberate, and to come to an understanding, as to the employment 
of the means calculated to accomplish the object of their agreement." 
****** 

" Whatever event may arise in consequence of this agreement, founded 
solely upon the general interests of Europe, and of which the object can 
only be attained by the return of a firm and lasting peace, the govern- 
ments represented by the undersigned reciprocally engage not to enter 
into any definitive arrangement with the Imperial court of Russia, or with 
any other power which would be at variance with the principles above 
enumerated, without previously deliberating thereon in common. 

(Signed) " Buol-Schanenstein. Bourqueney. 
Westmorland. Arnim." 



who's to blame? 



207 



CHAPTER VII. 



DECLARATION OP WAR AGAINST RUSSIA — MISSTATEMENTS AND FALSE STATE- 
MENTS MADE THEREIN — OFFICIAL AUTHORITIES FOR THIS — PROFESSED 
OBJECTS OP THE WAR — DESTRUCTION OF RUSSIAN TOWNS, HARBOURS, 
FLEETS AND COMMERCE — AUTHORITIES FOR THIS — STATEMENTS MADE THAT 
RUSSIA MADE IT A RELIGIOUS WAR — VARIOUS AUTHORITIES TO SHOW 
THAT THE TURKS AND FRENCH, AND OTHERS, MAKE IT DECIDEDLY A 
RELIGIOUS WAR. 

On the 28th March, 1854, a day that will be found memorable in the 
annals of Europe and of the United Kingdom, this country, in con- 
junction with France, declared war against Russia. No such document 
had ever before appeared in England, or bore the name of a British 
sovereign. But it is well known that in such cases it is the ministers 
not the sovereign, that speaks. The real enemies of England and of 
peace everywhere hailed the document with satisfaction. The following 
is the declaration in question : — 

The Declaration of War. — From the Supplement to the London Gazette, of Tuesday, 

March 28. 

" Declaration. 

" It is with deep regret that her Majesty announces the failure of her 
anxious and protracted endeavours to preserve for her people and for Europe 
the blessings of peace. 

" The unprovoked aggression of the Emperor of Russia against the Sub- 
lime Porte has been persisted in with such disregard of consequences, that 
after the rejection by the Emperor of Russia of terms which the Emperor of 
Austria, the Emperor of the French, and the King of Prussia, as well as her 
Majesty, considered just and equitable, her Majesty is compelled, by a sense 
of what is due to the honour of her crown, to the interests of her people, 
and to the independence of the states of Europe, to come forward in defence 
of an ally whose territory is invaded, and whose dignity and independence 
are assailed. 



208 



THE WAR : 



" Her Majesty, in justification of the course she is about to pursue, refers 
to the transactions in which her Majesty has been engaged. 

" The Emperor of Russia had some cause of complaint against the Sultan 
with reference to the settlement, which his Highness had sanctioned, of the 
conflicting claims of the Greek and Latin Churches to a portion of the Holy 
Places of Jerusalem and its neighbourhood. To the complaint of the 
Emperor of Russia on this head justice was done ; and her Majesty's ambas- 
sador at Constantinople had the satisfaction of promoting an arrangement, 
to which no exception was taken by the Russian Government. 

" But while the Russian Government repeatedly assured the Government 
of her Majesty, that the mission of Prince Menchikoff to Constantinople 
was exclusively directed to the settlement of the question of the Holy 
Places at Jerusalem, Prince Menchikoff himself pressed upon the Porte 
other demands of a far more serious and important character, the nature of which 
he in the first instance endeavoured, as far as possible, to conceal from her 
Majesty's ambassador. And these demands, thus studiously concealed, 
affected not the privileges of the Greek Church at Jerusalem, but the posi- 
tion of many millions of Turkish subjects in their relations to their 
sovereign the Sultan. 

"These demands were rejected by the spontaneous decision of the Sub- 
lime Porte. 

" Two assurances had been given to her Majesty — one, that the mission 
of Prince Menchikoff only regarded the Holy Places ; the other, that his 
mission would be of a conciliatory character. 

"In both respects her Majesty's just expectations were disappointed. 

" Demands were made which, in the opinion of the Sultan, extended to 
the substitution of the Emperor of Russia's authority for his own over 
a large portion of his subjects ; and those demands were enforced by 
a threat ; and when her Majesty learned that, on announcing the termina- 
tion of his mission, Prince Menchikoff declared that the refusal of his 
demands would impose upon the Imperial Government the necessity of seeking 
a guarantee by its own power, her Majesty thought proper that her fleet should 
leave Malta, and, in cooperation with that of his Majesty the Emperor of 
the French, take up its station in the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles. 

"So long as the negotiation bore an amicable character, her Majesty 
refrained from any demonstration of force. But when, in addition to the 
assemblage of large military forces on the frontier of Turkey, the ambas- 
sador of Russia intimated that serious consequences would ensue from the 
refusal of the Sultan to comply with unwarrantable demands, her Majesty 
deemed it right, in conjunction with the Emperor of the French, to give an 
unquestionable proof of her determination to support the sovereign rights 
of the Sultan. 

" The Russian Government has maintained that the determination of the 
Emperor to occupy the Principalities was taken in consequence of the 
advance of the fleets of England and France. But the menace of invasion 
of the Turkish territory was conveyed in Count Nesselrode's note to 
Resch id Pasha, of the 19th (31st) May, and re-stated in his despatch to 



who's to blame? 



209 



Baron Brunnow, of the 20th May (1st June), which announced the deter- 
mination of the Emperor of Russia to order his troops to occupy the 
Principalities, if the Porte did not within a week comply with the demands 
of Russia. 

"The despatch to her Majesty's ambassador at Constantinople, autho- 
rizing him in certain specified contingencies to send for the British fleet, 
was dated the 31st May, and the order sent direct from England to her 
Majesty's admiral to proceed to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles, was 
dated the 2d of June. 

"The determination to occupy the Principalities was, therefore, taken 
before the orders for the advance of the combined squadrons were given. 

u The Sultan's minister was informed that unless he signed within a week, 
and without the change of a word, the note proposed to the Porte by Prince 
Menchikoff, on the eve of his departure from Constantinople the Principa- 
lities of Moldavia and Wallachia would be occupied by Russian troops. The 
Sultan could not accede to so insulting a demand ; but when the actual 
occupation of the Principalities took place, the Sultan did not, as he might 
have done in the exercise of his undoubted right, declare war, but 
addressed a protest to his allies. 

"Her Majesty, in conjunction with the sovereigns of Austria, France, 
and Prussia, has made various attempts to meet any just demands of the 
Emperor of Russia, without affecting the dignity and independence of the 
Sultan ; and had it been the sole object of Russia to obtain security for the 
enjoyment by the Christian subjects of the Porte of their privileges and 
immunities, she would have found it in the offers that have been made by 
the Sultan. But as that security was not offered in the shape of a special 
and separate stipulation with Russia, it was rejected. Twice has this offer 
been made by the Sultan, and recommended by the four powers ; once by a 
note originally prepared at Vienna, and subsequently modified by the Porte ; 
once by the proposal of bases of negotiation agreed upon at Constantinople 
on the 311St of December, and approved at Vienna on the 13th of January, 
as offering to the two parties the means of arriving at an understanding in 
a becoming and honourable manner. 

" It is thus manifest that a right for Russia to interfere in the ordinary 
relations of Turkish subjects to their sovereign, and not the happiness of 
Christian communities in Turkey, was the object sought for by the Russian 
Government. To such a demand the Sultan would not submit, and his 
Highness, in self-defence, declared war upon Russia ; but her Majesty 
nevertheless, in conjunction with her allies, has not ceased her endeavours 
to restore peace between the contending parties. 

" The time has, however, now arrived when the advice and remonstrances 
of the four powers having proved wholly ineffectual, and the military pre- 
parations of Russia becoming daily more extended, it is but too obvious 
that the Emperor of Russia has entered upon a course of policy which, if 
unchecked, must lead to the destruction of the Ottoman empire. 

" In this conjuncture her Majesty feels called upon by regard for an ally, 
the integrity and independence of whose empire have been recognised as 

P 



210 



THE WAR: 



essential to the peace of Europe, by the sympathies of her people with right 
against wrong, by a desire to avert from her dominions most injurious con- 
sequences, and to save Europe from the preponderance of a poicer which has vio- 
lated the faith of treaties, and defies the opinion of the civilised world, to take 
up arms, in conjunction with the Emperor of the French, for the defence 
of the Sultan. 

"Her Majesty is persuaded that in so acting, she will have the cordial 
support of her people ; and that the pretext of zeal for the Christian reli- 
gion will be used in vain to cover an aggression undertaken in disregard of 
its holy precepts, and of its pure and beneficent spirit. 

"Her Majesty humbly trusts that her efforts may be successful, and 
that, by the blessing of Providence, peace may be re-established on safe 
and solid foundations. 

" Westminster, March 28, 1854." 

It is most remarkable that, throughout the whole of this declaration, 
there is not a single complaint or accusation brought against Russia for 
any outrage or injury done, or proposed to be done by her, to any real or 
immediate British interest whatever. It relates entirely to Turkey, and 
the injuries that she was asserted to have sustained from Russia in con- 
sequence of the dispute which had arisen between those two countries. 
From the date of this declaration, and under it, Great Britain assumes 
a different character and principles different from those which previously 
guided her, and made her great and respected. The examination of 
the official papers has shown us who was the first aggressor in this case, 
namely Turkey, "coerced" by France. Things must be called by their 
right names, however high the authority is or appears to be. It is not 
true that the Emperor of Russia refused to accept the terms made out 
for and recommended to him by France, England, Austria, and Prussia. 
He accepted these within twenty-four hours after receiving them ; but 
he did decline to accept the terms as altered by the Turkish Govern- 
ment, and afterwards tried to be forced upon him without reservation 
by the powers mentioned, simply because they might, otherwise, have 
received trouble. But it is true that all the powers mentioned did 
draw up, recommend to, and insist upon the Ottoman Government 
accepting this Vienna note. " When I delivered it to the Turkish 
minister," says Lord Stratford (Part II. p. 69), " I called his attention 
to the strong and earnest recommendation to the Porte, not only by 
her Majesty's Government, but also by the cabinets of Austria, France, 
and Prussia," <fcc. What are we to say to, and what is the value of, 
such authority as denies this fact, and in their public declaration 
suppresses it? It is not true that Prince Menchikoff concealed any 



who's to blame? 



211 



demands he made on the Ottoman Government from the British 
ambassador : on the contrary, he told him about everything, and 
counselled him always, and listened to his advice more than he ought 
to have done. In the very first proposition that he submitted to the 
Turkish Government, it appears from the documents, as these have 
come to us, but through the garbling and suspicious hands of the 
Turks, that (Part I. p. 1 65) the intervention claimed was only to be 
exercised " the same as before " by the Russian ambassador. It is not 
true "that justice was done" to the complaint of the Emperor of 
Russia regarding the Holy Places. The point of difference as between 
the Latin and Greek Churches, France and Russia, was settled, but the 
point between Russia and Turkey, on account of the deceitful conduct 
of the latter, never was settled, — has always been refused, though it 
formed part of the whole. It was the former part for which Prince 
Menchikoff thanked our ambassador ; but it is a base falsification of 
facts, and a suppression of truth, to say that he was thanked for the 
whole, or that the Prince brought forward anything new, or more 
extravagant and dangerous to Turkey, in his negotiations, than that 
which he at first produced, or afterwards amended. 

In reference to the occupation and required evacuation of the 
Principalities, we find from Lord Westmorland (Part II. p. 106) that 
in the full expectation tha,t matters were arraDged at Constantinople, 
orders were actually prepared at St. Petersburg for their evacuation. 
In No. 84 Lord Clarendon tells us. that " the renewed pledge given by 
Russia to evacuate the Principalities was satisfactory.' 1 '' And, in an- 
other place, Lord Westmorland (Part II. p. 106) tells us, that the 
prospect then was that the Principalities would be wholly evacuated 
by the month of October. 

It is not true that the fleets were ordered to Besika Bay, on its 
becoming known that Russia had decided to occupy the Principalities. 
The fleets reached Besika Bay on the 1 3th June, one day before they 
heard in London from Seymour that Russia would decide on no step 
to be taken until the return of the messenger to St. Petersburg who 
bore the second message to Constantinople, which did not take place 
till the 27th June, a month, it may be said, after the orders were given 
in London for the British fleet to advance ! Moreover, it is forgotten 
to state that the French fleet was ordered from Toulon, contrary to 
our advice, on the 22d March; and we learn from Lord Clarendon 
(Part I. p. 234) that the French ambassador at Constantinople, M. De 
la Cour, of that date, received instructions to call up at his pleasure 
the French fleet, not only to Besika Bay, but to the Dardanelles ! Why 
are such important facts and proceedings concealed 1 

p 2 



212 



THE WAR 



It is true that the celebrated protocol of the 5th December, 1853, 
the combined work of the four great Governments in Europe and their 
customary workmen — recommended to Turkey, and to be recommended 
to Russia — never was presented to the Turkish Government, having 
been superseded by one of the true Turkish school, concocted at Con- 
stantinople between Stratford and Rescind Pasha, and as such de- 
clined by Russia, without amendment and modification. And Lord 
Stratford is compelled to state, that the Turks had determined that 
they would agree to no note but such as they would themselves frame. 

It is not true that Russia required " a special and separate stipula- 
tion'' or " exclusive" power in her favour, in reference to the protection, 
as it is erroneously designated, of the Greek Christians in the Ottoman 
dominions. She only asked to retain that which she had long enjoyed, 
and to which, by treaty, she was entitled. She sought no new power, 
and still less an " exclusive" power, under this head, and for this pur- 
pose ; and which right was well known and sanctioned by all Europe. 
Those false statements were advanced by France and England at the 
eleventh hour, in order to justify their violent and predetermined 
proceedings. There is not, throughout the whole correspondence, one 
word to prove or to justify such an assertion and conclusion as the 
<: allies" proclaim to the world. They imagine, distort, and advance the 
whole, and then erect their forts upon their own fabrications and 
speculations. 

It is not true that Russia " violated the faith of treaties," as is here 
stated. Turkey not only first violated, but next denied the validity of the 
treaties long existing between her and Russia ; and when she did so, and 
refused redress, legitimately and plainly sought, Russia had an undoubted 
right to seek redress by all the means in her power, while those means 
or measures did not trench upon her treaties with other nations. She 
is therefore accused unjustly. But it is true that, by their recent 
proceedings and open inimical course pursued, France and England 
have trampled upon and violated the existing treaties between them 
and Russia. And the consideration of the declaration of war before us, 
and of all the official documents connected with it, must force the 
conclusion come to by Count Nesselrode (No. 171 1 ), " that if for any 
motives known to him war should be declared against Russia by Eng- 
land, it would he the most unintelligible and the least justifiable war ever 
undertaken." Moreover, the same authority (No. 293 2 ) tells us, and 
tells us truly : " You know very well that the existence of Turkey has 
never been in danger. Had Russia and Turkey been left to themselves, 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, Oct, 14th, 1S53, Part II. p. 181. 

2 Seymour to Clarendon, Nov. 24th, 1853, Part II. p. 275. 



who's to blame? 



213 



the quarrel would have been ended long ago f and he might have 
added, that no "injurious consequences" could befal "her Majesty's 
dominions," or were meditated against them by Russia. The declara- 
tion of war, therefore, on the part of this country against Russia, is 
grounded upon premises wholly untrue and utterly untenable, and is 
the first instance in British history where war has been undertaken 
against another power which could not be charged with violence or 
insult having been offered to any real British interest or national 
honour. If we make rash engagements to jeopardize that honour 
unnecessarily, we alone are to blame, and must abide the conse- 
quences. Moreover, there is not a syllable of truth in all the stories 
told about Prince Menchikoff 's threatening and menacing proceedings. 
On the contrary, months after he left Constantinople, the Sultan sent 
a message by Fuad Effendi to thank him for the courtesy and modera- 
tion he had shown during his mission. 

War having been decided upon and commenced, the utmost con- 
fidence was expressed by its votaries for continued and complete suc- 
cess. There could, they said, be no doubt about the matter. The 
French Government journals, as in the days of old, boasted of fate, 
destiny, and victory being chained to the chariot-wheels of France, 
just as under Napoleon the First, when they told the world, " France 
and Napoleon can never change : victory belongs to him, war to his 
age." And English journals predicted that in this Holy War, under- 
taken to support Islamism, and to gain Paradise thereby, France and 
Napoleon the Third " must conquer''' Sir Charles Napier addressed his 
fleet thus : " Lads ! war is declared ! We are to meet a bold and 
numerous enemy. Should they offer us battle, you know how to dis- 
pose of them ! Should they remain in port, we must try to get at 
them ! Success depends upon the quickness and precision of your 
fire ! Lads I sharpen your cutlasses, and the day is your own /" 

On April 4th the Times, after a dissertation warning us that we may 
expect a long war, adds, but " of final victory we will allow no doubt.' 1 
In one of his addresses to his army, the French Emperor tells us, " The 
past we are told is the clue to the future, and the wisest prophet is he 
that best reads the page of history. . . . Yet everything harmonises. . . . 
With the example before us, we need despair of no reconciliation ; we 
need fear no overweening ambition of empire, however so far un- 
checked. We no more believe that it is in the power of any one power 
or any one empire to conquer the world, than that the ocean should be 
permitted to overrun the land." If one can attach any meaning to this 
speech, it is that not even France and England can conquer the world ; 
and as France tried — " the example before us" — and failed, so that ought 



214 



THE WAR: 



to be a beacon for neither her nor, we presume, any other, to make the 
attempt. Then why tell the world that Russia meditates what she 
really does not, and what she cannot perform 1 Why simply, in French 
phraseology, by imputing the design to her against some nations, to 
enable France f o try the thing herself ! 

In those appeals Sir C. Napier appeals to and relies on the cutlass 
and the human arm alone ; and well he may, when he is told and 
taught to believe by the Times, that he is possessed of a power that is 
irresistible, and that " commands the ocean, the winds, and the waves."" 
Those bravadoes, however, remind us of the haughty boasts of the 
proud Assyrian king, who tells us, "I have digged and drunk strange 
waters, and with the sole of my foot have I dried up all the rivers of 
besieged places and the impious boast, " Who is Jehovah, that he 
should deliver Jerusalem out of my hand?" All such rash boasts 
have, and ever have had, but one termination. " He who holdeth the 
ocean in the hollow of his hand " hath told such men for all ages, " I 
will put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and bring 
thee back by the way by which thou earnest," covered with defeat, 
shame, and disgrace. 

For a moment let us consider the objects for which this war has 
been undertaken, as those have been disclosed to us by the headlong, 
headstrong, and loud boasting votaries thereof. They seek only as much 
blood and destruction for their money as they can obtain; and go forth, 
as they frequently do, to propagate religion, industry, and civilization, 
by the cannon, the sword, and destruction. These are their avowed 
objects, and even their avowed intentions. Let them speak here for 
themselves. 

The articles taken from the Times are especially deserving of notice, 
as there can be little doubt that the most material and important, if 
not the whole of them, are either written by the Government, or by their 
immediate instructions. It is remarkable, and ought to be instructive, 
to perceive the glee with which the organs of Government on both 
sides of the Channel, especially on the southern side thereof, speak of 
the work of destruction as being the work and the proper road to 
advance industry, prosperity, and civilization. Our neighbours have 
indeed had much experience in the former part of the work, as every 
part of Europe can abundantly testify ; but it does not follow that they 
should again renew the system ; or command England to follow them 
in such a course. 

" Camp at Vimeraux, July 12, 1854. 
" This morning the Emperor reviewed the army of the camp of Boulogne, 
when his Majesty addressed the troops as follows : — 



who's to blame? 



215 



" ' Soldiers, — Russia having obliged us to go to war, France has sent 
50,000 of her children. England has also sent considerable forces. Now 
our fleets and our armies are united for the same cause, to maintain dominion 
in the Baltic as well as in the Black Sea, I have chosen you to be the first 
to carry our eagles in the regions of the North. English vessels will trans- 
port them there — the only fact in history which proves the intimate alli- 
ance of two great nations, and the firm resolution of the two Governments 
not to withdraw from any sacrifice in defending the weakest rights, the 
liberty of Europe, and the national honour. Go, my children ; Europe, 
attentive, will declare openly, or in secret pray for, your triumph. The 
country, proud of a struggle where she only threatens the aggressor, ac- 
companies you in her ardent solicitude for your welfare ; and myself, 
whom imperious duty keeps far from those events, I shall have my eyes 
upon you ; and soon, in seeing you again, I shall say you are sons worthy 
of the conquerors of Austerlitz, of Freidland, of Eylau, and of Moscow. 
Go : God protect you. " £ Napoleon.' " 

General Count de Salles, in his address to the 8th Light Infantry, 
Marseilles, June 24th, on their embarking for the East, says, — 

" They go to take part in the great struggle between civilization and 
barbarism. March, then ; carry the eagles of France to the banks of the 
Bosphorus ; add, by your victories, to the inheritance of your ancestors, 
accumulated for many centuries, for you are the sons of the conquerors of 
Austerlitz and Moskowa. Soldiers, never forget that wherever a French 
soldier is to be found, there anarchy must disappear for ever ; that, at all 
times and on all occasions, you are the emblems of virtue and civilization? &c. 

In the Times, of March 16th, 1854, we are told, that — 

" Sir C. Napier is sent out to do all the mischief he can to the Russians, 
and a dozen or two of ships of the line and a few fortresses battered to 
pieces, and several thousands killed and wounded, will be the probable 
end — indeed, the wished-for result; fortunate shall we be if we have not at 
least our share of the calamity, but Russia's share is taken for granted. . . 
The public are hoping and trusting that Sir C. Napier on the one side, and 
Admiral Dundas on the other, are battering her fortresses to pieces, bury- 
ing their defenders under their ruins, and sweeping whole fleets with their 
crews to the bottom !" &c. 

" 1 The Czar,' says the Constitutionnel, ' does not combat for religion, — he 
combats for aggrandizement, immediate possession of Constantinople — 
the calamities of war — now France and England are constrained by him 
to destroy his forts and vessels. France and England are soon to be 
seconded by Austria and Prussia. Before the naval campaign which is 
now commencing shall have terminated, Russia will have lost, in a few 
weeks, the fruits of more than centuries of pecuniary efforts, gigantic la- 
bour, and immense sacrifices. The fortresses, which she has raised at such 
great expense on the coasts of the Baltic and Black Sea, will fall to the 



216 



THE WAR: 



ground — set on fire, and demolished ; and the fleets which she has formed 
by dint of patience, time, money, tyranny, and skill, will vanish, hurst, 
and be annihilated by the fire of the allied squadrons of France and Eng- 
land. No doubt, the spectacle of towns in flames, of armies routed and 
in disorder, and of countries in ruins, is a most afflicting matter, calculated 
to produce melancholy feelings in every mind. The calamities of war are 
so contrary to the ideas and habits of our age of peace, industry, labour, 
and civilization, that all elevated minds, all Christian hearts, will be 
grieved by those terrible necessities which are the terror of combats. 
But whose fault is it that we have been reduced to have recourse to 
cannon — that expressive reason of kings 1 Who more than we regret that 
France and England are constrained, by the hard-heartedness of Kussia, to 
destroy her ports and vessels?' " 

" The capture of Sebastopol, and the occupation of the Crimea by the 
allied forces, is only a question of money and time ; and when it is once 
done, Russia will be as powerless in the Black Sea as in the English 
Channel ... we may not keep Sebastopol, but raze it and carry off every- 
thing. Then may Asia Minor, Syria, the Isles of the Archipelago, &c. be 
peopled and cultivated by rich English merchants, and Russia sent back 
to cultivate her own interior, &c. All this is matter of the simplest and 
surest calculation, though it is possible other results may mix themselves 
with those directly aimed at. The present generation will see the downfal 
that Russia has insured for herself. We put greater trust in Providence 
and the moral laws of the world than in one conspiracy against the liberties 
of mankind ; and therefore think that we may safely put our hand to the 
work, and deprive Russia of the means of doing more mischief for a gene- 
ration to come." — Times, July 22d, 1854. 

" In the Black Sea, all the aggressive designs of Russia are symbolized 
and exposed. Sebastopol is the material expression of that very policy 
which, after keeping the powers of Europe so long in alarm, has at length 
driven them to war. The main object of this war, as now plainly stated, 
is security for the future. Security for the future can only be obtained 
by the reduction of Russian power within its proper limits ; and it is in 
the Black Sea, most especially, that these proper limits have been 
exceeded. Sebastopol is the type as well as the instrument of Russian 
aggression. The capture of this fortress would put the Ottoman empire, 
the Asiatic coasts, and the Mediterranean Sea, out of all danger for many 
years to come, perhaps for ever. Its results would be almost instan- 
taneous. As soon as Sebastopol and its fleets had fallen into the power 
of the allies, the whole Black Sea squadron would be disposable for 
other operations. The Turkish capital, the Circassian shore, and the 
mouths of the Danube, would all then be safe without any further protec- 
tion. The Principalities would become the battle-field, and the Czar 
might be deprived of his 'material guarantee,' without much risk of 
his renewing the seizure. Such a success, too, besides conducing directly 
to the termination of the war, would in itself secure one of its principal 
objects. Nobody has ever asserted that the retirement of the Russians 



who's to blame? 



217 



from St. Petersburg is a necessary condition of European tranquillity. But 
the demolition of Sebastopol is plainly indispensable ; and, even if the 
Czar were at this moment to offer the evacuation of the Principalities, and 
the withdrawal of his demands upon the Porte, the peace concluded on 
such terms would be illusory and insufficient, as long as the stronghold 
of the Crimea remained intact. We cannot say that the capture of Sebas- 
topol would at once terminate the war ; but it would be more likely than 
any other operation to produce this effect. And, apart from such an achieve- 
ment, there can be no prospect of any true peace." — Times, August 1st, 1854. 

" Let us, in the first place, consider the articles themselves in the sense 
which they must obviously bear, in order to give full effect to the inten- 
tions of the British and French Governments. By the fact of war between 
Russia and Turkey, the former treaties between those powers are already 
abrogated ; and the first proposition is, that the protectorate of Eussia over 
the Principalities should in no case be restored, but that the privileges 
granted by the Sultan to those provinces should be placed under the col- 
lective guarantee of the powers, by means of an arrangement to be here- 
after concluded. The Porte, it must be observed, has already proclaimed 
its resolution to maintain and respect the privileges of the Provinces, by 
acts wholly distinct from the Russian treaties. Those privileges confer on 
them an independent internal government by Christian princes, subject 
only to investiture by the Sultan, and to an annual provincial tribute. The 
object of the allied powers will naturally be to strengthen these govern- 
ments, to make them the bulwark of the Ottoman empire towards the 
north, and to render them as entirely independent of Russia as they have 
hitherto been dependent on her will. The second article provides for the 
liberty of the navigation of the Danube, under those general principles 
which were laid down by the 16th act of the Congress of Vienna ; but this 
object would certainly not be accomplished without the abrogation of the 3d 
article of the treaty of Adrianople, by which Russia acquired the whole of 
the islands forming the delta of the river, leaving the Turkish frontier to 
commence on the right bank of the southern branch (that of St. George), 
which is not navigable for ships. The allied forces are already in posses- 
sion, we believe, of the Isle of Moische, on which the Sulina batteries were 
built. The Isle of Leti ought also to be cleared of the enemy ; and the free 
navigation of the several channels of the river imperatively requires that 
the intermediate territory should be abandoned by Russia, her former 
engagement not to erect any establishment or fortification there having 
been grossly violated. The importance of this question would, however, 
be diminished, and the navigation of the Danube greatly improved, by the 
construction of a ship canal from Tchernavoda to Kostendje, through the 
Turkish territory. This is a measure we have frequently advocated on 
commercial grounds, but it would likewise be of the utmost political and 
military importance as a barrier against invasion, and it ought to have the 
positive sanction of Europe in any treaty which is to settle this question. 1 

1 " The third proposition is that of a revision of the Convention of the Straits, in the sense, 
as M. Drouyn de Lhuys and Lord Clarendon stated in their despatches, of a limitation of the 



218 



THE WAR : 



" From these observations on the general terms proposed by the allied 
governments, it is evident that the two most important of them depend for 
their execution on certain successful operations of war. Before we can exact 
of Russia the surrender of the mouths of the Danube, we must have cleared 
them of her troops ; before we can obtain her assent to the effective limita- 
tion of her naval power in the Black Sea, the force of hostilities must have 
settled that question. For this reason, although it is possible that the 
vigorous and successful conduct of the war may help the negotiation, it is 
certain that the negotiation cannot suspend the operations of war." — Times, 
August 26th, 1854. 

" The ministerial journal, Le Pays, has a very spirited article on the war 
with Russia, and which I have some reason to believe conveys the ideas of 
the Government. 

" ' Yes,' it says, 4 the war which commences to-day is a most serious one, 
and all the more that its object is noble as it is important. It is not, and 
we are proud of it for our country and our epoch, the conflict of personal 
ambition, the shock of rival claims. Our soldiers are not going to fight for 
the caprice or the interests of one man, nor for those of a dynasty. They 
are not going to conquer, at the cost of violence, and often of iniquity, new 
territory. They are not going to invade inoffensive provinces, and to shed 
their blood to satisfy the passions or the vengeance of a sovereign. No ! 

power of Russia in the Black Sea, or, as the notes subsequently exchanged have it, 1 in the inte- 
rest of the equilibrium of Europe.' We presume the same thing is meant, though the latter 
expression is more obscure; for it is evident, upon the slightest consideration, that it cannot 
be intended to open the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus to ships of war, and, consequently, to 
give them a right of passing under the walls of Constantinople, without first taking care that 
this concession is not to be to the advantage of Russia, by enabling her to throw a powerful 
fleet into the Mediterranean, or to blockade the Sultan in his own palace. In short, while 
Russia has the naval force she now possesses in Sebastopol and the Black Sea, no freedom of 
that sea can exist, except as long as the other maritime powers keep a powerful squadron in 
those waters. The Russian fleet is a weapon constantly hanging over the Sultan's head. It 
is needed, and can be used for no other purpose, than to threaten Constantinople, to strike a 
blow at Trebizond or Sinope, or to blockade the Circassian coast. It is a permanent menace 
to the weak, but, as we have seen, useless for purposes of maritime defence against an equal 
force of foreign ships. And we are more than ever convinced that, before the true meaning 
and effect of the allied powers can be given to the third proposition, they must be well assured 
that the fleet prepared and used by Russia for these purposes has ceased to exist in her har- 
bours. Sebastopol and this fleet are not to be reduced by negotiation, and 'the limitation of 
the naval power of Russia in the Black Sea ;' or what the Austrians call ' the equilibrium of 
Europe,' is to be accomplished only by the destruction of the material conditions on which that 
p<fvver rests. Would any court in Europe now be satisfied with a mere treaty engagement of 
the Emperor of Russia not to obstruct the navigation of the Danube, and not to use his naval 
forces against the Ottoman empire? Such a treaty would not, as Lord Lyndhurst powerfully 
said, be worth the paper on w hich it is written, and the allied powers have accomplished 
nothing until they have secured material guarantees for the fulfilment of all the conditions they 
have thought it necessary to demand. When these securities are obtained, the last proposition, 
which relates to the Christian protectorate, may fairly become the subject of negotiation ; for 
the point is one of a negative character, and, the treaties on which the Russian claims were 
based having been abrogated, it will be sufficient to take care that no similar stipulations are 
ever revived " ! 



who's to blame? 



219 



they are the soldiers of civilization against a new invasion of barbarians ; 
the champions of public law against unjustifiable aggression ; the crusaders 
of the liberty of Europe against the suzerainte which would destroy it.' 

" Alluding to the guarantees that must be demanded for the future, it 
says : — 

w ' Those guarantees must, in order to be entitled to consideration, be 
still more material than moral. The letter of a treaty is no doubt a consi- 
deration, but what is it for a sovereign who impudently violates treaties 
when they are a check on his ambitious policy ? Were there not formal 
treaties between Russia and the Porte ? Have they prevented the Russian 
army from passing the Pruth and invading the Ottoman territory 1 Trea- 
ties have for their guarantee only the loyalty of those who sign them, and 
blind ambition tramples them under foot the moment interest or passion 
requires it. With such precedents as those which we find in the policy of 
Russia, Europe must have other guarantees than simple declarations drawn up 
on a sheet of paper. It must have material pledges against the return of 
the crisis under which it labours at this moment. We have often said that 
it is by striking at the very heart of the maritime power of Russia ; it is by 
driving her back within those limits which will not permit her to aspire any more to 
the empire of the seas ; it is by repressing the gigantic extension that she has 
attained at the expense of her neighbours— that is, by constraining her to the 
limits of a Continental power — that we shall turn aside for ever from Europe 
the sword which the policy of the Czar holds incessantly suspended over 
civilized states, and that it will be freed from the invading influence of the 
northern races. But to attain that object we must make great efforts, and 
those decisive blows which the war alone can inflict. In these solemn 
circumstances, what importance can the comments, more or less hypothe- 
tical, have which are hazarded on all sides as to the answer of the Czar ? 
His answer cannot be, and it is not, satisfactory ; and in proof that it is not 
so, we see the whole of Europe preparing for the struggle against the 
aggressor who has endangered its security and its repose. What we must 
do then is, as the prophet says, " to gird up our loins like a strong man." 
The solution of the question is now entrusted to the sword. Let us main- 
tain throughout the trial, the courage and the confidence imparted by the 
consciousness of a just cause, and the enormous force which Europe can 
dispose of against the Emperor of Russia. The God of battles, who is still 
the God of justice, will not permit the triumph of iniquity, and will surely 
protect the champions of the rights of nations and of civilization.' " — 
Times, July 11th, 1854. 

" The war will be carried on until the objects for which it was under- 
taken are fully attained and firmly secured. The Western Powers believe 
that the complete enforcement of the four principles in question will 
ensure the integrity of the Turkish empire ; and it will, therefore, be their 
steady aim to compel the enemy to give them practical effect. We do not 
suppose that either of the statesmen in whose despatches these principles 
were enunciated, felt any confidence that they would be accepted at St. 



220 



THE WAE: 



Petersburg. The conditions were carefully framed, so as to include every- 
thing necessary for sweeping away the whole web of treaties in which 
Russia had involved the Porte, and for placing the two powers on exactly 
the same simple and equal footing as that on which all the great European 
states stand towards each other. It was, in fact, intended to destroy the 
entire machinery which, throughout a long course of years, had been con- 
trived by the court of St. Petersburg for the gradual appropriation of the 
territories and prerogatives of the Sultan, and to render impossible any 
future attempt to reconstruct the old system of aggression. As this, how- 
ever, would be completely undoing all that had been done by Russia 
during many generations, it was exceedingly improbable that she would 
acquiesce, without a desperate resistance, in the reversal of her cherished 
and so long successful policy. Yet it is strictly true that, by acceding to 
these conditions, and by giving security for her adherence to them, she 
would have paved the way for a de finit ive treaty of peace ; and there can 
be no doubt that, when they laid down the four principles specified in 
their notes to the Austrian Government, the Western Powers had a clear 
intention of treating on the basis thus indicated, in case an opportunity 
should occur. But this oner, having been altogether rejected by the enemy, 
is no longer binding upon those who made it ; and England and France are 
henceforth only committed to the declaration, that they will not accept 
less favourable terms than those which they recently proposed — their 
right to large additional demands remaining untouched by what has taken 
place."— Times, Sept. Uk, 1854. 

Numerous and sarcastic have been the accusations brought against 
Russia for making the war a religious war. None have been so forward 
in this warfare as Sir H. Seymour, while his sneers and accusations have 
been directed more against religion than the particular creed he laid 
hold of to load with his scorn. This man does not reflect, or does not 
know, that there is not and cannot be any war in the East between 
Mahommedans and Christians without its being carried on as a reli- 
gious contest, at least to a very great degree. Nay, such is the state of 
the world, with 100,000,000 Protestants, 250,000,000 Roman Catholics, 
100,000,000 Mahommedans, and nearly 500,000,000 Pagans, contiguous 
to and connected with each other, that every war must henceforward 
more than ever be mixed up with religious feelings. He commits a sad 
mistake, however, when he asserts that Russia has made, if she really 
has made, this a religious war, and that Turkey has not done so also. 
In No. 314,' Sir H. Seymour says: "Lord Stratford de Redcliffe 
pursued uninterruptedly the wise and conciliatory course which he 
had followed throughout the negotiations ; and I would take the 
opportunity of remarking, if I might do so without giving offence. 

1 Seymour to Clarendon, Dec. 5th, 1S33, Tart IL p. -295. 



who's to blame ? 



221 



that if the Turks had been restrained from following the example set 
by Russia in giving a religious character to the war, it might be in- 
ferred that it was to the prudence of Lord Stratford's advice that this 
residt was attributable." On turniug to No. 152, Part 1/ we find Lord 
Stratford stating to Lord Clarendon thus : " It appears that the pro- 
tectorate which his (Russia) Government wish to exercise with so little 
control or limitation, is of a strictly exclusive character ; and it has 
reached me, from more quarters than one, that among the motives for 
increasing their influence in this country, is the desire of repressing 
Protestantism wherever it appears!'"' If this is not rousing and pro- 
claiming religious feeling, I know not what that is. This claptrap, for 
claptrap it was, and made to catch the sympathy of the unwary for the 
moment, was destitute of the slightest foundation in fact. It was the 
Emperor of Russia that at the outset, in the disputes about the Holy 
Places, suggested that the Protestants should be placed on the same 
footing at Jerusalem as that on which other sects of Christians stood. 
Now, let us see what Stratford himself admits in this case. He says 
(Part II. p. 290): "Among the Mahommedans, as your Lordship knows, 
a patriotic is always, more or less, a religious sentiment ; and the Porte 
could hardly be expected to restrain the fanaticism of its adherents, 
without directing their zeal to some distinct object of national 
desire." 

So far Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who certainly did restrain, as far 
as he could, the appearance of Turkish ire against the Christian reli- 
gion, and from boasting too much of their own. But he could not 
altogether succeed. In his address to his army at Schumla (Part II. 
p. 194), Omar Pasha says : " We will be avenged, and will sacrifice 
our heads and our lives ! It is in the Koran ! We have sworn it on 
the Koran ! You are Moslems ! and I am sure you will sacrifice your 
heads and your lives for your religion and Government ! . . . All 
of you know that the object of this life is to serve worthily God and 
the Sultan, and thus to gain heaven /" In another address to the 
troops at Kalafat, he says : " We shall overcome that implacable 
enemy, with the assistance of the Almighty and the help of the Pro- 
phet. . . . Soldiers ! if you fall, supreme happiness awaits you above !" 
In his hatti-scheriffe, October 31st, the Sultan says : May the Most 
High, out of regard for his holy Trophet our Lord, vouchsafe ever to 
grant success to my Sublime Porte, and abundantly to bestow happi- 
ness in this world and the next upon all those who shall have evinced 
zeal in this sacred cause" 

Well, if this is not dubbing the contest a religious war, I cannot tell 
1 Stratford to Clarendon, April 9th, 1853, Part I. p. 129. 



222 



THE war: 



what could do so. It is, I believe, true that, in the present day, nearly- 
all the Turks of higher rank are complete infidels, and care nothing 
about Mahommedanisni or any other religion, but use only that which 
they outwardly profess to suit and to advance their worldly interests, 
pleasures, and lusts ; but that, instead of making them better, consti- 
tutes them greater rogues. However, they are good enough to be 
made catspaws of by England and France, the statesmen of which 
countries, much like themselves, look upon every religion or creed as 
equal ! 

Next let us examine how far other countries, not Russian, consider 
the present war a religious war. 

In April last, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Dublin, in a pastoral 
address, states : " Prayers for the war to be taken from the Missal in 
Tempore Belli, as laid down in the Roman Missal. We may add, that 
it must appear to the children of Mary a good omen of the prosperous 
issue of the war, that the fleets of our ally have been placed under 
the protection of the Mother of God, and that her image, sent by the 
Emperor of the French, has been inaugurated with great religious 
pomp on board the admiral's vessel. This solemn profession of Catholic 
faith, this act of tender devotion to the Mother op God, cannot fail to 
be the source of inestimable blessings to the French. They will also 
contribute, in some measure, to make reparation to the offended 
dignity of the Queen of Heaven for the outrages and insults that 
have been offered within the last few years to her name and images 
elsewhere." — {Standard, April 25th, 1854.) 

The Archbishop of Paris, in his pastoral letter, orders prayers to be 
offered up for the army of the East, " the protection of political, reli- 
gious, and national interests. It is necessary to oppose Russian designs 
in Turkey, and he declares that the war may be said to be brought 
about by the intervention of God, and consequently he will give it his 
blessing and insure success.'''' — {Morning Chronicle, April 3d, 1854. 
From a Paris Pap>er.) 

The Daily News of May 4th, 1854, states, from the Deutsch 
Volkshale, a German journal : "It has been assured that the Pope has 
declared his desire that Austria should join the Western powers on the 
Eastern question. " 

At a meeting of the Roman Catholic laity held at the Catholic 
Institute, London, Bishopsgate-street, Mr. Wharton said : " If moral 
means would not do, we must resort to physical force • and abused 
Prince Albert for his speech at the dinner to the Sons of the Clergy, for 
praising the Reformation. They must look for help from the Emperor 
of the French," &c. {Standard, May 17th, 1854.) 



who's to blame? 



223 



" Austria/' says the Vienna Wanderer, " must act as becomes a great 
power. By her conduct as a European, German, and Catholic state, 
she must show that she is deserving of the confidence which is reposed 
in her by Europe, Germany, and the Catholic Church" — {Times, May 
19th; Vienna, May Uth, 1854.) 

In France a war medal was struck last spring by the order of the 
Emperor, which represents Napoleon III. giving his right hand to 
Queen Victoria, and over his head the word " Protestanisme /" his left 
hand to Sultan Abdul- Medjid, and over his head the word "Islamisme;" 
and himself in the centre, with the word over his head " Catholicisms " / 
Over all, in large letters, the words, " Dieu les 'protege''' and below the 
figures, " Civilisation /" and the reverse, Union of France and Great 
Britain, " Pour assurer la paix alu monde" — {Morning Chronicle, May 
31st, 1854.) 

In the Daily News of March 13th, 1854, we are told, under date 
Constantinople, Feb. 27th, that Omar Pasha's army contained from 
8,000 to 10,000 Turkish Roman Catholics, who fought against both 
Russians and Greeks ; and that from 2,000 to 3,000 Maronites more 
were expected from Lebanon. In the daily journals of March 8th, we 
find extracts from the great Roman Catholic oracle, the " Univers," of 
Paris, advocating the total destruction of the Greek Church every- 
where, because it is heretical ! 

When a story was set abroad throughout Europe by the periodical 
press to prejudice Russia, namely, that she was negotiating with, and 
had brought over, the Pope to her interest, the Pontiff, through the 
Moniteur, July 2d, indignantly denied the false accusation thus : — 

" Some Russian journals, doubtless desirous of deceiving the country as 
to the opinion of Europe on the policy of their Government, have stated 
that Pope Pius IX. has openly expressed his wishes for the success of the 
arms of the Emperor Nicholas. We shall confine ourselves to stating that 
his Holiness having had occasion, about two months ago, to speak of the 
Government in connexion with the affairs of the United Armenians of 
Constantinople, expressed himself in the most flattering terms of the 
Sultan. In a more recent circumstance, on the day of the anniversary of 
his accession to the pontifical throne, and while receiving the homage of 
the ambassador of the Emperor, the Pope renewed to him the assurance of 
the interest with which he followed all the acts of French policy, and the 
expression of his hope for the successful issue of the war in the East. The 
feeling of the court of Rome cotcld not be doubtful in a question where 
morality and policy are so completely in accord ; and when the Russian 
press thinks proper to misrepresent facts in order to support its cause, it 
should at least give them an air of probability." 



224 



THE WAR : 



" The Minister of Marine has received the following from Vice- Admiral 
Parseval-Deschenes, commander-in-chief of the French fleet in the Baltic : — 

" ' Baro Sound, June 19. 
" ' Monsieur le Ministre, — In the course of my navigation since my depar- 
ture from Brest, several vessels did not join my flag, and the principal 
chaplain was absent. I have consequently been obliged to wait till this 
day for a favourable opportunity for the consecration and solemn inaugura- 
tion of the beautiful picture of the Virgin, given by his Majesty the Em- 
peror to the squadron which I have the honour to command. My first 
anchorage off the coast of Finland having at length almost completely 
united us, this ceremony took place yesterday (Sunday) morning. The 
weather being magnificent, we were able to celebrate it on the deck of the 
Inflexible. The altar, being placed at the foot of the mainmast, was orna- 
mented by our sailors with leaves and foliage gathered in the small islands 
which surround us. The picture was placed above the altar. I was sur- 
rounded on the quarter-deck, in addition to Rear- Admiral Penaud, by all 
the commanders and officers of the fleet ; detachments from each vessel 
were stationed on the poop ; the crew occupied the gangways ; the guard 
under arms was formed by the expeditionary troops ; and the vessel was 
decked out with flags. At eleven o'clock the Abbe Carron, the principal 
chaplain, attended by twelve other clergymen, took his place at the altar. 
In language as elevated as it was touching, the Abbe dwelt on this Catholic 
fete off* an enemy's coast, and becomingly expressed the gratitude of the 
Baltic fleet to his Imperial Majesty, whose Christian solicitude has placed 
it, like that of the Black Sea, under the special protection of the Holy 
Patroness of sailors. The address being terminated, the hymn, "Ave 
Maria Stella," was chanted ; then the guard presented arms, the drums 
beat, and the Inflexible fired a salute of twenty-one guns at the solemn 
moment when the voice of the priest called down the blessing of Mary on 
the Emperor, on France, and on our arms. I will not endeavour, Monsieur 
le Ministre, to describe to you the impression produced by such a cere- 
mony, in such a place, and at such a moment ; it may be imagined, but not 
expressed. Your Excellency will therefore permit me to confine myself to 
this simple recital. The mass terminated by the singing of the " Magni- 
ficat " and the " Domine Salvum." All punishments were then taken off ; 
our brave sailors passed the day in going from vessel to vessel to visit each 
other ; and we kept up our rejoicings till the evening.' " 

" Abd-el-Kader and Omar Pasha. — We read in a letter from Schumla, 
that Omar Pasha has lately received the following peculiarly Oriental letter 
from Abd-el-Kader, dated Broussa, the 18th : — 

« < My very dear Brother, — The gates of Paradise opened themselves for 
me, when I had a conversation with the holy Prophet in a dream, on the 
eve of the first Ramadan. I heard all the great and holy souls who repose 
in Abraham's bosom proclaim your name with shouts of joy ; and I saw a 
large rainbow extend across the striking ranks of the holy souls when they 
called you by name. God is with you, my brother. Wherever you go, 



who's to blame? 



225 



glory and victory will attend you. I envy you. Carry off the camps of 
your enemy by your troops. May my blessing accompany you ! The ene- 
mies will fly before you like jackals, and our children's children will glorify 
your name. Do not draw back, but march your troops forward. The 
Prophet wills it. The day of expiation is arrived for the giaours of Mos- 
cow. Blessings on you, my brother ! 

' Abd-el-Kader.' 

" On the 18th, at Adrianople, the French army there assembled celebrated 
a military mass with great pomp ; all the army was present ; ceremony in 
the open air. A priest of high rank officiated. Austrian consul and his 
wife were present, General Pirn, &c. Picture representing the cross sus- 
pended from a tree, with the inscription 1 In signo vincit.' At the elevation 
of the host a salute of five guns was fired, and the imperial eagles were 
dipped, and all the troops presented their arms with loudest huzzas. 
When the mass was ended, ' Bomine sahum fac Imperatorum Napole- 
onese' was chanted. A gun announced the end of the ceremony. The 
sight appeared to affect the Turks greatly and favourably." — Morning Post, 
July lltk; Scutari, June 24tk, 1854. 

POPISH VIEW OP THE WAR IN FRANCE, 

" This view of the subject is curiously developed in some of the pastorals 
issued by the French bishops on the occasion of the war. ' Go forth in 
the name of the Lord,' exclaims the Bishop of Very ; ' ye new crusaders, 
fly to the holy war. Others have said to you : " French soldiers, go and 
inaugurate the new reign by triumphs worthy of the giant of battles, whose 
blood flows, as is well perceived, in the veins of your Emperor." For our- 
selves, as a pontiff of religion, we will say to you : Successors of the God- 
freys, the Eaymonds, the Eustaces, the Baldwins, you have the courage, the 
intrepidity, the bravery of those noble heroes ; have also their faith, their 
piety, their sentiments of religion. Spare the country on which your heavy 
sword shall be wielded the greatest part of the misfortunes which too often 
accompany war. Show to your new brethren in arms, to the disciples of 
Mahomet, to the modern Greeks, to all the children of error, the moral 
superiority which Catholicism gives to those who have remained faithful 
to it.' 

" In perfect keeping with this fanatical view of the object and character 
of the war, the Archbishop of Tours breaks forth into a strain of Mariola- 
trous rapture : ' In seeing France,' he says, ' march gloriously at the head 
of this Eastern expedition to cause right and justice to triumph, we ought 
to think that God will be with us ; that the holy angels will protect our 
intrepid soldiers ; that the holy Virgin, patroness of France, will cover them 
with her tutelary aegis ; and that since the Emperor has chosen, from a 
feeling of pious solicitude worthy of his heart and of his faith, that the 
image of Mary should become, as it were, the standard of the fleet, this 
venerated sign will be for all the combatants the sign of salvation, and the 
gauge of victory.' 

Q 



226 



THE WAR : 



" In commenting on the pastorals of the French bishops, from which 
it gives copious extracts, the Tablet observes : c With Catholic France, 
and with an Emperor seated on his throne by Catholic interests, and for the 
very purpose and mission of preserving Catholic society, a general war 
must of necessity be a religious tear. The preservation of the Turkish 
empire has already assumed its real character of only a secondary cause, 
or at most of a means to an end. The real question is to repress and place 
within due limits an aggressive, schismatical empire. Russia seeks to 
make her religion, miscalled " Orthodox," supplant that which is at once 
Catholic and Orthodox. That is the grand consequence which would flow 
from the restoration of the Byzantine empire, and that is the consequence 
which all the blood and treasure of France will be well spent in obstructing 
and annihilating. Happy it is for us, and praised be Almighty God for 
the fact, that the material interests of England, which she dare not sacri- 
fice, coincide with the great and holy purpose. Happy it is that that 
justice, that political right, which the Emperor of Russia has violated, 
demonstrate, even to those outside of the Catholic Church who are 
desirous of the preservation of Europe, that they cannot secure their 
true interests without at the same time assisting ours.' " — From the John 
Bull, April 27th. 



who's to blame? 



227 



CHAPTER VIII. 



STATE OF THE CHRISTIAN POPULATION IN TURKEY — FALSEHOODS TOLD BY 
AMBASSADORS AND STATESMEN ABOUT IT — CONSULS' REPORTS — LORD CLA- 
RENDON'S OFFICIAL LETTERS ABOUT THEIR DEGRADED AND HOPELESS STATE 
— LAYARD'S ACCOUNTS OF THEIR CRUEL TREATMENT — NEALE'S DO., ETC. ETC. 



We come now to consider the condition of the Greek Christians in 
Turkey, and the state of that empire in general. The picture that 
must be exhibited will be a most appalling one. and the misrepresen- 
tations and falsehoods of diplomatists and statesmen fairly exposed, 
from a bare statement of unquestionable facts. It would be tedious to 
adduce extracts from the published despatches to show, from the state- 
ments made in them, that Great Britain considers it her interest and 
her duty to defend and maintain what is termed the independence and 
integrity of the Ottoman empire. I do not intend here to examine 
the necessity, the policy, and the urgency of this plea, but simply to 
show that it is so considered. In Part I. p. 98, we find Lord Clarendon 
telling Lord Cowley, " that the French Government are well aware 
that it always had been and would be the policy of this country to 
maintain the independence and integrity of the Turkish empire." In 
Part II. p. 174, we find his Lordship informing Lord Stratford thus : 
" To your Excellency I need hardly state, that the traditional policy 
of this country in the East will be rigidly adhered to." In Part II. 
p. 218, his Lordship, in his official circular, states that England and 
France "look upon the maintenance of the Ottoman empire as a great 
feature of European policy," <fcc. 

Well, this being a settled point, it becomes necessary to consider the 
character and condition of the people whose cause we have taken in 
hand, and which we are called upon by our statesmen to support at all 
hazards. Are they worth the toil, labour, blood, and expense that we 
must go to, for the purpose proclaimed as absolutely necessary, or does 

Q 2 



228 



THE WAR : 



any immediate British interest demand of us at this time the great 
sacrifices that must be made before the object sought can be attained 1 ? 
Let us take, first and foremost, the statements made about the state 
and condition of the Christian population of Turkey. 

Colonel Rose, who could see only with the eye of a Turk, tells us 
(Part I. p. 88) that the Greek population had shown " no disaffected 
feeling" previous to Menchikoff's mission. In No. 234, 1 in his Mahom- 
medan phraseology, he insinuates that there were " symptoms of 
indifference amongst the Greeks themselves to an increase of Russian 
intervention." In No. 240 2 Lord Stratford says, " there is even some 
reason to think, that the Greek Synod, and the more enlightened por- 
tion of the Greek laity, have less of sympathy than usual with their 
northern protectors." In No. 37 3 we are told "that it has been clearly 
established in previous statements, that, however the pretensions of 
Russia may relate to the religious privileges of the Greeks, neither the 
Greek people nor any of their chiefs have any knowledge or participation 
therein.'" In No. 149 4 the Turkish ministry audaciously asks : ''Have 
there occurred within the Ottoman empire, in disregard of the promise 
explicitly recorded in the treaty of Kainardji, such acts as the demo- 
lition of Christian churches, or have any obstacles been offered to the 
obstruction of the Christian religion?" In No. 157 5 Lord Stratford 
tells us, that the Ottoman Government had "appealed with perfect 
success to the zeal of his Mussulman, and to the loyalty of his Christian 
subjects /" In No. 250 6 Lord Stratford makes the Greek nation (Greek 
nation ! where is it ?) address the Porte, and state, amongst other 
things, thus : — 

" It is notorious to everybody, and an incontestable truth, that, not only 
from the position which Providence has awarded to us under the benevolent 
authority of the august sovereigns of the Ottoman dynasty, but also as the 
result of boundless gratitude, and of our national attachment to the land of 
our birth, it is the constant and sacred duty of our nation faithfully to 
serve the noble views and the glory of his Imperial Majesty our gracious 
sovereign and master, who is the only refuge of our prosperity and 
security." 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, May 22d, 1853, Part I. p. 235. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, May 25th, 1853, Part I. p. 254 ; Inclosure Letter to Sir II. Sey- 
mour, May 23d. 

3 Stratford to Clarendon, July 20th, 1853 ; Inclosure, Turkish Proclamation, p. 30. This 
document was concocted by Stratford, not by a Turk. 

4 Stratford to Clarendon, Oct. 4th, 1853, Part II. ; Inclosure No. 3, p. 159, Turkish 
Manifesto. 

5 Stratford to Clarendon, Oct. 5th, 1853, Part IT. p. 165. 

G Stratford to Clarendon, Oct, 31st, 1853, Part II. ; Inclosure, Address of the Greek Nation 
to the Porte, p. 247, &c. 



who's to blame? 



229 



Again : — 

" It is easy to conceive what immense satisfaction the worthy and 
generous determination which the Imperial Government has arrived at, 
under the present circumstances, to preserve the sacred rights of sove- 
reignty of his Imperial Majesty and the independence of the empire, 
has afforded us, and how bold it has made us, and to what an extent 
this firm and fearless attitude of the Imperial Government has stimu- 
lated our zeal and our readiness to fulfil our duties. And though it 
be notorious that the inhabitants of Eoumelia, for the most part Greeks, 
Bulgarians, Albanians, our coreligionists as well as those who are in Ana- 
tolia, faithful and grateful subjects of the imperial throne, and animated by 
the same feelings of interest and enthusiasm as the Mussulman subjects of 
the empire, their compatriots, their neighbours, and their companions in 
fate and duty, continue to manifest a sincere devotion by the services which 
they render to the imperial armies as far as the power of each admits," &c. 

This, as promised, they will continue faithfully to do. And, 
" In conclusion, the Greek nation, impossible as they find it to express com- 
pletely by words their sentiments of profound gratitude for the vast bene- 
fits for which they are indebted to his Imperial Majesty and to his enlight- 
ened Government, confine themselves to addressing ardent prayers to the 
Supreme Being, that he would grant his Majesty his Divine assistance to 
bring to a happy and glorious issue his exalted resolutions and undertak- 
ings, as well as the wise counsels of his illustrious ministers ! " 

In No. 234 1 Lord Clarendon writes Lord Loftus thus : — 

" With reference to your Lordship's despatch of the 7th inst., reporting 
the substance of a conversation which your Lordship had held with Baron 
Manteuffel on the subject of the manifesto which had been issued by the 
Russian Government on the Eastern question, I have to inform you that 
her Majesty's Government approve your language on this occasion ; and I 
have to instruct your Lordship to observe to Baron Manteuffel that this 
manifesto is not founded on truth. It declares that Turkey has violated 
treaties between her and Russia ; but not a single instance of this has been 
advanced by Russia throughout the whole of the discussions, nor has a 
single instance been adduced of the ill treatment of Christians, which should call 
forth the solicitude of the Emperor of Russia. 

" The sole cause of complaint urged against the Porte was that concern- 
ing the Holy Places, which was at once satisfactorily settled ; since which 
the territory of the Sultan has been occupied, and Europe is exposed to the 
calamities of war, because the Sultan would not concede to the Emperor 
rights over his own subjects that would have been utterly destructive of 
his independence ; and Count Nesselrode, in his analysis of the Turkish 
modifications of the Vienna note, has taken care that the world should 
labour under no mistake as to what the rights were which the Emperor 
required, and the Sultan most properly refused." 

1 Clarendon to Loftus, Nov. 14th, 1853, Tart II. p. 233. 



230 



THE WAR : 



In No. 384 1 M. Drouyn de Lhuys asserts, that "the cabinet of 
St. Petersburg did not prove by any particular fact that those privi- 
leges had been violated." In Part V. 2 Lord Clarendon states, that 
"the treatment of Christians is not harsh" in Turkey. In No. 331 3 
Part I. Lord Clarendon conceives the Prussian manifesto, as appealing to 
" the Russian people in behalf of their Church (in Turkey), which is not 
in danger, and of their religion, which has not been assailed" was not 
warranted. And, in Part III., 4 "No injury to the Christian subjects of 
the Porte afforded even a pretext for such acts. On the contrary, with 
the introduction of new laws for their protection, their own gradual 
progress in wealth and intelligence, and by general advance in the arts 
of peace, the condition of the Christians was manifestly improving." 
In No. 89 5 Lord Cowley takes a bolder flight, and tells us "that it 
was nonsense to say that the Greek nation was ' entrainee,' as was pre- 
tended, in this war. There was no 1 entrainemenV, but what was 
fostered by the King and Queen, and encouraged by the Greek Govern- 
ment. Not a soul in the Peloponnesus — not a soul in any of the 
islands, had stirred ; a few brigands from the interior of the northern 
provinces were the only culprits /" Lastly, in this ignoble work, we 
have Mr. Layard, the Turkish Bazi-Bouzock of the unholy alliance, 
and champion of Turkish intolerance. In the House of Commons, 
July 25th, 1854, this gentleman (there is more to be adduced about 
him under another head) told the House, referring, most unfortunately, 
to ill-fated Samos : " The fact was, we could never alter the condition of 
the Greeks until we altered their character; and he firmly believed 
that at present the best way to serve the Greeks would be to put them 
under the protection of the Turks. {Laughter, and cries of oh! oh!) 
Honourable gentlemen might laugh, but, in doing so, let them not 
forget to do Turkey the justice to acknowledge, what all who knew 
anything of her position were ready to bear witness to, that no country 
in the world had more improved during the last few years, and was 
more improving every day, than Turkey !" 

In this way nations are misled, deceived, and maddened, by deceitful, 
ambitious, interested, and wrong-headed politicians and statesmen. 
The task is irksome, laborious, and painful, to follow out and to refute 
such detestable fabrications and falsehoods ; but truth, and the cause of 
the deplorable contest into which this and other countries have been 

1 Circular Despatch, Drouyn de Lhuys, Dec. 30th, 1853, Part II. p. 356. 

2 Eastern Papers, Clarendon to Seymour, March 23d, 1 854. 

3 Clarendon to Seymour, July 9th, 1853, p. 351. 

4 Clarendon to Seymour, Jan. ; ; >lst, 1S54, Eastern Papers, p. 6. 

5 Cowley to Clarendon, Feb. 22(1, 1854, Part VII. p. 56. 



who's to blame? 



231 



plunged by such conduct, demand it. Even the same papers and par- 
ties have furnished us with ample materials to do so. The reader will 
probably feel some surprise at the array that is to be produced. A 
full and complete refutation of the preceding statements may be made 
by referring to the simple fact that three of the greatest powers in 
Europe, naval and military, have a large portion of their forces em- 
ployed in keeping down and repressing insurrection, and meditated 
insurrection, in almost every province and portion of Turkey, especially 
Turkey in Europe ; but more minute details and references may be 
considered necessary. 

In No. 66 1 Count Nesselrode, amongst many other facts, tells us, 
in reference to complaints made to Turkey by Russian ambassadors, 
and " the manner in which the Ottoman Porte had received the coun- 
sels of the Imperial Government in the questions of Montenegro and 
of the Patriarch of Constantinople, and of the different acts of injustice 
committed against the Christian rayahs," proceeds : "In fact, it cannot 
be otherwise in a state where Christians, in their character of rayahs, 
are exposed to a thousand exactions and vexations on the part of 
the people or the pashas, frequently even threatened in their proper- 
ties, their religion, and their existence, as has so very recently been 
proved by the massacres at Aleppo, by the persecutions, the pecuniary 
exactions, the destruction of churches, and the forced conversions and 
the cruelties of all hinds exercised in Bulgaria, Bosnia, and the Har- 
zegovine." There is no mistaking this communication, nor denying 
that it was made to the Turkish Government. 

The public will remember the dashing, popularity-courting accounts 
that Lord Stratford transmitted last year about the liberal concessions 
of the Turkish Government in regard to religious toleration made by 
it, but after Prince Menchikoff had quitted Constantinople. In No. 
278 2 Lord Stratford exultingly tells us : " The imperial firmans, 
renewing and confirming the rights and privileges of the Churches and 
clergy of the several Christian communities in Turkey, have received 
the Sultan's formal sanction, and are to be delivered to the respective 
heads of each in the course of the day. It is gratifying to observe that 
the Jewish community is included in the benefits of so solemn an act ; 
and I have taken care that on this decisive occasion the Protestants 
should also be placed on terms of equality with the more ancient 
establishments." These firmans were stated to have been delivered to 
the five great Christian powers. Well, let us see how this clap-trap 

1 Nesselrode to Brunnow and Kisseloff; Tnclosures No. 1, Aug. loth, 1853, Tart II. 
pp. 59—61. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, June 7th, 1853, Part I. p. 292; received June 23d. 



232 



THE WAR : 



worked. In the important paper produced to the House of Lords, 
entitled "Protestants in Turkey," we find (No. 5 1 ) Lord Stratford 
stating : " Although the firman which was granted some time ago, at 
my request, to the Sultan's Protestant subjects, placing them on the 
same footing with other religious communities, not Mussulman, in the 
empire, contained every privilege that it was reasonable for them to 
enjoy, / had long endeavoured in vain to obtain its official transmission, 
to the pashas commanding in the 'provinces. I have now to state, that 
the Porte has at length acceded to my earnest and repeated solicita- 
tions. The firman in question has been promulgated by its official 
transmission to all governors of places wherever a Protestant society is 
known to exist." Well, let us try to find out what has taken place in 
consequence. In not one of " the Greek papers," coming down to May 
28th, this year, do we find one word about this firman or its applica- 
tion. Under date Constantinople, May 22d, 1854, the Bishop of 
Gibraltar tells us that "the want of a proper church for British residents 
has long been seriously felt ; and the religion of tlie English nation has 
been so completely cast into the shade, that doubts have been expressed by 
the Turks -whether ive have any religion at all." What religion did all 
our ambassadors follow at Constantinople previously ? It could not 
have been Christianity ! " This is a state of things which ought not to 
exist any longer. The time has come when it ought to be remedied. 
And the presence of the British expeditionary forces seems to afford 
the most favourable opportunity that has ever occurred for putting the 
Church of England into its proper position . . . setting up a Church 
which shall be a beacon in the capital of the Mahommedan world. 
Hitherto no such thing has been permitted, Christian churches being 
usually thrust into by-ways and corners, but now it cannot be refused ! !" 

At the close of the session of Parliament, in 1853, Lord Clarendon 
informed the Lords that he had just received a despatch from Lord 
Stratford, announcing that the Sultan, by a firman, had put all his 
subjects upon equality with regard to civil rights. Well, let us examine 
how this concession proceeded. In No. 7 2 Lord Stratford tells us : 
" When the firman was originally granted to me" (four years ago) " for 
the regulations of the proceedings in the mixed criminal courts of Alex- 
andria and Cairo, 3 I obtained a promise that it should be extended, 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, Dec. 6th, 1853, p. 3. 

2 Stratford to Clarendon, Feb. 15th, 1854; Paper, "Protestants in Turkey," p. 4. 

3 It was upon tliis ground, which, in fact, had no reference to the rayahs in Turkey, hut to 
the foreign Christians residing in those two pieces, that Lord Palmerston told the House of 
Commons, in 1853, that the Sultan had placed all his Christian suhjects on an equal footing in 
llic eve of the law. His Lordship was thus grossly imposed unon by some uucircumcised Turk 
in disguise. 



who's to blame? 



233 



after a time, to the rayahs of the whole empire. Hitherto my repeated 
efforts to secure the performance of this promise failed, and the present 
appearance of success is owing to a strong appeal in writing, which I 
addressed to Rescind Pasha several weeks ago. It is altogether painful 
to observe with what unreasonable tenacity the professors of Islamism 
still adhere to their misapplication of religious principles. In the 
present instance, however, I trust that the prejudice is practically 
surmounted, and that the firman, calculated as it is to remove the 
most crying injustice under which the rayahs of the empire have 
laboured FOR centuries, will shortly receive the Sultan's sanction, in 
addition to the approval of the council by which it has been submitted 
to his Majesty." Well, on the 26th of February, Lord Stratford 
announces the appearance of the firman dated the 24th ; but it comes 
forth without either date or signature, and addressed only to the Pasha 
of Salonica, around which place the Greek insurrection was beginning 
to spread. But in none of the Greek papers, down to the date already 
mentioned, do we find a word about it. How far it has been inti- 
mated to the provinces does not appear. In a public journal lately, 
we find it announced, under date Damascus, 8th July, that they had 
then begun to form a mixed tribunal in obedience to this firman, which 
tribunal was to be composed of thirteen members, viz. one Christian, 
one Jew, and the remaining eleven Mahommedans ! An impartial 
court this will make to try rayahs ! ! The fact is, the whole, as far as 
the Turks and their champion Stratford is concerned, is merely a piece 
of humbug to stave off the evil day, and is a part of the Mahommedan 
Turkish policy, to gain their ultimate aim, and preserve their predo- 
minant power, by acting as their Koran teaches them ; namely, to 
deceive the Christians by yielding when in danger, all promises then 
made being lawfully cancelled whenever danger is over ! 

By an old law in Turkey, yet, I believe, unrepealed, it is death to 
a Mahommedan to become a Christian. This positive law was enacted 
during the reign of Soliman I. (Cantemir, Book III. p. 181). In the 
year 1527, one Cabyzi Ajem, a man of great learning and piety, main- 
tained and taught that the Christian religion was superior to Islamism, 
and, in fact, the only true religion. No threats could induce him to 
desist or change his opinion. He was beheaded, and a law enacted 
" that whoever should, even by way of dispute, prefer the doctrine of 
Christ before Mahomet's, should undergo " the same penalty." In the 
House of Commons, June 16th, 1854, the Hon. A. Kinnaird said "he 
wished to ask the noble lord, the President of the Council, whether 
or not her Majesty's Government had made any efforts to induce the 
Sultan to adopt a more enlightened policy than heretofore towards 



234 



THE WAE: 



those of his subjects that desire to change their religion ? He had 
heard recently of a young Mussulman having been beheaded for having 
changed his religion. He would therefore ask whether the Govern- 
ment had had any correspondence with Lord Stratford de Redcliffe 
with reference to the law which still existed in Turkey, that if any 
Mussulman (not a renegade Christian) embraces Christianity, he would 
be liable to the penalty of death ; and if so, whether he would object 
to a copy of such correspondence being laid on the table of the house 1 
Lord John Russell, speaking in a very low tone of voice, was under- 
stood to say, no correspondence of that kind has taken place." (Rep. 
speech, Morning Herald, June 17th.) The more minute particulars 
of this case are given in a very able letter, signed " Anglus," in the 
Morning Advertiser of June 13th, addressed to Lord John, from which 
the following extracts are made : — 

" Some time last November, just when the English and French fleets 
were in the Bosphorus to defend the integrity of the Turkish empire, and 
while England was resounding with praises of Turkish liberality, a young 
Mussulman, of the village of Eski-Zaghara, near Adrianople, was brought 
to that city under charge of apostacy, and thrown into prison. He had 
declared that Mahommed was a false prophet, that the true prophet was 
Christ, and that after him there was no prophet. In the highest court of 
the pasha he now persisted in this confession of Christian belief, and 
added, ' So long as we have Christ, we have no need of Mahommed.' They 
threw him into prison again, and cruelly tortured him ; but no suffering 
could extort a recantation, and he was brought out to the most public 
place of Adrianople, and exhibited to the multitude as a blasphemer. 
There he audibly pronounced these words : ' i" profess Jesus Christ, and for 
him I die? On this he was beheaded. It is the custom of Turkish execu- 
tioners to put the head of a decapitated Mussulman under one of his arms, 
but they laid the head of this man between his legs, to show that he was 
a Christian ; and thus the corpse lay exposed until the next day, and was 
seen by hundreds and thousands of people. The martyrdom — for such it 
was — was forthwith made known in England. I first read of it in the 
Christian Times, of December 16th, and have assured myself of the truth of 
the statement there published by reference to Constantinople." 

" Even at this moment," continues the writer, " unless the execu- 
tioner has finished his work, there is a Jew imprisoned at Mosul, lying 
under sentence of death for blasphemy. The British consul, Mr. 
Rossam, interposed his good offices ; but there lies the Jew, either in 
the dungeon or the grave, and here lies the Sultan's gracious promise 
that no man should suffer on account of religion in his dominions." 

The murders and massacres of Christians in Turkey are numerous 
and never-ending. When Crcece revolted, an edict was issued by the 



i m 



who's to blame? 235 

Sultan to massacre them without mercy. Above 60,000 perished at 
Scio. At Kilmarnock, October 20th, 1853, Mr. Bouverie stated to 
his constituents, that " 40,000 were massacred (the number was even 
greater) at Constantinople. The Greek Patriarch was dragged before 
a merciless tribunal, and hung before the door of his own house, 
A Greek officer, who defended Thermopylae against the Turks, was 
captured, and, refusing to join the Turkish army, was publicly impaled 
and roasted alive before a slow fire." The cruelties committed on the 
Russian frontiers of Asia last year were horrible. In the Times of 
December 17th, 1853, we find a letter from a correspondent which 
states that, at the capture of Fort St. Nicholas, the Turks fell upon 
it during the dead of night, and before war had been declared to the 
Russian authorities. The customs' officer was taken,' crucified, and 
then made a target of. The priest belonging to the establishment had 
his head sawn off, and his wife paunched. The Morning Chronicle of 
December 26th gives us still more terrific details. It says — 

" In the synopsis given by our local papers of the events which have 
occurred at the seat of war in Asia, we read that the Turks, at the taking 
of Fort St. Nicholas, committed the most cruel barbarities. Among others, 
a customs' officer was crucified, and the different parts of his body after- 
wards used as targets. A priest had his head sawn off ; and a physician 
was put to torture to make him confess where he had concealed his gold. 
Women and children were massacred in cold blood ; and it is stated that 
a child was torn from its mother's breast, and hewn to pieces before her 
eyes. The Armenians who inhabited the village of Bayander and the sur- 
rounding country were unable to flee, and likewise fell a sacrifice to the 
cruelty of the Turks. The Kurds fell upon the defenceless villages, and 
indiscriminately murdered women, children, and priests. The husbands 
and fathers died with weapons in their hands, while defending their 
families." 

In Armenia it is the custom to deposit a sum of money in the graves 
of young women who die unmarried. The Turkish Bazi-Bouzocks 
dig open the graves in search of the treasure, dig up and throw the 
bodies on the surface of the ground around, and there leave them to 
be devoured by the beasts and the birds of prey ! 

In the Times of July 21st, 1853, we are told, thus : — 

" In the eyes of a Mussulman, a Christian friend is but one step removed 
from a Christian foe ; and the aggressions of Russia are scarcely more 
offensive to the true believer than the protection of England and France." 
The " Turks conceive, perhaps not without reason, that their existence 
as a nation is inseparably connected with the ferocity and intolerance of 
their race . . . The Porte itself is without power to execute its own decrees 



236 the war: 

of toleration, and it labours in vain to impress upon its inferior officers 
the spirit of its concessions." 

The same journal, October 5th, 1853, referring to the Greek revo- 
lution, proceeds : — 

" The Christian was allowed to govern himself only because their 
masters were too idle to attend to them. Whenever the matter lay be- 
tween Turk and Christian, all laws gave way. Instances were numerous. 
In the level country, where there was no defence against the oppressor, as 
much as from a fifth to four-fifths of the produce was sometimes exacted 
from the peasant, besides the present expected by each incoming pasha, 
or the endless extortions of his satellites. It is well known that at the 
present day the oath of a Christian is not to be taken against a Turk, and 
we may hence form a judgment as to what prevailed forty years ago. 
Neither life, honour, nor property had had a moment's security for 600 
years. The Turk has ruled in all that time ; no approach has been made 
to a milder sway. The life of a Greek in his own country was a burden, 
and there was not a ray of hope but in voluntary exile. Existence itself 
was a disgrace, if it was not devoted to the attainment of what alone could 
render it supportable." 

" Turkey," says the same journal, "wants discipline, subordination, 
official honesty, regular skill — all, in fact, that constitutes the difference 
between civilized and uncivilized nations." {Times, July 26th, 1853.) 

But let us come to the official narratives of the greatest Ottoman 
supporters. In Part I. No. 354, 1 we have above eleven pages of con- 
sular despatches, addressed to Lord Stratford, regarding the state of 
things in various Turkish provinces. Each tells the same deplorable 
and distressing tale of disorder, distress, and insecurity in that unfor- 
tunate country. Space will only permit the selection of a few extracts 
from them. 

Consul Calvert, under date Beyrout, writes Lord Stratford, that in 
the pashalics of Sidon and Lebanon — 

" The Mahommedans feel no hesitation in expressing a desire for hosti- 
lities, for according to them a continual war in Turkey is requisite to keep 
alive the spirit of IslamismP 

The Christian inhabitants in all those districts were in the greatest 
alarm. Consul Wood writes from Damascus, June 7th, 1853 : — 

" The worst feature, under present circumstances, is the highly agitated 
state of the population of this city. All the classes of the Mahommedans 
are most anxious to see the embarrassments of the Porte increase, and 
herself involved in a disastrous ivar. They wish to see her humbled, in the 
hope that her officers in Syria will cease to persevere in a system of 

1 Stratford to Clarendon, July 4th, ISjo, p.S7'2. 



WHO'S to blame? 



237 



administration prejudicial to the interests of the effendis and grandees, 
whose property has been sequestered under various pretexts, and has been 
so heavily taxed as to have reduced their incomes to one-half ; and to the 
citizens and tradesmen, who find themselves at the mercy of rapacious 
tribunals and officers." 

Consul Saunders writes, under date June 2d, from Prevesa, thus : — 

" The rural population of which, oppressed by fiscal exactions, and sub- 
jected to intolerable acts of violence and injustice, cannot be expected to 
entertain any but the most rancorous feelings towards their persecutors. 
The inhabitants of the greater part of the villages are Christians, and 
constantly thronging the consular offices seeking protection." 

Vice-consul Bonatti writes, under date Scutari, June 1st, 1853 : — 

" All the desperate characters have raised their heads again, and acts of 
rapine and robbery are again very frequent, at the expense of the Christians. 
Osman Pasha, the governor of this province, is a Mussulman, and sees with 
perfect indifference all these excesses" 

Under date June 2 2d, he writes : — 

" A Turk of Podgoritra killed lately a Montenegrin of Piperi, in a spirit 
of pure fanaticism. Under the present misrule, this feeling may lead to 
fatal consequences . . . Murder and plunder are of daily occurrence, and the 
Government enriches itself by mulcting the parties," &c. 

Consul Neale, under date Schumla, June 6th, speaks of the proba- 
bility of revolt in that province, where the Bulgarian Christians, " sub- 
dued and humbled by a long course of local oppression," may — 

" Be driven to outbreak and remonstrance only by some sudden and 
notable act of injustice. . . . Were it not," says he, "for those cold-blooded 
murders, and the consequent total insecurity to life" he believes the Bulga- 
rians would solicit arms to oppose an invader. 

And under date Turnova, July 1st, Consul Neale adverts to — 

" The menacing attitude which the Turks have assumed towards the 
Christians in certain districts of this province," &c. 

In No. 355, 1 Lord Stratford speaks of — 
" The number of crimes committed, particularly in the province of 
Bulgaria, by Turks suspected of indulging a spirit of fanatical hatred. to- 
wards the Christians." 

In his instructions to M. Pisani, dated June 22d, given to place 
before the Porte, he conveys his most urgent request for immediate 
attention to these evils and disorders : — 

" It is," says he, " with extreme disappointment and pain, that I observe 
1 Stratford to Clarendon, July 7th, 1853, Tart T. p. 382. 



238 



THE WAR: 



the continuance of evils which affect so deeply the welfare of the empire ; 
and which assume a deeper character of importance in the present critical 
state of the Porte's relations with Russia. You will read this instruction 
to his Highness ; you will communicate fully the contents of the accom- 
panying extracts ; and you will press upon his mind the urgency of adopt- 
ing adequate measures for the repression of crime, and the protection of 
the Sultan's loyal and peaceable subjects, without further delay .... It 
cannot be denied that the matters now brought into notice have an imme- 
diate bearing on the same great interest, and cannot be neglected with safety 
more than with justice." 

It is worthy of remark that all these statements were made, and 
information given, several weeks after Prince Menchikoff had left 
Constantinople, and four months before Lord Clarendon informed 
Lord Loftus that Russia had not advanced a single instance of the 
ill treatment of Christians in Turkey ! He needed not to produce 
a single instance, when he furnished them in camel loads ! We have 
heard much about the homely though not inapt phrase of u the sick 
man ;" but in reference to this man we shall see, upon further and 
closer attention to the subject, that those who knew well, and said 
they were more righteous than their fellows, were pointing to his state 
as not only sick — extremely sick — but infected with most dangerous 
and incurable disorders. There were few of the numerous despatches 
that were written that did not contain emphatic and specific notices of 
the excessive demoralization and decay and rottenness of the Ottoman 
empire ; and still more strongly expressed, though in what may be 
considered as more courtly language, than the figure used to express his 
opinions by the Emperor Nicholas. Let us begin with- great autho- 
rities : take the following, the first from probably the best authority 
of the whole : — 

"The hapless and helpless Mussulman" [Times, July 8th, 1853). 
" Internal weakness of the empire." — " The increasing tendency to 
weakness and disorder in the Turkish empire." — " The accumulated 
grievances of foreign nations, which the Porte is unable or unwilling to 
redress " (Clarendon, Part I. p. 80). " The weakness of the Ottoman 
empire" (Stratford, p. 176). "Entitled to respect and forbearance, 
notwithstanding its numerous errors and prejudices" (Stratford, 
p. 255, Part I). " Offended, not from unfriendly feelings, but from 
weakness" (Seymour, Part I. p. 278). " Her weakness and decrepitude, 
of which so much had been said, form but additional motives for the 
support of her friends " (Seymour, Part II. p. 349). 



who's to blame? 



239 



Page 293, No. 282.— The Earl of Clarendon to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. 

" Foreign Office, June 24th, 1853. 
" My Lord, — Her Majesty's Government consider that every fair ad- 
vantage should be taken of the present position of the Turkish empire, 
to press upon the Sultan and his ministers the importance of removing all 
civil distinctions between the Christian and Mahommedan subjects of 
the Sultan, and of giving the former an equal degree of assurance with 
the latter, as to the impartial administration of justice by the Turkish 
tribunals. 

" Your Excellency has long and zealously laboured to obtain for the 
Christians in Turkey, that their evidence should be received in the courts 
of justice with the same consideration and respect as that of their Mus- 
sulman fellow-subjects ; and that the barbarous distinction which fanaticism 
has long interposed between Turks and rayahs, in this respect, should no 
longer be allowed to prevail. 

" The firman, which in 1850 your Excellency obtained from the Porte, 
for regulating the mixed jurisdiction in Egypt, gave a limited sanction to 
the principle for which her Majesty's Government have so earnestly con- 
tended, that the oath of a Christian witness should be regarded in the 
same light as that of a Mahommedan witness : and that a Mussulman 
should no longer enjoy impunity for crime, on the ground that Christian 
testimony, frequently the only one that could be adduced, was inadmis- 
sible against a Mussulman. 

" Your Excellency is instructed to state to the Porte that it is the deli- 
berate opinion of her Majesty's Government, that the only real security 
for the continued existence of Turkey as an independent power, is to be 
sought by enlisting the feelings of its Christian subjects in its preser- 
vation ; that although Turkey may get over her present difficulties by the aid of 
her allies, she must not reckon upon external assistance as a permanent 
resource ; but that she must create for herself a surer defence in the affec- 
tions of the most intelligent, active, and enterprising class of her subjects ; 
and that it is impossible to suppose that any true sympathy for their 
rulers will be felt by the Christians, so long as they are made to experience, 
in all their daily transactions, the inferiority of their position as compared with 
that of their Mussulman fellow-subjects — so long as they are aware that they will 
seek in vain for justice for icrongs done either to their persons or their properties, 
because they are deemed a degraded race, unworthy to be put into comparison with 
the followers of Mahomet ! 

" Your Excellency will plainly and authoritatively state to the 
Porte, that this state of things cannot be longer tolerated by Christian 
powers. The Porte must decide between the maintenance of an erroneous 
religious principle and the loss of the sympathy and support of its allies. You 
will point out to the Porte the immense importance of the election which 
it has to make ; and her Majesty's Government conceive that very little 
reflection will suffice to satisfy the Turkish ministers, that the Porte can 



240 



THE ^ T AR1 



no longer reckon upon its Mussulman subjects alone as a safeguard against 
external danger ; and that without the hearty assistance of its Christian depen- 
dents, and the powerful sympathy and support of its Christian allies, the 
Turkish empire must soon cease to exist. 

" I am, &c. (Signed) " Clarendon." 

Page 383, Liclosure 2 in No. 355. — Lord Stratford de Redcliffe to M. R Pisani. 

"Therapia, July 4th, 1853. 

" Sir, — I have frequently had occasion of late, and, indeed, for some years 
back, to bring to the knowledge of the Porte such atrocious instances of cruelty, 
rapine, and murder, as I have found, with extreme concern, in the consular 
reports, exhibiting generally the disturbed and misgoverned condition of 
many parts of Eoumelia, and calling loudly for redress from the Imperial 
Government. The character of these disorderly and brutal outrages may 
be said with truth to be, in general, that of Mussulman fanaticism excited 
by cupidity and hatred against the Sultan's Christian subjects. I will not 
say that my friendly and earnest representations have been entirely disre- 
garded ; on the contrary, I have sometimes had the satisfaction of being 
instrumental towards the repression of crime, the alleviation of individual 
suffering, and the recal of incapable magistrates. But the evil, nevertheless, 
has not been permanently removed, and the effect of every partial check 
has been of short duration. 

" It is evident that the present political circumstances of the empire 
must tend directly to increase the temptations to crime, and to bring a 
much wider extent of country within the range of disorderly and outrageous 
passions. The Mussulmans are excited by the prospect of war. The 
rayahs, from their numbers, especially in the European provinces of 
Turkey, are objects of fear, no less than of hatred and cupidity. The move- 
ment of troops, the calling out the rediff, the concentration of regulars on 
the frontier, the demand of supplies, the scarcity of money, the pressure 
for payment of arrears, the anticipation of future taxes, concur to spread 
alarm amongst the peaceable, and to hold out a clearer prospect of impunity 
to the violent. The pashas and subordinate governors are perplexed ; indi- 
viduals possessing local wealth acquire a licentious influence ; and unless 
some powerful remedies^ be applied without further delay, it is to be 
feared that the authority of the central Government mil be completely 
orerpozcered in some of the provinces, and that the people, despairing of 
protection, will augment the disorder by resorting to lawless means of self- 
preservation. 

" For the sake of the empire itself, no less than from motives of huma- 
nity, I am inexpressibly anxious to engage the Porte's attention, ere it be 
too late, to this abundant source of evil and danger. I am well aware of 
the difficulties under which the Government labours, and that it is far more 
easy to describe any mischief, and to trace it to its causes, than to find an 
efficient remedy. Yet such is the magnitude of the evil, and such the 
danger of its extension under present circumstances, that the necessity of 



who's to blame? 



241 



checking its progress, and restoring some degree of confidence among the 
tributary classes, is scarcely subordinate to the duty of preparing the 
means of resistance against an invading foreign army. 

" In addition to the numerous extracts of my consular correspondence, 
which I have furnished to the office of Foreign Affairs with reference to 
this subject, I now enclose, for special consideration, the intelligence which 
has reached me from an official source in Bulgaria. [Where is this commu- 
nication ?] Reschid Pasha will learn from its contents, how crying is the 
evil — how urgent the peril, even in a province where a very considerable 
portion of the regular army is being at this moment collected. 

" The more pressing and obvious wants are these : the correction, by 
means of explanation and control, of that fanatical and licentious spirit 
which now inflames the Mussulman population; some special means 
for the protection of the loyal and peaceably disposed, whether Mussulman 
or Rayah; an efficient responsibility, on the part of the local governors and 
magistrates, towards the supreme Government ; a more regular and judi- 
cious exercise of authority in the collection of supplies ; and the direction 
of persons acting in concert with the army ; relief for the labouring and 
the rural classes, by means of extraordinary aids obtained by the Porte 
from other sources, and applied to the payment of the forces, and other 
immediate wants of the state. 

* * * * 

" You will leave a copy of this instruction with Eeschid Pasha, after 
reading and fully explaining its contents to his Highness ; and you will 
request that it may be brought, without delay, before his Majesty the 
Sultan and the council of state, to the end that it may be taken into 
serious consideration, and that the Porte's decision may be communicated 
to me for the information of her Majesty's Government. 
" Yours, &c. 

(Signed) "Stratford de Redcliffe." 

Page 399, No. 370.— The Earl of Clarendon to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. 

" Foreign Office, July 28th, 1853. 

" My Lord, — Your Excellency's important despatch of the 4th instant 
has been laid before the Queen, and has received from her Majesty's Go- 
vernment the most serious attention. 

" Your Excellency is aware that her Majesty's Government have ap- 
proved of the course pursued by the Sultan, and recommended by your 
Excellency, in not exercising his unquestionable right of declaring war 
against Russia, upon the occupation of the Principalities ; and they also 
entirely agree with your Excellency that his Highness has acted wisely in 
preparing himself to repel any further aggression on the part of Russia. 
But it was in order to save the Sultan from the dilemma contemplated by 
your Excellency, of having to comply with the Russian ultimatum, or to 
accept an indefinite occupation of the Principalities, that her Majesty's 
Government have ardently desired to effect an arrangement by nego- 
tiation. 

R 



242 



THE war: 



"The urgent necessity of extricating Turkey from her present position 
by peaceful means, is now more strongly than ever impressed upon her 
Majesty's Government, by the numerous reports from her Majesty's con- 
suls in different parts of the empire, which your Excellency has trans- 
mitted, upon the alarming state of the country ; and by your Excellency's 
opinion respecting the dangers which threaten the authority of the Sultan 
in Bulgaria and Servia, from the disaffection of the people, and in Euro- 
pean Turkey from the absence of regular troops ; while it appears that the 
Montenegrins are preparing to make an incursion into Turkey ; and that 
the Shah of Persia, instigated by Russia, is collecting an army at Sul- 
tanieh ; and your Excellency considers that a spirit of fanaticism, dan- 
gerous alike to the Eayahs and to the authorities, is rising in various parts 
of the country ; and that the Greeks have taken up a position which indi- 
cates views unrestrained by principles or by treaties. But, at the same 
time, the Turkish Government is so little mindful of its interest not to 
offend Christian powers at this moment, or so powerless to enforce its own 
orders, that your Excellency was compelled, on the 22d ultimo, and again 
on the 4th instant, to address to the Porte an energetic remonstrance 
against the rapine, the exactions, and the cruelties, to ichich its Christian subjects 
were exposed. 

" It is evident, then, that imminent and daily increasing perils menace, 
not alone the authority of the Sultan, but the very existence of the Turkish 
empire ; and there is too much reason to fear that the number and the 
intensity of these perils must be increased by delay in putting an end to 
the state of things which your Excellency has so powerfully described. 
But it is from England and France alone that Turkey can look for active 
sympathy and support. In the event of a struggle, all other powers would 
be found neutral, or would become hostile: and if England and France 
were now prepared to run the risks of an European war, and to disregard 
the commercial, the social, and the political disasters it would entail ; if 
they were prepared, in short, as your Excellency says, to stop at no sacri- 
fice for the object they have on view, there is little doubt that they would 
cripple the resources of Russia, and that, on the signature of peace, it is more * 
than probable that the exclusion of that power from the Greek Protec- 
torate and from the Principalities would be secured. Russia would be effec- 
tually repelled, but Turkey in the meanwhile might be irretrievably ruined, and 
we might then find it impossible to restore her integrity, or to maintain her 
independence. 

" To protect Turkey against foreign aggression is the interest of England 
and France ; nor would the task present any insurmountable difficulty, 
but both might find themselves powerless to guard Turkey against those 
elements of internal dissolution ichich note appear to constitute her greatest danger. 
There is no doubt that Russia, while she pretends to wish for the mainte- 
nance of the Turkish empire, has, in her ]ate measures, calculated on these 
causes of internal dissolution, and, perhaps, hastened their operation. 

" Her Majesty's Government are well aware that the resources of Turkey 
are great, and that hitherto they have been but partially explored ; but 



who's to blame? 



243 



they fear that their further development, or the adoption of those reforms 
which your Excellency has so long and so judiciously recommended, would 
be improbable during a time that the Sultan was engaged in ; war with a 
foreign power, and his European provinces were reduced to a state bor- 
dering on anarchy ; and which, even now, compels your Excellency to con- 
template, as stated in your despatch of the 7th instant, the necessity of 
calling up the British fleet, not for the purpose of repelling a Russian 
attack upon Constantinople, but in order to protect the Christians from 
an intended rising of the Mahommedans against them. % 

" It is not, then, because we have any doubt that the policy of Russia 
has been unjust and ungenerous, and is indefensible ; it is not alone because 
we think that war is a calamity ; but it is because we believe that war 
would be an additional danger to Turkey, that her Majesty's Government 
are determined to preserve peace by every means consistent with the 
national honour, and the maintenance of that principle for which we have 
been contending in Turkey. And, in this respect, their opinions are 
strengthened by of your Excellency, upon whose judgment, experience, 
and accurate information, her Majesty's Government place the fullest 
reliance. 

* * * * 

" Her Majesty's Government have entirely approved the course pursued 
by your Excellency in resisting the unjust claims of Russia, and maintain- 
ing the principle of Turkish independence ; and, in the event of any fur- 
ther act of aggression by Russia, or of undue delay on her part in 
accepting the terms for an amicable arrangement that may be proposed to 
her, her Majesty's Government, in conjunction with that of France, will 
be prepared to take more active measures for the protection of Turkey 
against a power of whose hostile designs there will then exist no reason- 
able doubt. 

" I am, &c. 

(Signed) " Clarendon." 

The next authority for the demoralized and decayed state of Turkey 
is that of the Sultan himself. It will scarcely be disputed. 

" Constantinople, Sept. 7th. 

" This afternoon all the civil and military authorities, the chiefs of the 
Christian and other communities, were invited to rendezvous at the Porte, 
to be present at the reading of an imperial hatti-humayozm. About 400 
persons were admitted to the grand hall, where the Minister for Foreign 
Affairs solemnly and distinctly read the Sultan's order, of which the fol- 
lowing is a literal translation : — 

" 1 My esteemed Grand Vizir, — It is unnecessary for me to impress 
upon you the advantages of the welfare of our populations and the pro- 
sperity of our states. Indeed, the institution of the glorious Gulhane 
Charta was for this purpose ; but I regret to state, that, notwithstanding 
the soundness of the enunciated principles, the general rules of the Tanzimat 
have not been put into execution. The administration of our states is impure, and 

r 2 



244 



THE AVAR: 



evidently ill-managed; consequently, contrary to my expectations. It has now 
reached its climax, and to ameliorate this state of things is an imperious necessity. 
It is well to know that the reason our intentions are not enforced is owing 
to a nefarious system of bribery ; and this continuing, whatever efforts 
are attempted, however useful and requisite they may be, will never be of 
utility. 1st. To obviate this it is necessary to establish a new code, such 
as can not be modified according to the will of influential persons, which 
will completely destroy the past ill system of administration. This must 
be brought^on regularly, and with due regard to the true principles of jus- 
tice. 2d. The articles of this projected code must be strictly enforced, so 
as to give power, and increase the authority of local governors. 3d. In- 
ternal prosperity, and the security of the property of our subjects, must 
be looked into. 4th. Justice and equity must be enforced. 5th. Our finan- 
cial resources must be concentrated and cared for. 6th. The amelioration 
of the political and social state of all our subjects, no matter what creed 
they belong to, must be effected. 

" ' These reforms are most necessary, and the greatest attention must be 
most scrupulously paid, in order that no flaws should exist,' " &c. 

The next authority to be referred to is Mr. Layard. His accounts 
are so important that they are quoted, and in his own words, at 
greater length than the limits of this work can well afford. In vain 
he can try to escape, as he has tried to do, by saying that his worst 
case was not the act of his Turkish friends, but by a Kurdish refrac- 
tory chief. The horrid acts were perpetrated within the Turkish 
dominions, while Osman Pasha was after much delay sent to punish 
the chief, who, after defeating him, suffered him, and for reasons 
well known to himself, to capitulate and retire to whatever place 
he might choose that was satisfactoiy to the Sultan. With his family 
and wealth he was sent to Candia. Again, we have from Mr. Layard 
an account of the state of things in that part of Asiatic Turkey, which 
shows the ferocity and cunning of the Turkish character, and of which 
he was an eye-witness. It was an attack made upon the poor Yesides, 
by the pasha of Mosul. During the attack the cadi stood with the 
Koran in his hand, but at a safe distance, urging the troops to destroy 
the enemies of the true faith. After repeated assaults, and when they 
could not dislodge them from their mountain fastnesses, he counselled 
the pasha to get them to capitulate, and that when once in his power, 
he might, according to the laws of the Koran, lawfully put them to 
death : because, by acting so, he only adopted the most prudent course 
to get the enemies of their faith into his power ; and, from their being 
unbelievers, no agreement that had previously been made with them 
for safety was in any way binding. 1 

1 Lay aril's Nineveh, page 19 i. 



who's to blame? 



245 



It may be observed, that it might have been supposed that a gen- 
tleman who had rendered himself so justly celebrated, and so well 
known, by digging up the monuments of Divine vengeance, and proofs 
of the certainty of his threatenings and punishment of guilty nations, 
amidst the ruins of Nineveh, would have been the last to have over- 
looked or forgotten to consider, in his references to Mahommedan 
Turkey, the terrible and certain fate of an empire, which, like the cruel 
and despotic and military Assyrian empire, had so long blasphemed 
his name, and oppressed and tyrannised over helpless millions of men 
who bore the Christian name, and acknowledged and worshipped the 
Redeemer of the world. In the fortune and end of the proud Assy- 
rian empire, we read the pronounced, and determined, and certain 
doom of the decayed Turkish power, and the great Mahommedan 
delusion and blasphemy ; but a brief period of legislative and party 
warfare, and Foreign Office tuition — into the recesses of which con- 
siderations of the kind never enter — has made Mr. Layard forget the 
judgments, and the effects of those judgments, which he has so gra- 
phically described, in the wreck of mighty and guilty empires. Still, 
that cannot turn aside the outstretched arm of Omnipotence, when he 
arises to judgment. 

"It may be remembered that Beder Khan Bey, in 1843, invaded the 
Tiyari districts, massacred in cold blood nearly 10,000 of their inhabitants, 
and carried away as slaves a large number of women and children. But it 
is, perhaps, not generally known that the release of the greater part of the 
captives was obtained through the humane interference and generosity of 
Sir Stratford Canning, who prevailed upon the Porte to send a commis- 
sioner into Kurdistan, for the purpose of inducing Beder Khan Bey, and 
other Kurdish chiefs, to give up the slaves they had taken, and advance 
himself a considerable sum towards their liberation. Mr. Rassarn also ob- 
tained the release of many slaves, and maintained and clothed, at his own 
expense, and for several months, not only the Nestorian Patriarch, who 
had taken refuge in Mosul, but many hundred Chaldeans, who had escaped 
from the mountains." — J? age 175. 

" On the morning following our arrival, I went with Yakoub Rais to 
visit the village. The trees and luxuriant crops had concealed the desola- 
tion of the place, and had given to Ashutha from without a flourishing 
appearance. As I wandered, however, through the lanes, I found little but 
ruins. A few houses were rising from the charred heaps ; still, the greater 
part of the sites were without owners, the whole family having perished. 
Yakoub pointed out, as we went along, the former dwellings of wealthy 
inhabitants, and told me how and when they had been murdered. A soli- 
tary church had been built since the massacre ; the foundations of others 
were seen through the ruins. The pathways were still blocked up by 



246 



THE WAR : 



trunks of trees cut down by the Kurds. Water-courses, once carrying 
fertility to many gardens, were now empty and: dry, and the lands which 
they had irrigated were left naked and unsown." — Page 177. 

" Dr. Grant, who published an account of his visit to the mountains, fell 
a victim to his humane zeal for the Chaldeans, in 1844. After the mas- 
sacre, his house in Mosul was filled with fugitives, whom he supported and 
clothed. Their sufferings, and the want of common necessaries before 
they reached the town, had brought on a malignant typhus fever, of which 
many died, and which Dr. Grant caught whilst attending the sick in his 
house. Mosul holds the remains of most of those who were engaged in the 
American Missions to the Chaldeans. 

"Yakoub Eais, who was naturally of a lively and jovial disposition, 
could not restrain his tears as he related to me the particulars of the mas- 
sacre. He had been 'amongst the first seized by Beder Khan Bey, 'and 
having been kept by the chief as a kind of hostage, he had been con- 
tinually with him, during the attack on the Tiyari, and had witnessed all 
the scenes of bloodshed which he so graphically described. The descent 
upon Ashutha was sudden and unexpected. The greater part of the inha- 
bitants fell victims to the fury of the Kurds, who endeavoured to destroy 
every trace of the village. We walked to the church, which had been 
newly constructed by the united exertions and labour of the people. The 
door was so low that a person, on entering, had to perform the feat of 
bringing his back on the level of his knees. The entrances of .Christian 
churches in the East are generally so constructed, that horses and beasts 
of burden may not be lodged there by the Mahommedans. ,A few rituals, 
a book of prayer, and the Scriptures, all in manuscript, were lying upon 
the rude altar ; but the greater part of the leaves were wanting, and those 
which remained were either torn into shreds, or disfigured by damp and 
water. The manuscripts of the churches were hid in the mountains, or 
buried in some secure place, at the time of the massacre, and, as the 
priests who had concealed them were mostly killed, the books have not 
been restored. A few English prints and handkerchiefs were hanging about 
the walls ; a bottle and a glass, with a tin plate, for the sacrament, stood 
upon a table ; a curtain of coarse cloth hung before the inner recess, the 
holy of holies ; and these were all the ornaments and furniture of the 
place." — Page 182. 

" Everywhere, except Zawertha, the churches had been destroyed to 
their foundations, and the priests put to death. Some of the holy edifices 
had been rudely rebuilt, but the people were unwilling to use them until 
they had been consecrated by the Patriarch." — Page 185. 

" Yakoub pointed out a spot where above 300 persons had been mur- 
dered in cold blood, and all our party had some tale of horror to relate. 
Mu/.ghie was not less desolate than Miniyanish, and eight houses alone had 



who's to blame? 



247 



been resought by their owners. We found an old priest, blind and grey, 
bowed down by age and grief., the solitary survivor of six or eight of his 
order. He was seated under the shade of a walnut-tree, near a small 
stream. Some children of the village were feeding him with grapes, and 
on our approach his daughter ran into the half-ruined cottage, and brought 
out a basket of fruit and a loaf of garas bread. I endeavoured to glean 
some information from the old man as to the state of his flock, but his 
mind wandered to the cruelties of the Kurds, or dwelt upon the misfor- 
tunes of his Patriarch. None of our party being able to console him, I 
gave some handkerchiefs to his daughter, and we resumed our journey." — 
Page 188. 

" Lezan stands on the river Zab, which is crossed by a rude bridge. I 
need not weary or distress the reader by a description of desolation and 
misery, hardly concealed by the most luxuriant vegetation. We rode to 
the graveyard of a roofless church, slowly rising from its ruins, the first 
edifice in the village to be rebuilt. We spread our carpets amongst the 
tombs, for as yet there were no inhabitable houses. The Melek, with the 
few who .had survived the massacre, was living during the day under the 
trees, and sleeping at night on stages of grass and boughs, raised on high 
poles, fixed in the very bed of the Zab. 

sfc 3& % 

" It was near Lizan that occurred one of the most terrible incidents of 
the massacre. Crossing the gullies to secure a footing, or carried down by 
the stones which we put in motion as we advanced, we soon saw evidences 
of the slaughter. At first a solitary skull rolling down the rubbish, then 
heaps of blanched bones, further up fragments of rotten garments. As we 
advanced, these remains became more frequent ; skeletons, almost entire, 
still hung to the dwarf shrubs. I was soon compelled to renounce my 
attempt to count them. As we approached the wall of rock, the declivity 
became covered with bones mingled with the long plaited tresses of the 
women, shreds of discoloured linen, and well-worn shoes. There were skulls 
of all ages, from the child unborn to the toothless old man. We could not 
avoid treading on the bones as we advanced, and rolling them with the 
loose stones into the valley below. ' This is nothing,' exclaimed my guide, 
who observed me gazing with wonder on those miserable heaps ; ' they are 
but the remains of those who were thrown from above, or sought to escape 
the sword by jumping from the rock. Follow me.' He sprang upon a ledge 
running along the precipice that rose before us. 

* * # * 

" When the fugitives who had escaped from Ashutha spread the news 
of the massacre through the valley of Lizari, the inhabitants of the villages 
around collected such part of their property as they could carry, and took 
refuge on the platform I have just described on the rock above, hoping thus 
to escape the notice of the Kurds, or to be able to defend against any num- 
bers a place almost inaccessible. Women and children concealed themselves 
in a spot which the mountain goat could scarcely reach, as well as men. 



248 



THE WAR : 



Beder Khan Bey was not long in discovering their retreat ; but being un- 
able to force it, he surrounded it with his men, and waited until they 
should be compelled to yield. The weather was hot and sultry, and the 
Christians had brought but small supplies of water and provisions ; after 
three days the first began to fail them, and they offered to capitulate. The 
terms proposed by Beder Khan Bey, and ratified by an oath on the Ko7-an, 
were the surrender of their arms and property. The Kurds were then 
admitted to the platform. After they had taken the arms from their pri- 
soners, they commenced an indiscriminate slaughter, until, weary of raising 
their weapons, they hurled the few survivors into the Zab below. Out of 
nearly 1,000 souls who are said to have congregated here, only one 
escaped. 

* * * * 

" But, before leaving Lizari, I must mention the heroic devotion of the 
Tiyari girls, from the village of Lersputho, who,' as they were led across 
the bridge by the Kurds on their return from the great massacre, preferring 
death to captivity and conversion, threw themselves into the Zab, and were 
drowned in its waters." — Page 194. 

" The following day being Sunday, we were roused at dawn to attend the 
service of the church. The two priests officiated in white surplices. The 
ceremonies were short and simple. A portion of Scripture was read, and 
then interpreted by Kasha Hormuzd in the dialect in use in the moun- 
tains, few understanding the Chaldean of the books. His companion 
chanted the prayers, the congregation kneeling or standing, and joining in 
the responses. There were no idle forms or salutations ; the people used 
the sign of the cross when entering, and bowed when the name of Christ 
occurred in the prayers. The sacrament was administered to all present, 
men, women, and children, partaking of the bread and wine, and my com- 
panion receiving it amongst the rest. They were disposed to feel hurt at 
my declining to join them, until I explained that I did not refuse from any 
religious prejudice. "When the service was ended, the congregation em- 
braced one another as a symbol of brotherly love and concord, and left the 
church. I could not but contrast these simple and primitive rites with the 
senseless mimicry and degrading forms of worship adopted by the con- 
verted Chaldeans at the plains— the unadorned and imageless walls, with 
the hideous pictures and monstrous deformities which encumber the 
churches of Mosul." — Page 202. 

" Mr. Ainsworth, writing of Kasha Kana, of Lizari, observes that he re- 
sembles, in manners and appearance, an English clergyman." — Page 212. 

" Wo stopped to breakfast at Guoduzktha, and saw the Meleks at Ikhoma 
Gowaia. The people of this village had felt much anxiety on our account, 
as the Mutesellim had passed the night there, and had used violent threats 
against us. I heard that he was going to Chal to settle some differences which 
had arisen between the Kurds of that district and of Hakkiari, and that 



who's to blame? 



249 



Bircham had been sent to Iklioma by Mur- Allah Bey, to withdraw his 
family and friends ; ' for this time/ said the chief, e Beder Khan Bey 
intends to finish with the Christians, and will not make slaves for consuls 
and Turks to liberate." — Page 215. 

" An hour's rapid descent brought us to the Tiyari village of Be-Alatha, 
a heap of ruins, on the opposite sides of the valley. The few surviving inha- 
bitants were in extreme poverty, and the small-pox was raging amongst 
them. The water-courses destroyed by the Kurds had not been repaired, 
and the fields were mostly uncultivated. Even the church had not yet 
been rebuilt ; and as the trees which were cut down were still lying across 
the road, and the charred timber still encumbered the gardens, the place 
had a most desolate appearance. We were hospitably received by a sha- 
nasha or deacon, whose children, suffering from the prevailing disease, and 
covered with discoloured blains, crowded into the only small room of the 
wretched cottage. Women and children, disfigured by the malignant fever, 
came to me for medicines, but it was beyond my power to relieve them. 
Our host, as well as the rest of the inhabitants, was in extreme poverty. 
Even a little garas and rancid butter could with difficulty be collected by 
contributions from all the houses, and I was at a loss to discover how the 
people of Be-Alatha lived. Yet the deacon was cheerful and contented, 
dwelling with resignation upon the misfortunes that had befallen his vil- 
lage, and the misery of his family." — Page 217. 

" The villages in the valley of the Zab had suffered more from the Kurds 
than any other part of Tiyari. Chouba was almost deserted, its houses and 
churches a mass of ruins, and its gardens and orchards uncultivated and 
neglected. There was no roof under which we could pass the night, and 
we were obliged to spread our carpets under a cluster of walnut-trees, near 
a clear and abundant spring. Under these trees was pitched the tent of 
Beder Khan Bey after the great massacre, and here he received Melek 
Ismail, when delivered a prisoner into his hands. Yakoub, who had been 
present at the murder of the unfortunate chief of Tiyari, thus described 
the event. After performing prodigies of valour, and heading his people in 
their defence of the pass which led into the upper districts, Melek Ismail, 
his thigh broken by a musket-ball, was carried by a few followers to a 
cavern in a secluded ravine, where he might have escaped the search of his 
enemies, had not a woman, to save her life, betrayed his retreat. He was 
dragged down the mountain with savage exultation, and brought before 
Beder Khan Bey. Here he fell upon the ground. ' Wherefore does the 
infidel sit before me 1 ' exclaimed the ferocious chief, who had seen his 
broken limb ; 1 and what dog is this that has dared to shed the blood of 
true believers 1 ' ' Ah, Mir,' replied Melek Ismail, still undaunted, and trying 
to raise himself, ' this arm has taken the lives of nearly twenty Kurds, and 
had God spared me, as many more would have fallen by it.' Beder Khan 
Bey arose and walked to the Zab, making a sign to his attendants that they 
should bring the Melek to him. By his direction they held the Christian 



250 



THE WAR : 



chief over the river, and severing his head from his body with a dagger, 
cast them into a stream. 

* * * * 

" The reader may desire to learn the fate of Ikhoma. A few days after 
my return to Mosul, notwithstanding the attempts of Taliyari Pasha to 
avert the calamity, Beder Khan Bey marched through the Tiyari moun- 
tains, levying contributions on the tribes, and plundering the villages on 
his way to the unfortunate district. The inhabitants of Ikhoma, headed 
by their Meleks, made some resistance, but were soon overpowered by 
numbers. An indiscriminate massacre took place. The women were 
brought before the chief, and murdered in cold blood. Those who 
attempted to] escape were cut off. Three hundred women and children, 
who were flying to Baz, were killed in the pass I have described. The prin- 
cipal villages, with their gardens, were destroyed, and the churches were 
pulled down. Nearly half the population fell victims to the fanatical fury 
of the Kurdish chief ; amongst these were one of the Meleks and Kasha 
Bodara. "With this good priest, and Kasha Auraham, perished the most 
learned of the Nestorian clergy ; and Kasha Kana is the last who has in- 
herited any part of the knowledge and zeal which once so eminently dis- 
tinguished the Chaldean priesthood. 

* * * * 

After Bader Khan Bey had retired from Ikhoma, a few of the surviving 
inhabitants returned to their mined villages, but Mur- Allah Bey, suspect- 
ing that they knew of concealed property, fell suddenly upon them. Many 
died under the tortures to which they were exposed, and the rest, as soon 
as they were released, fled into Persia. This flourishing district was thus 
destroyed, and it will be long ere its cottages again rise from their ruins, 
and the fruits of patient toil again clothe the sides of its valleys." — 
Page 240. 

The next authority to be quoted is one that will, in the details it 
gives, scarcely be discredited, namely, F. A. Neale, Esq., formerly be- 
longing to the consular establishment in Turkey. His feelings are 
anti -Russian in the extreme, and those too by no means expressed in a 
proper style on the part of any one, but still less by one who had been 
an accredited public servant. Can anything be worse than his descrip- 
tion of the present state of that distracted, degraded, and blinded 
country 1 The limits allotted to this work compel me to be content 
with the following extracts from his small work, entitled " Turkey 
Redeemed." 

" The knife, the sack, the cord, and poison ; these were watchwords 
amongst the Turks ; these were the means that were resorted to for the 
accomplishment and gratification of even the smallest desires ; these the 
instruments to satisfy jealousy or revenge, to remove stumbling-blocks to 



who's to blame? 



251 



acquire wealth or power, no matter what amount of life was sacrificed for 
their attainment." — Page 10. 

" A taxation which is terrible to them all falls all the heavier upon the 
Christians, because, in addition to the taxes levied upon all Ottoman sub- 
jects, they are, after the age of fourteen, subjected to a capitation tax,besides 
being very mercilessly exposed to the impositions and cruelties of a set of 
ravenous wolves, hangers-on of the Mulzellem, who, receiving neither sti- 
pend nor board, are permitted, in consideration of their services, to prey 
upon the Christians of the surrounding villages ; pouncing down upon 
them like vultures at all seasons of the year, carrying off their poultry, 
their donkeys, their grain, their silk, and, if they have any, their money ; 
sometimes adding the grossest insults to the injuries inflicted, and meeting 
the slightest resistance with blows and even imprisonment. They have no 
hope of redress. The Mulzellem will listen to no complaint against his 
people, unless that complaint be supported by a consul, and then the tes- 
timony of Christians is rejected. If a peasant therefore complains, all he 
gets for his trouble is the bastinado or imprisonment, and their only hope 
for security is the privilege, enjoyed by a few, of being protected by 
European consuls, or the minor privilege of being employed upon the 
grounds of some wealthy Turkish effendi or ayau, who, though he fleeces 
his own peasantry unmercifully, takes good care that no one else shall with 
impunity interfere with them. 

" The result of all this is, that the Eayah population are reduced to the 
most abject serfdom. They can hardly call their souls their own ; and 
though their wives and children are never put up to auction and sold, they 
are virtually at the power of the landholder ; for, being stripped by taxa- 
tion, by imposts upon the products of the earth, and by vile rogues and 
understrappers, the peasant and his wife are reduced to the necessity of 
working hard all the days of their life ; toiling day and night, rearing 
splendid crops of silk and wheat, and yet in the East, when settling day 
comes, finding himself under the dreadful necessity of augmenting an 
already oppressive debt by a fresh loan from his master, "at such exorbitant 
rates as range from 30 to 40 per cent, per annum. Yearly this debt in- 
creases, and when spent with toil, and worn out prematurely, the peasant 
is buried away out of sight ; he dies under the conviction that his son and 
his son's successors, through many generations after his demise, will yet 
remain firmly enchained in the thraldom of debts, slaves of the same 
iniquitous landholder and his successors. 

" This has been the position of the Christian peasantry in Turkey 
through centuries ; this is their present miserable position, notwithstand- 
ing many worthy efforts at reform on the part of the Sultan ; and this will 
be their doom to the end of the chapter, until the aspirations of Russia be 
silenced, and the only hope for Turkey be realised. What plans that hope 
is based upon we shall hereafter fully describe." — Page 14, &c. 



" In cases pending between Turks and Christians they repudiate the 



252 



THE AVAR: 



testimony of the latter, and they are invariably privy to the most infamous 
transactions "between landholders and peasants, and between the Govern- 
ment and their much-oppressed serfs. Transfers of valuable property, at 
strictly nominal prices, are recorded in the archives of their offices, and 
legalized by their seals ; false witnesses and false signatures duly regis- 
tered ; and, as a matter of course, for these convenient and obligiug offices 
they are richly bribed by those who reap the benefit of their villany. 
These, then, are another source of persecution to the poorer inhabitants 
of Turkey ; and evemthe wealthier Christians are deterred from speculat- 
ing in commerce or the cultivation of land, from the iniquitous proceeding 
of these officials, and from the certainty, that so sure as prosperity beams 
upon them, success crowns their undertaking in commerce, or a rich har- 
vest their painstaking in agriculture, so surely will the powerful arm of 
the oppressor descend weightily upon them, and expose them to every 
persecution that a cruel despotism could impose. But even pashas, cadis, 
&0, are a trivial evil when compared with the nobles and gentry of the 
land."— Page 17. 

' ; These rebels possessed themselves of some of the most fertile tracts in 
Syria. Many of these tracts were then a barren waste, some few of them 
were in a high state of cultivation ; the latter were respectively the pro- 
perties of various landholders — Turks, Christians, and Ansarii, amongst 
whom it was divided ; the former virtually the property of the crown. 
The dealings of these rebel chiefs with regard to the latter were summa- 
rily executed. Unhappy landlords were arrested on fictitious charges, 
fabricated and supported by hired perjurers. The chief held the admi- 
nistration of justice in his own hands, and appeal there was none. The 
victim had therefore only the option of being executed as a felon, and then 
having the whole of his property confiscated, or else to make a virtue of 
necessity, and offer gratuitously to make over his lands by regular deeds 
to the oppressor ; in which case he at least had life and the means of earn- 
ing a scanty livelihood afforded him, serving upon his own property as the 
slave of an iniquitous landlord. In carrying out this system of infamous 
extortion, every conceivable device was framed and resorted to ; amongst 
others, the diggiug up of freshly interred bodies and mutilating them, 
so that, they being found upon the grounds of some unhappy planter, 
suspicion might be brought to bear upon him. But if dead bodies were 
scarce, living ones were plentiful, and murder was a deed familiar to the 
perjured wretches, who executed and plotted for their despotic chiefs 
deeds of infamy unparalleled in any other history, save that only of the 
Inquisition of frightful memory. By this plan of systematic plunder, the 
wealthiest proprietors of silk-gardens and corn-fields were the first re- 
duced to needy want ; the downfal of the others soon followed. The 
whole province became virtually the property of the iniquitous chiefs ; 
and these chiefs dying left them to be divided amongst their sons and 
daughters, who, in coming of age, acknowledged nominally the Sultan's 
authority."— Paje IS, &c 



who's to blame? 



253 



" It is a dangerous and very perilous affair, indeed, to have any misunder- 
standing or disputes with these powerful and rascally ayaus. A better 
proof of their power and infamy I cannot adduce than the murder, two 
years ago, of my humble friend, Padre Bazilio, the Roman Catholic priest 
at Antioch, where I had resided as neighbour to both murderer and mur- 
dered, through a period of eight months. The priest was a most inoffensive 
man, and the ayau, at whose instigation the dark deed was perpetrated, 
notoriously a wealthy but most covetous monster. Apart from his fana- 
tical hate for the poor priest's garb — and the greatest fanatics are usually 
the greatest ruffians amongst the Turks — I say, apart from this, his avarice 
had been tempted by hearsay." — Page 21. 

" So he set his men to work, and they effectually accomplished the deed ; 
on this occasion, however, bringing down a storm upon his head, such as 
no ayau had ever before experienced, because the victim was . a European, 
and protected by the French consulate, and the French consul at Aleppo 
happened to be a most determined man, who never rested until he had 
sifted the matter to the bottom. Had it been a native Christian, or fellah, 
the affair would have been hushed up immediately, as thousands of such 
affairs have been, before now, hushed up in Turkey. These are the beys 
and ayaus that hold supreme sway over the oppressed natives in every 
pashalik belonging to the Ottoman empire, except, perhaps, those which 
from their vicinity are under immediate influence of the reforms intro- 
duced by Abdul-Medjid at Constantinople." — Page 22. 

" At the Bab Bolus, or St. Paul's Gate, the only exit or entrance for tra- 
vellers from Antioch to Alexandretta and Suedia, guards are stationed at 
all these points ; and the poor peasant, who has already been subjected to 
the payment of disme upon his silk, besides fees to government officers 
who certify the weight, &c, is again forced to pay a most iniquitous impost 
levied upon raw material reared in the Sultan's dominions, and being trans- 
ported only from one town to another in the Ottoman dominions. These 
imposts are so frequent and exorbitant, that no peasant ever ventures, at 
his own risk or cost, to transport the produce of one town to another when 
the market price might favour him, and where he would sell his silk for 
nearly double the valuation he is forced to accept in his own town or vil- 
lage ; the duties are so heavy, the expenses of journeyings to and fro, and 
the labour and the loss of time, place such an effort to benefit himself out 
of the poor man's reach." — Page 27. 

" Of grain, only in later years any has been exported, saving from the 
Black Sea. In Syria, all the cultivated corn-fields are the property of the 
ayaus, who are possessed of immense granaries and warehouses, where they 
heap up the annual crops to be retailed to the inhabitants, or sent inland 
on camels' backs ; but, even at the dearest of seasons, bread is always 
a cheap article, excepting only in seasons of downright drought ; and then 
the misery entailed is beyond conception terrible. Of course, the beys and 
ayaus are not the men likely to be moved to pity by the abject misery and 
starvation that surrounds them. These are a pleasant theme to their sordid 



254 



THE WAR : 



and avaricious souls, and they turn every ache in the wearied limbs of the 
starving to some good account to themselves. So long as gold is to be had, 
they will have ; then money of any denomination ; then the trinkets of 
wives and daughters ; then horses, mules, and poultry ; then documents 
guaranteeing the fruit of all land for half-a-dozen years to come ; and when 
all these resources have failed, you may starve, you may die in a ditch, 
and be left to the dogs or jackals, for all they care." — Pages 31, 32. 

We come next to the volume technically called the " Greek Papers." 
These afford us equally gloomy, if not even more appalling pictures : — 

Page 61, Inclosure No. 60. — Proclamation. 
[Translation.] 

" To all Greeks and Philhellenists, believers in Christ, throughout the 
world. In the name of Almighty God. 

" The cruel bondage under which we, the population of Grecian Epirus, 
have laboured for upwards of four centuries, is not unknown to the sove- 
reigns and people of Christendom. Tyrannical fury has spared neither life 
nor property, nor left us any kind of liberty. God created us men in his 
own image and similitude, whereas we are treated as beasts. The temples 
of our ancestral faith have been a thousand times impiously polluted and 
despoiled, the graves of our fathers opened, and their bones frequently cast 
into the fire ; the honour of our wives and children continually outraged, 
so that our breath alone remains to us, and that but to augment our 
sufferings. Our voice and language only avail us to appeal and protest 
against such impious acts of the infidels ; latterly, since the differences on 
the Russo-Turkish question, the oppressions towards us Christians have 
been multiplied. Cumulated oppressions, insults, and dishonour, sacrifice 
of life without end, spoliation upon spoliation, and all the direful woes of 
Hades itself, are written in our book of life. 

" For these and other like reasons, which words cannot describe, we have 
resolved to peril all for the common weal, and either bury ourselves under 
the ruins of our country, or live for the future as men breathing in freedom 
the sweet air of liberty; wherefore we consider it our first duty to proclaim 
this our resolve to the whole world, and to invoke the aid and the succour 
of all retainers of the Gospel and liberty without exception. Hasten, sons 
of Christianity ! hasten friends of freedom ! embrace our cause, assist our 
struggle, which, with the divine aid terminating successfully, will be 
regarded as a triumph of Christianity over unbelievers. Hasten, first of 
all, ye our Grecian brothers ! Remember, remember, that the free land ye 
now tread, we formerly bathed and consecrated with our blood. Feel, 
moreover, especially, ye sons of Epirus, and of other parts of enslaved 
Greece, that our country suffers, and summons you to her aid. Hasten, 
sons of liberty and glory, hasten ! our voice is the voice of our whole 
country. Do not permit history to proclaim hereafter that you hesitate to 
join in the glorious struggle. Ye Turks, likewise, living in Epirus and 



who's to blame? 



255 



elsewhere, unite with us in the cause of freedom, and we guarantee you 
security of life, honour, and property. Our struggle is not to avenge the 
oppressions which we and our unhappy ancestors have suffered from your 
progenitors and yourselves, but for liberty and equality. Unite, then, with 
us, that you may not be deprived of all that your brethren have lost in free 
Greece. Our struggle is for liberty and equality. Your faith shall be un- 
molested and inviolate, your lives and honour secure, your property safe. 
Unite, then, with us. 

" From the Epirate Camp, 

"The People of Epirus. 

"January ° 8i 1854." 

Page 80, No. 74. — The Earl of Clarendon to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. 

"Foreign Office, March 3d, 1854. 

" My Lord, — It appears from a despatch, dated the 6th of February, 
which I have received from Mr. Consul Saunders, that the insurrectionary 
movement in Albania has been not a little favoured by the culpable con- 
duct of the Dervend Aga of Eadovitzi, Suleiman Bey, in allowing a band of 
brigands to frequent the district, in the expectation, as it would seem, of 
deriving pecuniary advantage from the increased military force which the 
existence of disturbances in his district gave him a pretext for maintaining. 
The brigands thus connived at soon increased in numbers, and gained 
entire possession of the district, compelling the Turkish authorities to 
withdraw, resisting an armed force sent against them, and ultimately 
firmly establishing themselves in a strong position not far from Arta. 

"To the encouragement thus given to a band of brigands, the insur- 
rection which now prevails in the neighbouring districts seems, in a great 
measure, to be attributable ; and I have to instruct your Excellency, with 
reference to this matter, to observe to Eeschid Pasha that it is useless to 
call upon the Greek Government not to promote insurrection in Turkey, if 
that insurrection is caused by the corruption and neglect of Turkish autho- 
rities. 

" Your Excellency will further point out to Eeschid Pasha, that it is 
essential that some regular troops should be sent to the Greek frontier. 

" I am, &c. 

(Signed) " Clarendon." 

Page 83, No. 78. — Consul Saunders to the Earl of Clarendon {received March 6th). 

" Prevesa, Feb. 23, 1854. 
" Notwithstanding the intimation received from Arta, that the popula- 
tion of the Christian villages of the plains had hitherto taken no part with 
the insurgents, and the judicious counsel given that, under these circum- 
stances, they should not be molested by the Arnaouts on their march, 
nothing could serve to restrain the ferocity of the latter, the villages being 
completely devastated, and the inhabitants forced to seek safety in flight. 



256 



THE WAR : 



" The natural consequence of these outrages has been to compel all who 
had hitherto held back, in the hope of avoiding persecution by their peace- 
able demeanour, to take up arms to repel any further advance of the 
remaining body of Arnaouts, whose progress was likely to be marked with 
similar ravages." 

Page 84. 

" The reports received from the British consular agent at Arta describe 
the ravages committed there by the newly arrived Arnaout force, and the 
perilous position of the Christian population. These Arnaouts, having 
volunteered to serve for one month without pay, have no hesitation in 
avowing that plunder is their principal object, nor does it seem very certain 
whether they will be induced to remain any longer, when there may appear 
but little prospect of securing further booty. Meanwhile, alarming threats 
are continually uttered, of a general massacre of the Greeks in the principal 
towns. 

(Signed) "Stdxey Smith Saunders." j 

Page 92, Inclosure in No. 87. 

u Intelligence has been received that, in consequence of the devastations 
committed by the first body of Arnaouts in the villages along the line of 
march, which had not hitherto taken any part with the insurgents, the 
population had risen in arms to resist the advance of the remaining body, 
which had been compelled to fall back at Louro, after encountering a vigo- 
rous resistance at Canza. The villages of Luka are supposed to have taken 
part in this affair." 

Page 102, No. 99. — Consul Saunders to the Earl of Clarendon, 
(received March 20///). 

e< Prevesa, March 9th, 1854s. 
" Your Lordship must be so fully aware of the prevailing distrust of all 
Turkish declarations, that I need hardly observe that the most important 
element towards assuring the Christian subjects of the Porte of the bene- 
volent intentions manifested on their behalf, would be the early announce- 
ment of some definite arrangement with the Porte establishing the basis 
of future concessions ; the more especially as a very general impression 
prevails that, while the circumstances of the moment may be urged as 
a reasonable pretext for present delay, such concessions may possibly 
never be assented to at all, if left for discussion hereafter, when the Porte 
shall find itself relieved from the pressure of existing embarrassments." 

Tage 127, No. 126. — Consul Saunders to the Earl of Clarendon 
(received March 28///). 

" Trevesa, March 18th, 1854s. 
" Fuad Effendi having signified his concurrence in these views, I went, 
in company with Haereddin Bey, to Filiates in the first instance, where 



who's to blame? 



257 



hostilities had commenced between the Mussulman population of the 
town and a large number of Christian villages around, three of which 
had been entirely laid waste by the former, in conjunction with their asso- 
ciates from the neighbouring parts, and many unoffending victims being 
sacrificed, whose heads were displayed as trophies, appended to a tree in 
the market-place." 

Page 152, Inclosure 3 in No. 141. — Consul Saunders to Sir Henry Ward. 

" Prevesa, March 30th, 1854. 

" From the details so obtained I learn that the town of Paramithia, and 
a considerable number of Christian villages of that and the adjacent dis- 
tricts, have been plundered, and in many instances burnt to the ground, 
by the Mussulman Albanians, under the command of certain chiefs whose 
names are known ; that churches and monasteries had been pillaged and 
laid waste ; women and children carried away captive ; a vast amount of 
cattle and other property conveyed to distant parts ; and many indivi- 
duals, particularly old men, helpless infants, and females, tortured and 
slain in a manner too brutal to describe. 

" Haereddin Bey appears to have done all in his power to put a stop to 
these outrages ; and succeeded in liberating several of the captives afore- 
said, at Paramithia and Margariti. His exertions, however, to this effect, 
excited so much enmity against him, that he is said to have been fired at 
by the Arnaouts of Cuzzi and Massarachi ; so that, unable to exercise any 
further control, he had found himself compelled to return hither to report 
to Fuad Efiendi the scandalous proceedings he had witnessed." 

Page 153. 

" Your Excellency may well conceive that the natural result of these 
proceedings has been, to counteract all the efforts making to induce the 
Christians to rely upon the promises of protection and security held out 
to them, — the most peaceful being selected in preference for pillage ; and 
the villagers, deprived of a home, being driven to seek shelter in the ranks 
of the insurgents." 

Page 154, No. 142. — Mr. Wyse to the Earl of Clarendon {received April lit ft). 

" Athens, March 31st, 1854. 
" A far more dangerous principle of disaster, is the conduct of the 
Turkish troops themselves. Both in Epirus and Thessaly the irregulars 
have committed, wherever employed, great excesses ; they avenge on the 
peaceable the loss they suffer from the insurgent Greeks. The soldiers 
turbulent, the chiefs divided, all greedy after plunder of friend or foe, 
they are less likely to suppress insurrection in progress, than to provoke 
it where it has not appeared, or to justify it where it has. Mr. Vice-Consul 
Suter found Arta, on his arrival there lately, in a most deplorable state ; 
town and inhabitants had been almost entirely ruined by the ravages and 

S 



258 



THE "WAR : 



outrages of all descriptions of their supposed defenders, and the people 
were in constant fear of their lives, until Fuad EfFendi sent these Albanians 
away, and had them replaced by the regular troops just arrived from Con- 
stantinople. On reaching Parga they committed still greater atrocities in 
that neighbourhood. Four Christian villages were plundered and de- 
stroyed, and the inhabitants (who had not revolted), with great circum- 
stances of cruelty, were put to the sword. A similar state of things exists 
in Thessaly. The Turkish, as well as the Christian inhabitants, between 
the two evils of the attacking insurgent and defending irregular forces, 
know not what to choose. The Turkish landed proprietors say, that if 
the Sultan and his allies cannot protect their lives, families, and property, 
they must fly to those who can, and accept terms from the Greeks, who 
proclaim that they do not come for plunder, or to trample on their reli- 
gion, but to liberate them, as well as the Christians, from an unjust and 
oppressive rule. Regular troops have, it is true, been latterly substituted 
by the Turkish Government, and more (4,000 men) are promised from 
Constantinople. But these troops labour at the outset under disadvan- 
tages ; they are unacquainted with the country, are regarded with jealousy 
by the irregulars as interlopers, and adopt a system the reverse of that of 
the insurgents ; they fight in the plain, whilst the latter take advantage 
of the shelter of bushes and rocks, in this desultory guerilla warfare — 
points all in favour of the insurgents." 

Page 163, No. 148, Inclosure 1. — Consul Blunt to Lord Stratford de Uedcliffe. 

" Larissa, March 18th, 1854. 
" The conduct of the irregulars is loudly complained of. At Volos, one 
of them beat the captain of the Turkish brig of war upon that station ; 
the man was demanded by the Kaimacam ; the rest took to their arms, 
threatening to shoot any one who approached them. At a village near 
Gurdiza, they cut a poor old woman of sixty years of age to pieces. At 
the same place, or near it, one of them shot a baker through the arm, 
because he would not change a false five-piastre piece. The acts of these 
men are enough to drive any people to desperation ; but I must add, that 
it is principally the Gegga Albanians who give the most cause of complaint. 
I have not heard a word against those in the service of the Lalliat chief, 
Abbas Aga, who has taken up money at interest to pay his men." 

Page 164, Inclosure 2 in No. 148. — Consul Blunt to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe- 

" Larissa, March 21st, 1854. 
" Begging leave to refer you to what I stated in my despatch of the 
18th instant, respecting the conduct of the irregular troops, I must now 
add, that, if the Porte does not immediately send to Thessaly a sufficient 
force of regular troops to both disarm and relieve the country of these 
wild Albanians, both Turks and Christians, but particularly the former, 
will seek the protection of the insurgents, who have made public declara- 



who's to blame? 



259 



tions that they respect both property and religions, and that they are 
acting by the advice, and with the aid, of the British and French Govern- 
ments, to liberate all the inhabitants from the bad and cruel administra- 
tion of the Ottoman authorities. 

3jc 3jr ^ 

" We believe what you say, for we have known you so many years ; but 
if the Porte does not immediately send regular troops for our protection 
against the irregulars, we shall be forced to call upon the insurgents to 
drive them out of the country. We pay our taxes, and have a right to 
protection ; but if neither the Sultan nor his allies can give us security 
for our lives, our families, or our property, we must seek it from those 
who are both at hand and ready to do so. 

" I am happy to say there have been no more brutal acts committed by 
the irregulars in this town since my arrival ; but the poor people suffer 
in the interior, for any one here may start a beyrack, and most of those 
who form it are without arms when they start, but they subsequently 
supply themselves from the produce of the plunder taken from the vil- 
lages. I must also mention that these men, when they meet horses loaded 
with grain or other produce, take the horses, leaving the grain, &c. to rot 
in the ground." 

Page 165. 

" The Turkish inhabitants generally of Larissa show no bad feeling 
towards the Christians ; but there are expectations, and I must mention 
the mufti as the individual who would ever be most ready to join in any 
project, however barbarous, against them. 

* * * * 

" Shortly after my arrival at Larissa, I was informed that a Christian 
named Sappalithe, of Gurdiza, who was a commission agent, had been 
arrested and put in prison, because his brother was in Greece. I called 
upon the pasha, and inquired if there was any proof, however slight, of 
Sappalithe being in any way connected with the insurgents. His Excel- 
lency replied, none whatever, but that he was urged to arrest the man by 
the mufti and some of the beys. 

" I told the pasha that this shameful act of injustice had alarmed the 
Christians, and was a proceeding totally at variance with both the will 
and policy of the Porte ; and requested that he would order the man's 
immediate liberation. His Excellency acceded to my request ; and I took 
Sappalithe with me to my lodgings, where I learned from him that he had 
been led to believe by the guards at the kouack, that he was to have been 
decapitated when the new pasha arrived." 

Page 168, Inclosure 2 in j\ T o. 152. — Vice-Consul Bonatti to Consul Saunders. 

" Scutari in Albania, March 28th, 1854. 
" We accordingly proceeded to Alessio, and from thence to the village 
of Diblenisti, the residence of the Archbishop of Durazzo, and chief place 



260 



THE war: 



of the district of that diocese, where for some time past there had arisen 
serious dissensions between Turks and Christians, and which were then on 
the point of giving rise to acts of bloodshed. The principal cause of 
these disagreements was the conduct of the Turks ; who to show their 
contempt and hatred, had fired at the cross of the church, and committed 
other acts demonstrative of their scorn for the Christian religion — acts 
which gave most serious offence, and for which they were at the moment 
about to take vengeance. 

" It is equally well known that the Turks, as a principle of faith, when 
their fanaticism exceeds the bounds of reason, consider that they acquire 
a title to Paradise by putting to death an unbelieving enemy. This fana- 
ticism and these principles prevail among the Turks in Central Albania ; 
and their hatred towards the Christians has become general, particularly 
since the commencement of the war with Russia, and the late outbreak of 
the Greeks in Epirus ; and more especially on occasions of any public 
manifestation of sympathy by the Christians, which they cannot conceal, 
when ^reports are unfavourable to their rulers. For this reason, their 
position has become critical, and liable hereafter to produce serious 
results, should the authorities cease to act with proper vigilance and 
energy." 

Page 170, No. 153. — Consul Saunders to tlie Earl of Clarendon 
{received April Ylth). 

EXTEACT. « Prevesa, April 8th, 1854 

" I am informed by Sir Henry Ward, who had conceived there might be 
some exaggeration in the accounts transmitted by Vice-Consul Zarb, that 
there is no exaggeration whatsoever in the statements first made :' and 
Captain Peel assures me that, on the contrary, the report of what has been 
committed ' falls far short of the truth and that if he did not pursue his 
inquiries further, ' it was only because he was too disgusted and indignant ' 
at that which he had already ' seen with his own eyes.' 

" Thus thirty-six peaceful villages of the plains, exclusively tenanted by 
Christians, and attacked, as it would seem, in the dead of night, have been 
utterly stripped and burnt ; monasteries and churches destroyed ; priests 
(among whom was one Ionian subject) tortured, and finally put to death ; 
numbers of helpless victims ruthlessly sacrificed, without regard to age or 
sex, accompanied, in many instances, by acts of the most brutal atrocity ; 
and a district, so lately smiling in comparative affluence, has now become 
a desolate waste. 

" An immense amount of cattle and other plunder has been carried off 
by these savage marauders, together with many women and children taken 
into captivity, thereby only avoiding a worse fate ; while the remainder 
of the population who escaped the massacre have fled to the mountains, 
or joined the ranks of the insurgents, thus giving a new impetus to the 
movement, which, during the previous fortnight, had shown symptoms of 
subsiding in various quarters. 

" The high roads from Janina to Filiates and Paramithia, which had 



who's to blame? 



261 



been open of late, have now again been closed by insurgent bands ; and 
all the efforts making to induce the Christians to rely upon the promises 
of protection and security held out to them, cannot but be neutralised 
and impaired to a considerable extent by acts of this description. 

" As regards the actors in this dreadful tragedy, a Mussulman func- 
tionary, who happened to be on the spot, and who, from his position and 
authority, had ample means of forming a correct opinion in the matter, 
has declared that he can only point out six among all the agas of Marga- 
riti, and one person, the mufti alone, at Paramithia, who were not con- 
cerned in these sanguinary outrages ; and it would be highly desirable 
that some of the principal personages should be held accountable for this 
ferocious demonstration, and the disastrous effects thereby occasioned, in 
order to encourage the population to believe that such atrocities are not 
countenanced by the Government, nor allowed to pass with impunity. 
* * * * 

" I have, however, strongly impressed upon Fuad Effendi the importance 
of placing at once under arrest the principal miscreant and instigator of 
this carnage — a certain Metli Pronio, the richest aga in Paramithia, who, 
on returning thither from Arta, in command of the Arnaouts, dismissed 
from thence for their reckless conduct in the town, is known to have deca- 
pitated six of the most respectable inhabitants of the village of Pangradi, 
sent to compliment him on the occasion. 

" I should add, that, as a means of obtaining accurate information as to 
the reparation, however partial, which may be made to the distressed 
population, and with a view of encouraging, as far as may be practicable, 
the return of parties to reclaim their property, if not to seek a home, 
where no longer a tenement exists to shelter them, and where the fearful 
havoc of the past fortnight must be too vividly depicted before their eyes, 
I have instructed the vice-consul at Sayada to proceed against Paramithia, 
and watch the proceedings of the authorities charged with making such 
restitution of property ; more especially in order to guard against any 
fallacious representations in the matter, to which the name of the Bishop, 
acting under inevitable moral coercion as commonly practised, has already 
been lent. 

" I have, &c. 

(Signed) " Sidney Smith Saunders." 

Page 184, Inclosure 1 in No. 161. — Vice-Consul Blunt to Lord Stratford de 

Redcliffe. 

EXTRACT. « Larissa, March 28th, 1854. 

" I hear of no enormities, but they decapitate all their own men who 
are killed, that the heads may not be taken by the Turks, and exposed, as 
they suppose they may be. 

" The beys of Larissa, many of whom are wealthy men, will not under 
present circumstances come forward to give the least assistance to the 
Porte, although they well know that most of the irregular troops are in a 
state of insubordination, from having nine months' pay to receive." 



262 



THE WAE : 



Page 213, Inclosure in No. 197. — Sir Henri/ Ward to the Duke of Newcastle. 

EXTRACT. « Corfu, April 8th, 1 854. 

" 1. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Grace's de- 
spatch of the 23d ultimo, and of the Parliamentary papers which accom- 
panied it. 

" 2. Those papers, on first becoming known here, created a very strong 
impression, the Greeks generally evincing the greatest surprise and morti- 
fication at the tone in which the Emperor of Russia announced his oppo- 
sition, both to the reconstruction of the Byzantine empire, and to any 
such augmentation of the territories of Greece as might render that 
country a powerful state. That impression, however, is rapidly disappear- 
ing — partly from the suggestions made by Russian partisans, that the 
Emperor was too good a diplomatist to confide his real intentions to an 
English minister, and partly from the general feeling that whatever these 
intentions may have been, the court of Greece, in aU its recent acts, must 
have calculated, and does most implicitly rely, upon Russian support and 
sympathies. 

" 3. The conviction that the King and Queen of Greece would not have 
risked their throne, and braved the resentment of England and France, by 
stimulating the present movement amongst the Greek people, without the 
most positive assurance of aid from Russia, is natural, and I may say 
universal ; while such is the instinctive enmity between the Greek and 
Turkish races, that no proofs of political immorality on the part of Russia, 
no fear of her ambition, no consciousness of their own certain degradation, 
if placed as a dependent state in contact with so formidable a neighbour, 
will counterbalance, for one moment, in Greece, the advantage of securing 
Russian cooperation against Turkey, as they confidently anticipate that 
they shall do. 

" 4. I believe this to be an accurate description of the state of public 
feeling, both here and in Greece, at .the present moment. I have had a 
translation of the whole of the Secret Correspondence into Greek and 
Italian prepared, and it will be largely circulated ; but I should deceive 
your Grace, if I were to say I anticipate from it any beneficial results. The 
Greeks generally do not appreciate disinterestedness as a public virtue, 
and, instead of admiring the feeling that induced her Majesty to scout the 
proposal of appropriating Egypt and Candia, they are rather inclined to 
treat as folly the rejection of so handsome an offer. TVith regard to 
Turkey, the one thing to which they look is its downfal, no matter by 
what means, or by what power it may be effected. They might prefer 
England to Russia as the instrument, because England would have no 
claims or pretensions afterwards ; but it would be as their instrument 
only. And your Grace may rely upon it, that however reluctant her Ma- 
jesty's Government may be to come to this conclusion, nothing short of 
the most decided policy on the part of the allied powers, accompanied by 
a considerable amount of coercion, will allay the present ferment in 
Greece, or prevent the Greek population generally from precipitating them- 
selves upon the Turkish provinces." 



who's to blame 



263 



Page 244, Inclosure 1 in No. 222. — Sir Henri/ Ward to the Duke of Newcastle. 

EXTRACT. « Corfu, April 15th, 1854. 

" The Albanians appear to have completed what the insurgents began, 
and two-thirds of Mezzovo are now in ruins. But the inhabitants provoked 
their fate by joining in the attack upon Abdi Pasha's force, on its approach 
to the town ; and Abdi Pasha himself is admitted to have made great 
efforts to check the ravages of his troops, and to preserve the place from 
their fury. 

" I have, &c. 

(Signed) "H. G.Ward." 

Page 287, No. 256. — Consul Saunders to the Earl of Clarendon, 
{received May 24:th.) 

EXTRACT. « Arta, May 4th, 1854. 

" During all this interval, the extensive marshes of the Louro river have 
been the resort of a multitude of women and children, who, flying from 
impending dangers, had sought refuge on certain muddy islets, difficult of 
access in the depths of those noxious recesses, under the shelter of tem- 
porary huts, where I took the opportunity of visiting them. 

" Several hundred families, also, fugitives from the devastated villages 
in the plains of Paramithia, were dispersed among the neighbouring 
mountains of Zalonga and Podhogora, in an utterly destitute condition, 
subsisting on herbs and roots, with an occasional donation of milk from 
the shepherds around. These wretched victims of Arnaout ferocity, de- 
spoiled of all they possess, their villages destroyed, and themselves without 
either shelter or support, must necessarily perish ere long, as their lawless 
inheritors would desire, unless immediate relief be afforded them." 

This dark roll might be vastly extended, but sufficient it is con- 
ceived has been stated to show the concealment of facts, the deliberate 
misrepresentations and intended falsehoods which official diplomatists 
and other public servants have made regarding these subjects, for the 
dangerous and dishonourable object of misleading in order to irritate 
the public, so far as to induce that public to support their erroneous 
and anti-national policy and proceedings, and to screen their deplorable 
errors. Thus, instead of the man being simply " sick," we find him, 
according to the testimony of his best friends, dying of an incurable 
disease, brought on by a life spent in violence, cruelty, and injustice ! 



264 



THE war: 



CHAPTER IX. 

EUSSIA — SUFFERINGS CAMPAIGN ]812 — BECOME STRONGER THAN BEFORE—- 
POPULATION, ARMY, NAVY, AND RESOURCES — TRADE AND COMMERCE — 
GREAT IMPROVEMENT — EMPIRE UNDER NICHOLAS I. — REFORMATION LAWS 
— STATE OF SOCIETY — NATIVE INDUSTRY PROTECTED — RELIGIOUS TOLERA- 
TION — REFINED SOCIETY IN SIBERIA — FREEDOM OF SERFS — JUDICIOUS 
STEPS TO EFFECT IT — DON COSSACKS— CHARACTER — CHRISTIANS. 

The invasion by Napoleon, with the nations of Europe at his back, 
and with an army, including followers, of 690,000 persons, (of all this 
vast number only 30,000 miserable wretches, and the remains of the 
Austrian contingent of 30,000, and the Prussian contingent of 20,000 
recrossed the Russian boundary. The remainder remained prisoners, 
or "food for the dogs and the crows,'" — the dreadful work of only six 
months !) inflicted upon Russia severe misfortunes : but her Govern- 
ment and people bore all without a murmur. The destruction of 
Moscow, Bonaparte told us, consumed " several milliards " of property. 
" The fire of Moscow, says the enemy, consumed the labours and cares 
of four generations." 1 u Four thousand villages and fifty towns, in the 
finest parts of the Russian empire, were reduced to ashes." 2 None of 
these towns contained fewer than 10,000, and many of them 20,000 
inhabitants. For a distance of nearly 700 miles, from the Niemen to 
Moscow, and along that distance, in breadth from 70 to 100 miles, 
scarcely a house was left standing. The inhabitants lost nearly every- 
thing they had, and with their families lived in the woods for months, 
amidst the greatest privations ; yet no complaints escaped them ; ven- 
geance on the ruthless invader was the feeling that animated all. The 
enemy, by all this terrible mass of destruction and suffering, did not, 
says the Emperor Alexander, draw from " the bosom of Russia one sigh." 
The loss of life on the field of battle, and the immediate effects of war, 
was about 400,000 in the year 1812 ; yet Russia rose superior to all 
this, and rose from all this greater and more powerful than ever. This 
shows what any great nation can do, when their energies are put to 
the test, and fairly called forth. 

There is something so solemn and touching in the feelings which 
1 Speech, Bonaparte, Somite, Feb. 7th, 1S13. 2 Ibid. Feb. 14th, 1S13. 



who's to blame? 



265 



animated sovereigns and peoples at these terrible epochs, that I cannot 
omit adverting to them for a moment, at this time, when religious 
feeling and devotion are, amidst similar scenes, jeered at and thrown 
aside. Referring to the terrible events of 1812, the Emperor Alex- 
ander says, " What proofs of courage, of bravery, of piety, of patience, 
and of fortitude, has not Russia shown ! . . . The scene of the destruc- 
tion of his armies surpasses all belief. One almost imagines that our 
eyes deceive us. Who has been able to effect this ? Without dero- 
gating from the merited glory of the commander-in-chief of our 
armies, that distinguished general, who has rendered to his country 
services for ever memorable ; without detracting from the merits of 
other valiant and able commanders, who have distinguished themselves 
by their zeal and ardour ; nor from the general bravery of the troops ; 
we must confess that what they have accomplished surpasses all human 
power. Acknowledge, then, divine Providence in this wonderful 
event. Let us prostrate ourselves before his sacred throne ; and evi- 
dently seeing his hand chastising impiety, instead of boasting or 
glorying in our victories, learn from this great and terrible example to 
be modest and peaceable executors of his will." 1 

On a similar memorable occasion — the decisive battle of Leipsic — 
Lord Cathcart, an eye-witness, speaking of the engagement, and on the 
field, says : " This is the eighth general action, seven of them com- 
manded by the Ruler of France, in which I have seen the Emperor 
Alexander in the field, at the head of his army, as usual unmindful of 
personal danger. He approached every column, animating the officers 
and men by his presence and example, and, by a few energetic words, 
touching the chords which produce the strongest effects upon the minds 
of the Russian soldiers, confidence in the Supreme Being, resignation 
to his will, and attachment to their sovereign." And on the same 
field, when Prince Schwartzenberg, the commander-in-chief, rode up to 
his sovereign, the Emperor of Austria, to tell him that the field was 
won, that sovereign immediately alighted from his horse, and with his 
head uncovered fell on his knees, and, in a solemn manner, returned 
thanks to the King of Kings for this glorious victory. He was in- 
stantly followed by the other sovereigns, by the commander-in-chief, 
Prince Schwartzenberg, and by all the officers of their staff, and the 
whole of their attendants — the whole forming one of the most solemn 
and impressive scenes ever seen in any age or country." Our present 
premier, Lord Aberdeen, will remember this well, as he was one of the 
paity. Nor did they forget it with the day. On the anniversary of 
the battle in the following year, at Vienna, where all were assembled, 
1 Alexander's Proclamation, Wilna, 6th January, 1813. 



266 



THE WAR : 



and amidst the population of that metropolis, and upwards of 200,000 
troops in grand military array, the sovereigns, their families and at- 
tendants, approached. "All eyes," says an eye-witness, " were turned in 
their direction, expecting to behold them advancing in full pomp of 
military parade. But how deeply were we struck at seeing them 
coming on the ground, on foot, without attendants, and without utter- 
ing a word, solemnly walking up to the altar, and there kneel before 
it to offer up thanks and praise to the King of Kings and the God of 
Victory ! They were joined by the empresses, queens, and princesses, 
who were followed by all the royal blood in Vienna. At the raising 
of the host, the whole army fell on their knees ; and then, at the same 
instant, did I behold, as it were, all Europe in thanksgiving — a most 
awfully sublime sight, which to my latest day I shall remember." 

In those days, be it remembered, the United Kingdom had no Sey- 
mour nor Stratford ambassadors to browbeat allies, or sneer at the 
solemn and sincere religious devotions of nations, when humbly 
acknowledging their dependence upon Omnipotence. 

The population of Russia in 1812 was, in round numbers, 49,000,000; 
in 18-52 it was nearly 70,000,000 ; and is now, from the regular yearly 
increase, fully 73,000,000, exclusive of some wandering aboriginal tribes 
on the extreme north and north-east parts of Siberia. Those native tribes, 
as w r ell as the unsettled parts on her southern frontier, from the 
Caspian to the sea of Okhotsk, are yearly getting into settled habits, 
and find peace and security under her sway, and are adding to her vast 
population. It is a curious fact, that while aboriginal tribes regularly 
and rapidly melt away and disappear before France, England, and the 
United States, they increase and prosper in connexion with Russia. 

Considering the composition of the population of Russia, even if we 
may consider this, we believe that scarcely any country in the world is 
making greater progress than Russia in all that tends to the comfort and 
civilization of man. Everywhere the traveller over Russia sees, as in the 
United States, neat thriving towns arising, in places which were formerly 
waste, extended and extending on all hands. The imports and exports 
of St. Petersburg, in 1853, amounted to 21,000,0002. The agricultural 
productions of Russia are very great. Last year she exported from her 
Baltic and Black Sea ports to different countries, 7,000,000 quarters 
of wheat, the market value of which for that time exceeded 21,000,000/. 
exclusive of large quantities that passed through Prussian ports. Her 
internal aud external commerce is very large, and yearly and greatly 
increasing. At the annual fair of Novogorod, the articles imported 
and exported, or exchanged, amount in value to 22,000,000/. yearly. 
The different articles come from, and are sent to, the distant provinces 



who's to blame? 267 



of Russia, Turkey, Persia, India, Central Asia, and China, the exports 
being all, or nearly all, Russian produce and manufactures. Her iron 
is abundant, inexhaustible, and of the finest quality. The large iron 
factory belonging to the Countess of Stroganoff, near Kerhgeshans- 
Raia, employs a vast number of hands ; near it is a broad stream, and 
about 400 vessels of considerable tonnage, some of them 200 tons, in 
the trade, between that place and Novogorod on the Wolga. About 
6,000,000^. worth of gold is yearly got in different parts of Siberia, 
besides much silver; flax and hemp are produced to an immense 
amount. Her forests are most extensive and valuable. The trade in 
tea from China, by way of Kiakhta, exceeds 1,500,000£. yearly. There 
is one man, still a serf, who has raised himself by his industry and 
energy to be the proprietor of a large establishment, and who now 
manufactures, in the neighbourhood of Kazan, hardware and cutlery 
to the value of 127,000^. yearly. In the North Caspian, the fisheries 
give employment to nearly 500,000 men, and the inland traffic on 
the Wolga gives active employment to about 1,500,000 individuals. 
The trade of Archangel in ships and tonnage, and, it may also be said, 
in value, is equal to the w x hole British trade of our West India colonies. 
Her cotton manufactures are, as we shall see, numerous and valuable, 
and the cotton goods of Poland bear away the palm in quality in the 
Persian and Central Asian markets. Her consumption of cotton now 
exceeds 400,000 bales, about one-third of which passes through Great 
Britain. As a proof of its magnitude and importance, the following, 
from the authentic commercial list of Archangel, is the trade of that 
place for 1853 : — 



707 Foreign Ships (265 of London) arrived in 1853. 
87 Coasters. 

EXPOKTS. 



115,521 chetwals Linseed. 


300,863 


poods 


Rye & Flour. 


383,965 


do. 


Oats. 


20,020 


do. 


Groats. 


28,798 


do. 


Wheat. 


2,600 


do. 


Wheat-flour. 


231,002 


do. 


Rye. 


1,333 


do. 


Grease & Butter. 


9,117 


do. 


Barley. 


73,152 


barrels 


Tar. 


533,310 


poods 


Flax. 


4,071 


do. 


Pitch. 


386,700 


do. 


Tow & Codilla. 


711,744 


pieces 


Mats. 


14,052 


do. 


Tallow. 


51,317 Hides. 




40,539 


do. 


Linseed. 


37,697 


hhds. 


Battens. 


9,380 


do. 


Cordage. 


2,067 


do. 


Battens. 


12,580 


do. 


Iron. 


1,665 


do. 


Ends. 


3,165 


do. 


Feathers & half ds. 







The population of the Russian empire is very large, and yearly in- 
creasing largely, as the climate, though severe, is, at the same time, 



268 



THE WAS : 



generally healthy. The population in the Asiatic part is, to some 
extent, uncertain ; that which may be considered under regular 
government is known with considerable accuracy. The wandering 
tribes are numerous, but the number of the population is uncertain. 
The whole may be stated thus : — 



In 1652, In European Russia 63,012,146 

In Asia — Caucasus 2,850,000 

Siberia 4,048,000 



69,910,146 

Add 2 per cent, yearly increase 2,794,404 



Total, 1554 .... 72,704,550 



Or say 73,000,000 ! Of these 51,000,000 are true Russians. Nearly 
00,000.000 are of the Greek Church. 

If reliance could be placed on the statements made by Sir H. Sey- 
mour, the following was the number of the Russian army, and its 
strength, Oct. 27th, 1853, and January 9th. 1S-54 1 :— 



1st Corps 


60,000 


Baltic, Lithuania. 


2d do 


60,000 


Poland. 


3d do. 


60,000 


GortchakofF's reserves. 


4th do. 


60,000 


Moldavia, &c. 


5th do 


60,000 


Odessa & Bessarabia. 


6th do 


60,000 


about Moscow. 




40 000 


Petersburg & Xovogorod. 


„ de Grenadiers .... 


40,000 


do. do. 


Guards & Grenadiers (increased ) 


40,000 




All the Cavalry 


60,000 




Asia 


180,000 


Caucasus & Georgia. 


All the Cossacks 


60,000 


Two corps of Cavalry . . . 


40,000 


i Reserves in colonies about 
I Knemenstdik ft Kharkoff. 


Increased, (each corps 12,000)"* 


72,000 to war footing. 



Total .... 692,000 



Exclusive of artillery, the troops in the extreme parts of Asia, aud 
garrisons of various places in the interior. The Cossacks are, also, 
probably, more than the number here stated. Sir Hamilton Seymour, 
who is never very clear-headed in anything that requires being correct, 
has left the number of Cossacks uncertain. Consequently I have been 
1 Tart II. No. 205. p. 212, and No. W9, p. 372. 



who's to blame? 



269 



compelled to collect, or rather estimate, the number of these from other 
sources of information. 

This army last year had 1,184 pieces of cannon. The new levies 
called out since that period probably exceed 500,000 men. 

Her navy in the Baltic and Black Seas amounts to fifty sail of the 
line, besides smaller vessels, and exclusive of the naval force in the 
Caspian, probably upwards of twenty sail of vessels of considerable size 
and force. Her army, in all its branches, probably numbers 1,000,000 
of men, well organised and disciplined. If any reliance could be placed 
on Sir H. Seymour's communications, the number early last year was 
890,000 men, and since that period three levies, of perhaps 200,000 
men each, have been made. 

Such is the empire and the people, brave, active, obedient, and 
devoted to their country and their sovereign, against which, and in aid 
of a set of turbulent and lazy Turks, England and France, with a 
portion of central Europe, intimidated and coerced by them, are rushing 
with impetuous anger into deadly hostilities — against a sovereign and 
people who set the highest value on our friendship and alliance, and 
who were most anxious to continue both. In the Secret Correspondence 
Sir H. Seymour informs us (No. 1, p. 3, Part V.), that the Emperor 
"said that the new ministry appears to me to be strong, and I am 
anxious for its duration — although, to say the truth, as regards 
England, I have learned that it is the country with which we must be allied. 
We must not lean to this or that party.'" And, in No. 6, p. 12, he says, 
" the Emperor expressed his warm attachment to the Queen, our gracious 
Sovereign, and his respect for her Majesty's present advisers." 

How different was the course pursued and feeling shown towards 
him and his people in this country ! From the senate to the crowded 
mart, in the debating club and the pulpit, in the organs which guide, 
and demand to guide, and are allowed to guide, public opinion, (and, 
strange to say, those especially that assume to be the champions of 
Christianity and Christian principles,) him and his people were de- 
nounced, and proclaimed as tyrants and barbarians of the most fero- 
cious description. The sovereign was especially marked out as a man 
without judgment or feeling ; as justly liable to the indignation and 
vengeance of mankind. It was endeavoured to separate him from 
his people, and the most violent marked him out in no unmistakeable 
manner and language as a proper object for the Turkish bow- 
string and the assassin's dagger, with the hope expressed that such 
a fate would await him, as the means of terminating the contest in 
our favour. The character of Great Britain has, by those who thus 
assume to represent her, been exhibited in a light the most unamiable, 



270 



THE WAR: 



and never before exhibited to the world ; and, for the moment, it appears 
to have destroyed all those fine feelings which, in 1812 and 1813, were 
shown to the same nation and her sovereign, — feelings and gratitude 
which Lord Cathcart, in his despatch, Kalisch, March 6th, 1813, written, 
I may say, on the battle-field, tells us, " had made an impression on the 
minds of Alexander and his people that never could be effaced." 

But we have effaced it : the consequences must prove most injurious 
to us. In dealing with nations, even with the weakest, in any differ- 
ence of opinion that may arise between them on national affairs, the 
language of prudence and respect ought never to be departed from. 
A few sarcastic words about American stars and stripes thrown into a 
public despatch by the great Mr. Canning, produced the American war 
of 1812. We burnt their Capitol — we united every American against us 
at a moment when those States were about to separate ; and by the war 
showing them their wants, we made them, under protective laws, a 
nation of manufacturers to supply their own wants. It will prove in 
the sequel with Russia the same as with America. Deep resentment ; 
"a policy of suspicion" against us in all our future actions ; and Russia 
be compelled, for her own preservation and profit, to extend the 
manufacture of those materials, the productions of her soil, which, as 
raw produce, go so very largely into the material of several of our 
own. What is remarkable also — if anything could be considered 
remarkable in these singular times — is, that those who are so loud 
in denouncing the Russian Government and sovereign as "the in- 
carnate principle of Despotic Government" {Times, Sept. 19cA, 1854.) 
applaud to the skies, court the alliance, and fraternise (we must 
use French phraseology while under French dictation) with other 
governments and sovereigns who are at least equally so ; nay, more so. 
Is not the Government of Austria not merely despotic, but the despo- 
tism of the sword % Is not the Government of FraDce not merely 
despotism, but that despotism supported by military power — by the 
sword ; and the more dangerous to the rest of the world, because the 
great majority of the French nation joyfully rushed forward to place 
their necks under the yoke, in order to save themselves frorn more 
appalling horrors 1 But this very union and resort may compel their 
Government to employ them in foreign aggression, to avoid the recur- 
rence of evils amongst themselves which they had so much reason to 
dread. Is not Turkey, our present hobby, a despotism of the most 
barbarous and fanatic kind ? Is it and has it not been since it ever 
existed, the government of the sword, and from under which, the 
moment that is withdrawn, it must cease to exist 1 Certainly. But I 
allude to those points not to censure or to blame, but simply to show 



who's to blame? 



271 



that we condemn in Russia what we eulogise and court in other countries, 
proving that our conduct is not honest, and cannot be sincere, and that 
it is wholly guided by our own material interests, or supposed interests. 

Now, let us consider a few things in reference to Russia in proof of 
what has been stated, and in disproof of her reckless assailants. In 
doing this we shall not have recourse to the publications of the day, 
too often the effusions of ignorance, prejudice, and error — goods made 
for the market, and for the profit of the producer and seller — but to 
impartial authorities, and travellers, who tell us simply what they saw, 
and leave us to judge for ourselves the value of the information that they 
convey. It is worthy of remark, that the most accurate and valuable 
practical accounts of the state of Russia are to be found in American 
publications, and from American republican pens. On all such sub- 
jects their travellers are most acute and judicious observers ; and they 
have, and can have, no object but to state the truth. But let us first 
take the character of the reigning Emperor, as drawn by one of the 
ablest literary men in Great Britain, Sir Archibald Alison, in his great 
historical work ; thus : — 

THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. 

" Sir Archibald Alison, in his ' History of Europe,' has the following, on 
the subject of the personal character of the Emperor Nicholas : — 

" ' Nicholas I., who, under such brilliant circumstances, and after the 
display of such invincible resolution, thus ascended the throne of Russia, and 
whom subsequent events have, in a manner, raised up to become an arbiter 
of Eastern Europe, is the greatest sovereign that that country has known 
since Peter the Great ; in some respects he is greater than Peter himself. 
Not less energetic in character and ardent in improvement than his illus- 
trious predecessor, he is more thoroughly national, and he has brought the 
nation forward more completely in the path which nature had pointed out 
for it. Peter was a Russian only in his despotism ; his violence, his cruelty, 
his beneficence, his ardour for improvement, his patriotic ambition, were 
all borrowed from the states of "Western Europe. 

* * * * 

" Nicholas, on the other hand, is essentially Russian in all his ideas. He 
is heart and soul patriotic, not merely in wish, but in spirit and in thought. 
He wishes to improve and elevate his country, and he has done much to 
effect that noble object ; but he desires to do so by developing, not chang- 
ing, the national spirit ; by making it become a first Russia, not a second 
France or England. He has adopted the maxim of Montesquieu, that no 
nation ever attained to real greatness but by institutions in conformity 
with its spirit. He is neither led away by the thirst for sudden, mechanical 
improvement like Peter, nor the praises of philosophers like Catherine, nor 
the visions of inexperienced philanthropy like Alexander. He has not 
attempted to erect a capital in a pestilential marsh, and done so at the 



272 



THE WAR : 



expense of a hundred thousand lives ; nor has he dreamt of mystical rege- 
neration with a visionary sibyl, and made sovereigns put their hands to a 
holy alliance from her influence. He neither corresponds with French 
atheists nor English democrats ; he despises the praises of the first, he 
braves the hostility of the last. His maxim is to take men as they are, and 
neither suppose them better nor worse. He is content to let Russia grow 
up in a Eussian garb, animated with a Russian spirit, and moulded by 
Russian institutions, without the aid of Prussian communism or British 
liberalism. The improvements he has effected in the government of his 
dominions have been vast, the triumphs with which his external policy 
have been attended unbounded ; but they have all been achieved, not in 
imitation of, but in opposition to, the ideas of Western Europe. They be- 
speak, not less than his internal government, the national character of his 
policy. But if success is the test of worldly wisdom, he has not been far 
wrong in his system ; for he has passed the Balkan, heretofore impervious 
to his predecessors ; he has conquered Poland, converted the Euxine into 
a Russian lake, planted the cross on the bastions of the Erivan, and opened 
through subdued Hungary a path to Constantinople. Nature has given to 
him all the qualities fitted for such an elevated destiny. A lofty stature 
and princely ah 1 give additional influence to a majestic countenance, in 
which the prevailing character is resolution, yet not unmixed with sweet- 
ness. Like Wellington, Csesar, and many other of the greatest men recorded 
in history, his expression has become more intellectual as he advanced in 
years, and became exercised in the duties of sovereignty, instead of the 
stem routine of military discipline. Exemplary in all the relations of pri- 
vate life, a faithful husband, an affectionate father, he has exhibited in a 
brilliant court, and when surrounded by every temptation which life can 
offer, the simplicity and affections of patriarchal life. Yet is he not a 
perfect character. His virtues often border upon vices. His excellencies 
are akin to defects. Deeply impressed with the responsibility of his situa- 
tion, his firmness has sometimes become sternness, his sense of justice 
degenerated into severity. He knows how to distinguish the innocent 
from the guilty, and has often evinced a noble and magnanimous spirit in 
separating the one from the other, and showing oblivion of injury, even 
kindness, to the relatives of those who had conspired against his throne 
and life. But towards the guilty themselves he has not been equally com- 
passionate : he has not always let the passions of the contest pass away 
with its termination. He is an Alexander the Great in resolution, but not 
in magnanimity. He wants the last grace in the heroic character — he does 
not know how to forgive.' " 

The next most important reference is from one of the ablest literary 
pens in Russia, Professor Ustrialoff, and forms one chapter of a great 
history of Russia, not yet published, which chapter was brought to this 
country by the translator, Mr. Roberts, nearly five years ago, and 
published by Mr. Markden last summer. It is therefore doubly valu- 
able, having no reference to events now taking place ; the portion 



who's to blame? 



273 



relative to the union of the Polish and Russian Churches is of vital 
importance. 

From the Reign of Nicolcd, page 99. 

" In a historical review of ages long past, we explained in detail by 
what means Russia, the inhabitants of which were of one family and one 
religion, extending from the western districts of the Bug to the banks of 
the Volga, from the White to the Black Sea, was divided, in the old time 
of disorder under the yoke of the Tartars, into two principal parts, — 
into the two Russian states of Moscow and Lithuania ; how the former, 
aggrandized by the minds of native sovereigns, saved her nationality and 
independence, and was transformed into the powerful and self-supported 
tzardom of Russia ; how the latter also, in her turn, attained an eminent 
degree of political power, sacredly and for a long time preserved the statutes 
of the country, gave kings to Poland, and, contrary to all expectation, on 
the dissolution of the dynasty of Jagellon, succumbed to the domination 
of the Polish magnates, experienced all the miseries of anarchy, was shaken 
in its fundamental principles, and took the form of a Polish province. In 
those troublesome conjunctures, persons clothed in the dignity of pastors 
of the Orthodox Greek Church in the duchy of Lithuania, a metropolitan 
and several bishops, from worldly and interested motives, in opposition to 
the Pope of Rome at the end of the sixteenth century, and being protected 
by their king, a zealous Catholic, introduced into the west of Russia the 
union, i.e. disavowed the oecumenical patriarchs, and acknowledged over 
themselves the supreme authority of the Roman pontiff, retaining, how- 
ever, the doctrines and ceremonies of the ancient Orthodox faith. 

" Being received with the universal murmurs of the Russian nation as a 
criminal act, the Union, at its commencement, had but few partisans. The 
Polish Government took its measures for a more rapid propagation of it : 
the Jesuits overcame the mind and conscience of the Lithuano-Russian 
nobility, established schools for the education of well-born youth, and insi- 
nuated themselves into the very families of the great, under pretext of 
being Uniate monks ; so that in one century (the sevententh) all the 
nobility in Western Russia (amongst whom were many descendants of St. 
Vladimir) were converted to the Union, although the greater part of them 
subsequently went over to the Roman Catholic religion. In the remaining 
classes, the clergy, and the inhabitants of the towns and villages, one-half 
preserved the faith of their ancestors, whilst the other joined the schism, 
and the nation was divided into two parties, the Orthodox and the Uniate ; 
each party had its metropolitan, and continued to have one down to our 
time. Inimical to each other, both parties were equally persecuted and 
hunted by the Roman Catholics, were deprived of civil rights, and were 
already about to sink in a harassing struggle with implacable fanaticism, 
the Orthodox adopting the Union, the Uniates introducing the Catholic 
ceremonies into the Church service, when the Empress Catherine II. put 
an end to their outrageous violence, and to the propagation of the heresy. 

T 



274 



THE WAR 



" Its ancient provinces, all the western region which had been wrested 
from the mother country by men of other races during the calamitous 
period of our history, now reverting to Eussia, her Majesty granted the 
protection of the law to all its inhabitants, without distinction of religious 
faith, but, at the same time, severely interdicted the conversion of her new 
subjects to the Union, or their passing over to the Eoman Catholic faith, 
and permitted the Uniates fearlessly to return to the bosom of the Ortho- 
dox Greek Church. Very many of them availed themselves of that per- 
mission, particularly in Volleynia and Podolia. 

" Yet still about two millions remained in the Union, and in a stranger 
and more unnatural position than before. Russians by extraction, Russians 
according to the doctrines of their faith, and subject to the Russian sove- 
reign, they at the same time acknowledged the Pope of Rome as the chief 
of the Church, to the prejudice of the unity and concord of the state. 
Being looked upon by their Russian brethren as no better than apostates, 
they were rudely separated from them ; nor did they cling to the Catholics 
who, as formerly, continued to designate their religion the religion of 
bondsmen, not considering that the Uniate Church, through two centuries 
of violence, had receded from its first principles, and, in the ceremonies of 
Divine service, in the form of the temples, in the usage of the sacred books, 
had imitated the Church of Rome. The administration of the affairs of the 
one and the other by a spiritual college — Roman Catholic — established at 
the end of the previous century, sustained the existence of the Union down 
to our time. 

" In the very beginning of his reign the Emperor, directing his provident 
attention to the fate of his subjects who, by the force of compulsory cir- 
cumstances, cunning snares, and cruel violence, had been torn from the 
Orthodox Greek Church, by a supreme ukaz of the 22d April, 1828, 
ordered : that for the Greco-Uniate Churches in Russia, there should be 
established, under the presidency of their metropolitan, Josaphat Buljak, a 
separate Greco-Uniate college, which, having jurisdiction over all the affairs 
of the Church, should be obliged to carefully guard its institutions, the rite 
of Divine service, and all the order of Church government, from the influ- 
ence of any kind of strange innovation contrary to the spirit of the Greek 
ceremonies, on the precise basis of the decree of 1595, which laid down the 
principles of the Union, The direct administration of the affairs of the 
Greco-Uniate Churches was left, under the supreme influence of the col- 
lege, to the two diocesan governments of White Russia and Lithuania. In 
both dioceses were established cathedral chapters, consistories, seminaries, 
and primary schools, but at Polotsk an ecclesiastical academy was founded. 
For the maintenance and education of the clergy abundant funds were 
assigned. 

" Returning, through such means, to its first principles, and being 
secured from foreign influence, the Greco-Uniate Church, in the space of 
ten years, made its appearance in a new and splendidly metamorphosed 
form. The bishops and other clerical authorities frankly acknowledging 
the number of innovations which, in the progress of time, had crept into 



who's to blame? 



275 



it, firmly resolved to everywhere restore the original form of the temples, 
and supply them with all the attributes of the ancient service. In conse- 
quence of this, instead of the erroneous Church books of different impres- 
sions, in which the sacred language was mutilated, uniform books of a new 
and carefully revised edition were universally introduced, the altars ob- 
tained the correct form, organs were abolished, and Divine service, accord- 
ing to the corrected books, was performed in the magnificent Sclavonic, by 
priests in proper vestments, with an observance of the ceremonies comme- 
morative of the Church in its primitive state. The people listened with 
joy in the temples of God to their native tongue, and, without difficulty, 
entered the pale of the Orthodox Greek Church. 

" Meanwhile the Greco-Uniate clergy, with the exception of a few monks 
who had passed over to the Union from the Roman Church, with exem- 
plary unanimity cooperated with the zeal of their bishops and the spiritual 
authorities : the rising generation educated in the Polotsk ecclesiastical 
academy, in the two seminaries, and in the twenty inferior schools, 
received the truly Orthodox direction. 

" At this conjuncture the high office of Greco-Uniate Metropolitan be- 
came vacant by the death of Josaphat Buljak ; the place of president of the 
college was filled by his senior member, Joseph (Siemashko), bishop of 
Lithuania ; the chief administration in the affairs of the Greco-Uniate 
Church was confided by the sovereign, on the 1st January, 1838, to Count 
ProtasofF, chief procurator of the Most Holy Synod ; and the undertaking, 
blessed in the protection of heaven, was speedily brought to a happy 
termination. 

" In the week of Orthodoxy (the first Sunday of the great fast), the 12th 
February, 1839, were assembled at Polotsk all the Greco-Uniate bishops 
in Russia, who, with the principal clergy, composed a council act, in which, 
explaining in detail the true state of their Church, they decreed, in accord- 
ance with a proposition of the whole Greco-Uniate clergy, in which they 
were justified by more than 1,300 signatures, to present to the Emperor 
the following most humble petition : — ' By the wresting from Russia, in 
troublous times, of her western provinces of Lithuania, and, by successive 
machinations, their annexation to Poland, the Russian Orthodox inhabit- 
ants were subjected to severe persecution through the unwearied efforts of 
the Polish Government and the court of Rome, to separate them from the 
Orthodox Catholic Eastern Church, and to unite them to the Western. 
Persons of the highest station, their rites being in every way circum- 
scribed, were forced to embrace the Roman faith, which was novel to them, 
and forgot even their own extraction and nationality. Citizen and peasant 
were alike forced from communion with the Eastern Church, by means of 
the Union which was introduced at the close of the sixteenth century. 
From that time this people has been separated from its mother Russia ; to 
effect which, indefatigable artifices were directed in order to alienate it from 
its ancient country, and the Uniates experienced, in its full sense, all the 
bitterness of a foreign yoke. 

" ' On the restoration to Russia of her ancient heritage, the greater half 

T 2 



278 



the war: 



of the Uniatea were annexed to^their ancestral Greco-Russian Church, and 
the remainder found support and protection from the overbearing influence 
of the Romish priesthood. In the blessed reign of your Imperial Majesty, 
under your beneficent auspices, most gracious sovereign, the greater part 
of them are now restored to the ancient pure rites and ordinances of the 
Greco-Eastern Church ; the sons of their clergy receive an education respon- 
sive to their calling— an education which entitles them not only to be, but 
to feel themselves Russians.' " 

Page 105. 

" ' These reasons, and more especially anxieties for the eternal welfare of 
the flock confided to us, urge us, firmly convinced of the truth of the sacred 
apostolic doctrines of the Orthodox Catholic Eastern Church, to fall at the 
feet of your Imperial Majesty, and most humbly to pray you, most pow- 
erful monarch ! to consolidate the future destiny of the Uniates, by per- 
mitting them to be re-united to their ancestral Orthodox Church — the 
Church of all the Russias. In assurance of our conjoint agreement on this 
subject, we have the happiness of presenting a council act, composed by 
us, the bishops and ruling clergy of the Greco-Uniate Church, in the city 
of Polotsk, together with the autographical declarations of 1,305 persons of 

the Greco-Uniate clergy not present. 5 

* * * * 

" The Most Holy Synod decreed, according to the regulations of the 
holy fathers, to receive the bishops, priests, and all the flock of the Greco- 
Uniate Church, into a full and perfect participation of the Holy Orthodox 
Catholic Eastern Church, and into the indivisible constitution of the 
Church of all the Russias ; and on this subject to present to the Emperor 
a most humble report. 

" On the 25th day of March, the festival of the Annunciation of the 
Blessed Virgin, and the eve of the greatest of solemnities — the Resurrec- 
tion of Christ, the report of the Synod was followed by the consent of 
his Majesty in these words : ' I thank God, and accept.' 

" After hearing the supreme consent read in a full assembly of the Synod, 
on the 30th of March, the chief procurator conducted the Lithuanian 
bishop, Joseph, into the assembly. The metropolitan of Novgorod and 
St. Petersburg (Seraphim), then informed him of the accomplishment of 
the re-union, and. in the name of the Church of all the Russias, compli- 
mented him, as the representative of the re-united clergy, on so wished- 
for an event. Philacet, the metropolitan of Kieff and Galicia, read the 
synodal decree addressed to the re-united clergy ; and the metropolitan 
of Moscow and Kolomna the supreme confirmation of the ordinance of 
the Synod, changing the name of the Greco-Uniate ecclesiastical college 
to that of the Lithuanian College of White Russia, and appointing for its 
president the Lithuanian bishop, Joseph, who was, at the same time, 
raised to the dignity of an archbishop. The most reverend Joseph pre- 
sented the thanks of the whole re-united body ; and, after mutually greet- 
ing each other with the kiss of peace, they all repaired to the synodal 
• •luuvh, where a grateful <Te Deum' was offered up to Almighty God. 



who's to blame? 



277 



K The happy spectacle and the re-union was repeated at Vitebsk, Polotsk, 
Velije, Suraje, Orsha, Minsk, and Vilna. "Without agitation or disturb- 
ance, brother returned to brother ; and, from that time, the whole of the 
population of the western region of the empire, with the exception of the 
properly so-called Lithuanians and Jmudi, is become not only Russian, but 
also Orthodox," 

Page 108. ! 

" The Russian army is known to all Europe, which for more than a hun- 
dred years has resounded with our victories ; but never did our army 
attain to such a pitch of discipline as it now may boast of. The military 
ordinances carefully revised, reduced to unity, ameliorated and augmented 
from the most important rules and regulations of the operative army, to 
the utmost minutise, and the management of the commissariat, have revi- 
vified and harmonized all the parts of so vast and complicated a machine, 
the chief strength of which lies in its proper arrangement. All the obli- 
gations of service, all the conditions of authority and responsibility, have 
been defined with greater accuracy, and a regular audit appointed." 

Page 109. 

" Military promotion has, in the course of the last twenty years, taken 
a new direction ; now-a-days, it is difficult for an officer who has not re- 
ceived a fundamental and solid education to obtain a commission. The 
guards, the army, and the fleet, are yearly replenished, for the greater part, 
from such as have been reared in the cadet corps. The engineer and artil- 
lery schools, and other establishments for military instruction, are under 
vigilant inspection ; therein future officers, from their youth up, become 
accustomed to the order of service, to the unconditional accomplishment 
of their duties, learn the military art experimentally and scientifically, 
acquire an emulation to noble ambition, and enter the world with a mind 
enlightened, and with a soul full of the most lively gratitude to him who 
cares for them as his own children." 

Page 110. 

" Our home security, the order of the administration, our reputation 
and property, are protected by the national statutes, reduced to a perfect 
system, accessible to all now-a-days, to all comprehensible, and annually 
corrected and augmented according to the dictates of experience. Of 
course, the very best laws are powerless, the most prudent measures fruit- 
less, when in the general mass there is no inward, moral persuasion of the 
indispensable necessity of a friendly cooperation with the Government ; 
but, thanks to the Almighty, Russia is not in such a position ; with love, 
with confidence, she turns her regard upon her monarch, and each estate 
devotedly honours his commands. The laws, as the expression of the 
imperial will, are to us sacred." 

Page 111. 

" But this is not all ; our wants and necessities, our merits and failings, 
clearly analysed, maturely and sagaciously deliberated upon, together with 



278 



THE WAR : 



the ukase on the subject of entail, the establishment of a class of honorary 
citizens, commercial tribunals, an amicable division of previously unsur- 
veyed lands, a new order of administration of the state, with many other 
measures, are beyond all doubt bringing our social condition to a state of 
perfection. 

" New icays and resources are opened to the industry of the country, and new 
means granted for its active development. Its very success rejoices the heart of 
the sovereign ; and, constantly animated by his beneficent attention, it icill rapidly 
approach that state ichen foreign wares ivill only be required to satisfy inordinate 
luxury. 

" A new direction, more conformable to the general welfare of the 
people, has been given to the education of the young. The time is gone 
by when the children of magnates, of landlords, distinguished or obscure, 
even of wealthy plebeians, received their education abroad, forgot their 
native tongue, acquired a strange manner of looking on all about them, 
and returned to Russia with souls impassive to everything that was dear 
and agreeable to a Russian heart. That time is gone by, when our domes- 
tic tutors were not unfrequently profoundly ignorant men, immoral adven- 
turers, often banished from their country, and received by us into the 
bosom of our families, merely to prattle in the French language. Two 
imperial regulations have saved a whole generation from a moral plague. 
Since the year 1831, the youth of Russia have been brought up preferably 
in the educational institutions of the country : since 1833, Russia has been 
delivered from an irruption of foreign adventurers, who took alarm at the 
threat of a severe examination at the universities. 

" Never was our education so liberal, so complete, and, let us boldly add, 
so conformable to the true necessities of the empire, as it is now. Even 
in the first year after his accession to the throne, the Emperor, by repeat- 
edly visiting the educational institutions, without any previous notice of 
his Majesty's intention having been given, became convinced that they 
stood in need of many things — of competent masters, well regulated uni- 
form order, of active and enlightened instruction. The pupils of the 
gymnasia, and the district seminaries, were formerly lodged in crowded 
rooms, and brought up without regard to cleanliness. The Petersburg- 
university, founded not long ago with the most brilliant expectations, pre- 
sented a melancholy spectacle ; the lecture-rooms were deserted. The 
design of the founder, to make this institution the principal nursery of 
enlightenment in the capital of his empire, was not successful ; it withered 
visibly under the onerous influence of people opposed to true advancement. 
Disorders of various kinds, indicative of a sort of debility, of a species of 
stupor, were not likely to attract the young to the other altars of science. 
Yet all was resuscitated, all re-animated, all flourished, at the will of the 
Emperor. 

" The first and chief care, at the very beginning of his Majesty's reign, 
was to introduce into all the establishments uniformity and order, to pro- 
vide efficient masters, to appoint a vigilant superintendence, and to train 



who's to blame ? 



279 



meritorious persons to perform the difficult duties of preceptors. Very 
soon the charters of the high, middle, and inferior educational institutions 
were renewed ; the activity of the universities was concentrated in their 
sphere of action ; the professors were exempted from many embarrass- 
ments unconnected with their functions ; and their salaries, raised to 
more than double the former standard, with many other privileges, placed 
them in a position enviable even for a foreigner." 

Page 114. 

" The gradual transformation for the better of the composition of the 
university body, in consequence of limiting the term of service of a learned 
professor to five-and-twenty years, supplying the chairs with young masters 
of fresh energies, but not, however, without their having taken the learned 
degree of doctor, — arranging a course of lectures on jurisprudence, on the 
principled adopted at the foundation of the compendium of the laws of 
the Russian empire, — founding faculties, — enforcing the study of sciences 
of general utility, — creating new regulations for attaining a learned degree, 
— and many other measures, excited remarkable activity in our univer- 
sities. The instruction afforded in them acquired the character of a solid 
and learned elucidation of truths, according to the principal branches of 
learning, and conformably to the contemporary state of science in the 
spirit of the country's laws. Their lecture-rooms were filled with nume- 
rous auditors. The gymnasia were also remodelled, more in unison with 
their principal design — to prepare youth for the higher education of the 
universities. Besides this, in some of them, lectures on practical science 
were founded, which opened to the working class the means of obtaining 
such technical knowledge as was indispensably necessary to it. Distinct 
seminaries, with each returning year, are more and more multiplied. 
Accessible to all conditions, they extend, primarily and generally, useful 
knowledge to all ranks of society. 

" In an equal degree, during the last twenty years, the country's other 
nurseries of education have flourished. The military educational institu- 
tions, from the time that the Grand Duke Mikhail Parlovitch took them 
under his rule, have received a new form ; and there is no doubt that 
they can bear inspection with the best in Europe. But the institutions 
for the education of young ladies, brought to the highest degree of perfec- 
tion by the activity of the never-to-be-forgotten Empress, Maria Feodo- 
rovua, have not only not lost their former splendour ; but, in consequence 
of the indefatigable care of the sovereign himself, his consort, their ma- 
jesties' daughters, and daughter-in-law, fear no comparison with any in 
Europe. 

" Not satisfied with the palmy state to which all the former academical 
institutions have been already brought, the Emperor continually presents 
new means of education, adapting them to the national necessities. The 
university of St. Vladimir, at Kieff— the military academy — the law-school 
— the Technological institution — the cadet corps in the Governments — the 
institutions for young ladies through the whole extent of the empire — ■ 



2S0 



THE WAR : 



many special schools, both military and civil — village schools — asylums, — 
all those establishments, in association with the former, will at length 
accomplish the idea of Betskii, which fascinated Catherine II. by its great- 
ness, and astounded even her by the vastness of its design — to educate the 
rising generation so as to rear, as it were, a new race of men possessing all 
the good qualities of the old stock, but without its imperfections and 
prejudices. 

" The future is known but to God. If, however, universal and funda- 
mental education may serve as a sure pledge of the future, of which there 
can scarcely be a doubt, then a happy lot is in store for Russia," 

Travels in Siberia by 8. S. Hill, vol. i. page 60. 

" With Russian subjects, from the prince to the serf, there is no difference 
in their relation to the sovereign. To the sovereign all his subjects are as 
the members of one family, and equal to one another. But this will more 
particularly appear, if we take a slight review of the rural institutions which 
are established throughout several districts, and in the villages in many 
parts of the country. 

" These institutions belong to the patriarchal component of the mixed 
form of government above described. Their organization is of a popular 
character, and they present so remarkable a feature in the Russian system 
of government and social economy generally, that they ought not to be 
passed over in the shortest account that could be given of the country- 
Their organization is not, however, in all parts where they prevail, alike. 
But we will chiefly consider them in those districts where the serfs of the 
crown are in the majority, and where the crown is more free to perform 
what it lists, and where, too, they have lately undergone modifications 
which will doubtless, ere long, lead to a similar reorganization of all the 
rest. 

" The institution is a community or commune, formed after the model 
of a family, in the relation of its members to one another and to their com- 
mon head, upon a more or less grand scale. The chief, or presiding magis- 
trate, is elected by the suffrages of the people, and is variously named, 
according to the degree of importance of the particular society over which 
he presides, as we shall presently see. This body possesses all the soil that 
lies within the bounds of its ascendency, of which every member is entitled 
to an equal proportion, but of which he enjoys only the usufructs. Thus, 
at the decease of the father of a family, the estate which he has enjoyed does 
not go to his children, but reverts to the whole society, every individual 
member of which is entitled to an equal share. Thus, it will be seen, that 
this community and the grand family of the nation are herein the copy and 
reflex of one another. The sovereign is the chief of the whole nation, and 
every community severally is one of the members of his grand family, all 
of which are equally under his patriarchal authority and protection." 

" Out of a population of about 73,000,000, there are in Russia about 
36,000,000 in that state of bondage which some denominate slavery, and 



who's to blame? 



281 



others serfage ; but which at least resembles, though it is not exactly the 
same as, that of our peasantry under the feudal system of the middle ages. 
These serfs are nearly all of the purely Russian blood of the Sclavonic race, 
very few of the rest of the several other races having been at any time 
subjected to the same degradation. We must refer to the origin of these 
relations between the noble and the peasant, in order to show their true 
character." — Vol. i. p. 63. 

" The Russian Church may be considered, then, to be thus now consti- 
tuted : the Emperor is the supreme head of the Church, and all ecclesiastical 
affairs are administered by the Council or Synod such as it was established 
by Peter the Great, and which is composed both of ecclesiastical and lay 
members, not limited in number. 

" The Synod, as regularly constituted, consists of two metropolitans, two 
bishops, the highest secular priest of the realm, the procurator or attorney- 
general, two secretaries of state, five under-secretaries, and a certain number 
of the lesser officials in the civil service of the Government. 

" Among the most remarkable of the ordinances of the Russian Church, 
considered in regard to its influence upon the manners of the people, is the 
partial celibacy of the clergy, and the rigour with which marriage is required 
where celibacy is not enjoined. Thus, while with the higher dignitaries, 
who are always of the monastic order, which is termed that of the black 
clergy, celibacy is required ; with those of the secular order, or that of the 
white clergy, who are of every grade, and are called popes, marriage is 
enjoined even before they can be ordained. Nevertheless the popes, in 
case of the decease of their wives, cannot form a second alliance, and, con- 
sequently, in that event they usually enter the monastic order, through 
which they may now attain the highest dignities." — Vol. i. p. 67. 

" The dissenting sects of all denominations are said to be not less than 
fifty in number, and to include every degree of superstition, from the more 
moderate, which arises from the mere veil drawn by misguided zeal over 
their better reason, to the most gross and the most shocking that were ever 
combined with the name of Christianity. Some have no priests ; but 
these, many Italians and many Spaniards might say, must be the most 
fortunate of them all. Others only differ in certain rites, which appear to 
us to be mere childish objects of contention. Others have merely their 
churches built in different forms from the rest ; but would think it mon- 
strously wicked to enter any house of prayer of any other form than that 
in which their own is constructed." — Vol. i. p. 70. 

" Returning to what properly regards the predominant Church, we cannot 
fail to be struck with the advantages which the Russian Church possesses 
over the Church of Rome, as well in its effects upon the morals of the 
people, as in relation to the world at large. 

"One of the first things that strikes a Protestant stranger, after his 
arrival in Russia, is the great tolerance, not only of the state, but even of 
the clergy and people, whether towards foreigners, or towards the different 
sects within the country. In a single street in the modern metropolis, and 



282 



THE WAK : 



that, too, in which, he finds the much-frequented cathedral of Kazau, he 
may enter a Lutheran church, a Eomish church, one belonging to the Sun- 
nites, another to the Schiites, an Armenian church, and at least two more, 
of the very names of which he perhaps never heard before. But, besides 
these, he may find many other churches of other sects, in the different parts 
of the town, including, of course, an English church. 

" The next advantage of the Eussian Church over the Italian, is the per- 
formance of the divine offices in a known tongue, the Sclavonic, which, 
though it may at this day be considered by many as at least a half-dead 
language, is, nevertheless, better than the Latin, on account of its being 
still intelligible to the classes that most need instruction. 

" The reading of the Scriptures, both in private and in public, the former 
of which the clergy rather recommend than discourage, may also be consi- 
dered among the advantages of the Eussian Church. 

" Certain restrictions, however, are conjoined with this privilege^- though 
not every one even among ourselves, perhaps, will differ from the Eussian 
clergy concerning the value of these. By the Eussians it is deemed improper 
that girls at too tender an age should be acquainted with the history of 
vices and crimes, found in the Old Testament more especially, but also in 
the New. All of the delicate sex, therefore, are restricted, until they attain 
the age of thirty, from acquiring any other knowledge of the sacred writings 
than such as they may obtain from passages that are used in the churches, 
and from the portions that appear in certain authorized publications. 

"We had, previously to the journey we had undertaken together, seve- 
rally visited the two great capitals, as well as some other towns of the 
empire, and we had now seen many of the villages. We had mixed more 
or less with the inhabitants everywhere, and had had the opportunity of 
observing something of the character and manners of the people, and of 
comparing these with such as we had observed among the people of the 
elder nations of Western Europe. To express our impressions in a few 
words, it must suffice to say, that we both quitted Eussia Proper with high 
opinions of two out of four classes of the people with whom we had come 
most frequently in contact, or with whom we had had the best opportunity 
of associating, and with the reverse impression of the remaining classes. The 
Eussian educated gentleman, and the mujik or peasant, had by their suavity 
and politeness, however differently those were displayed, wherever we met 
them, and in all transactions we had had with them, equally gained our 
regard and esteem. But of the inferior classes of the commercial part of 
the population, and the under classes of the chinovuik or officials generally, 
we unwillingly entertained the most unfavourable impressions. Neverthe- 
less, the good elements are so predominant in the proper Eussian character, 
as it must be perceived from the conduct of the peasant, whose most con- 
spicuous qualities are piety, loyalty, fidelity, hospitality, quickness, and ever- 
lasting good humour, and are so deeply seated, that we may hope, as an 
accomplished education has finished the gentleman, some improvement in the 
adaptation of the education of the other classes may effect great and early 



who's to blame? 



283 



changes in their manners also, and in their moral character. It is, however, 
at present said, and, I am persuaded, with good reason, that such know- 
ledge as these classes have been able to acquire, has hitherto tended rather 
to corrupt than improve both their manners and moral conduct, and 
become a positive evil instead of a blessing to themselves and all their 
fellow-subjects." — Yol. i. p. 71, &c. 

" But not to guides with pistols, daggers, and other weapons, which, we 
have seen prepared for their protection, did this good family wholly trust 
for their security. According to the commendable custom of their country, 
they had fixed upon the hour previous to their departure, to invoke, with 
the aid of the chief pope of Yakautsk, the favour and protection of Heaven 
during the arduous journey ; and as the pope, with his assistants, was 
already in attendance, and the hour appointed for the performance of his 
sacred offices at hand, I willingly accepted an invitation which was given 
me to join in their pious duties. 

" When we were all assembled in the largest apartment in the house, the 
pope, with his assistants, bearing the holy water and some other little 
appurtenances to Russian worship, took his place in the centre of the room, 
with the crucifix in his hand, and his face turned towards the holy corner, 
in which a picture hung, while the rest of the party knelt ; and in this so 
lately pagan land the simplest adorations of the Christian party were now 
sung, and their prayers offered up to Heaven*for the safety of the travellers, 
and for the happy issue of their adventurous journey. 

" The service was in the Sclavonic dialect, but with such simplicity and 
feeling, and apparent neglect of the enforced ceremonies of the Church, were 
the sacred offices performed, that the language in which the prayers were 
uttered needed not to be translated, to touch the hearts of all that were 
present. As the hymn especially, with which the service concluded, was 
sung, it seemed as if there were nothing wanting to the purity of the 
worship of our first parents, when 'they lowly bowed adoring' Him, who 
out of nothing called them into being, or of that of men before they first 
bowed the knee before gods made of their own hands, or worshipped worse 
images of their imaginations. 

" When all our orisons were duly paid, the pope gave us his benediction, 
with a most liberal sprinkling of holy water, of which I received my full 
complement, and of which I am bound, indeed, to say, that I was never, 
upon such occasions, stinted on account of my nation and religion, and that 
I never received less of anything the Church had to bestow, in the way of 
blessing, than the most pious Russian. 

" As soon as the touching service was over, the scene changed to worldly 
affairs, in the immediate preparations for the departure of the travellers, 
and I now took leave of my amiable friends, and, an hour afterwards, they 
set out on their perilous journey." — Yol. h. p. 222. 

The following extracts, regarding the state of Russia, are chiefly ex- 
tracted from that curious and valuable work, entitled "Slave Trade, 
Domestic and Foreign, how it woidd, and how it may be extinguished" 



284 



THE WAE : 



by H. C. Carey, Esq. of Philadelphia, so well known for his many 
valuable statistical and political writings, The judicious mode pursued 
for extmguishing serfdom in Russia is very valuable and important. 

•'•The industry of Russia," says a recent American journal, "has 
been built up, as alone the industry of a nation can be, under a system 
of protection, from time to time modified as experience has dictated, 
but never destroyed by specious abstractions, or the dogmas of mere 
doctrinaires. Fifty years ago manufactures were unknown there, and 
the caravans trading to the interior, and supplying the wants of distant 
tribes in Asia, were laden with the products of British and other 
foreign workshops. When the present Emperor mounted the throne, 
in IS 25, the country could not produce the cloth required to uniform 
its own soldiers : further back, in 1800, the exportation of coloured 
cloth was prohibited under severe penalties ; but, through the influ- 
ence of adequate protection, as early as 1834, Russian cloth was 
taken by the caravans to Kiakhta : and at this day the markets of all 
Central Asia are supplied by the fabrics of Russian looms, which, in 
Afghanistan and China, are crowding British cloths entirely out of 
sale, notwithstanding the latter have the advantage in transportation ; 
while in Tartary and Russia itself, British woollens are scarcely heard 
of. In 1812, there were in Russia 136 cloth factories ; in 1824, 324; 
in 1512 there were 129 cotton factories ; in 1824. 484. From 1812 
to 1839 the whole number of manufacturing establishments in the 
empire more than trebled, and since then they have increased in a 
much greater ratio, thoitgh, from the absence of official statistics, we 
are not able to give the figures. ^Of the total amount of manufactured 
articles consumed in 1843, but one-sixth were imported. And along 
with this vast aggrandizement of manufacturing industry and com- 
merce, there has been a steady increase of both imports and exports, 
as well as of revenue from customs. The increase in imports has con- 
sisted of articles of luxury, and raw materials for manufacture. And, 
as if to leave nothing wanting in the demonstration, the increase of 
exports has constantly included more and more of the products of 
agriculture. Thus, in this empire, we see what we must always see 
under an adequate and judicious system of protection, that a proper 
tariff not only improves, refines, and diversifies the labour of a coun- 
try, but enlarges its commerce, increases the prosperity of its agri- 
cultural population, renders the people better and better able to 
contribute to the support of the Government, and raises the nation to 
a position of independence and real equality among the powers of 
the globe. All this is indubitably proved by the example of Russia. 



who's to blame? 



285 



for there protection has been steady and adequate, and the consequences 
are what we have described." — Pages 326, 327. 

" It is absurd to do what travellers insist on doing — that is, to judge 
every nation by the highest standard, and pronounce each a failure which 
does not exhibit the intellect of France, the solidity and power of England, 
or the enterprise, liberty, and order of the United States. All that should 
be asked is, whether a people has surpassed its own previous condition, 
and is in the way of improvement and progress ? And that, in respect of 
industry, at least, Russia is in that way, her show at the Exhibition may 
safely be taken as a brilliant and conclusive proof. 

" Eussia is powerful, and is becoming more so daily. Why is it so 1 
It is because her people are daily more and more learning the ad- 
vantages of diversification of labour and combination of exertion, and 
more and more improving in their physical and intellectual condition 
— the necessary preliminaries to an improvement of their political 
condition. Turkey is weak ; and why is it so ? Because among her 
people the habit of association is daily passing away, as . the few re- 
maining manufactures disappear, and as the travelling pedlar super- 
sedes the resident shopkeeper." — Page 328. 

" We have an increase in three years of almost sixty per cent., prov- 
ing a steady increase in the power to obtain clothing, and to maintain 
commerce, external and internal, directly the reverse of what has been 
observed in Turkey, Ireland, India, and other countries in which the 
British system prevails ; and the reason of this is, that that system 
looks to destroying the power of association. It would have all the 
people of India engage themselves in raising cotton, and all those of 
Brazil and Cuba in raising sugar, while those of Germany and Russia 
should raise food and wool ; and we know well that when all are far- 
mers, or all planters, the power of association scarcely exists : the 
consequence of which is seen in the exceeding weakness of all the com- 
munities of the world in which the plough and the loom, the hammer 
and the harrow, are prevented from coming together. It is an unna- 
tural one." — Page 329. 

" There does not prevail that marked distinction between the modes of 
life of the dwellers in town and country which is found in other coun- 
tries ; and the general freedom of trade, which in other countries is still 
an object of exertion, has existed in Russia since a long bygone period. 
A strong manufacturing and industrial tendency prevails in a large portion 
of Russia, which, based upon the communal system, has led to the forma- 
tion of what we may term ' national association factories.' 

" There exists no such thing as a trade guild or company, nor any re- 
straint of a similar nature. Any member of a commune can at pleasure 



286 



THE WAR : 



abandon the occupation they may be engaged in, and take up another ; all 
that he has to do, in effecting the change, is to quit the commune in 
which his old trade is carried on, and repair to another, where his new one 
is followed. 

" The tendency of manufacturing industry is, for the most part, entirely 
communal. The inhabitants of one village, for example, are all shoemakers ; 
in another, smiths ; in a third, tanners, only ; and so on. A natural divi- 
sion of labour thus prevails exactly as in a factory. The members of the 
commune mutually assist one another with capital or labour ; purchases 
are usually made in common, and sales, also, invariably ; but they always 
send their manufactures in a general mass to the towns and market- 
places, where they have a common warehouse for their disposal." — 
Page 330. 

" In the Government of Yaroslaf, the whole of the inhabitants of one 
place are potters. Upwards of two thousand inhabitants, in another place, 
are rope-makers and harness-makers. The population of the district of 
Uglitich, in 1835, sent three millions of yards of linen cloth to the markets 
of Kybecek and Moscow. The peasants, on one estate, are all candle- 
makers ; on a second, they are all manufacturers of felt hats ; and, on a 
third, they are solely occupied in smiths' work, chiefly the making of axes. 
In the district of Pashechse, there are about seventy tanneries, which give 
occupation to a large number of families ; they have no paid workmen, 
but perform all the operations among themselves ; preparing leather to the 
value of about 25,000 roubles a year, and which is disposed of on their 
account in Kybecek. In the districts where the forest trees mostly con- 
sist of lindens, the inhabitants are principally engaged in the manufacture 
of matting, which, according to its greater or less degree of fineness, is 
employed either for sacking or sail-cloth, or merely as packing mats. 

" We have here a system of combined exertion, that tends greatly 
to account for the rapid progress of Russia, in population, wealth, 
and power. 

" The Russian," says our author, " has a great disposition for wandering 
about beyond his native place, but not for travelling abroad. The love of 
home seems to be merged, to a great extent, in love of country. A Russian 
feels himself at home everywhere within Russia ; and, in a political sense, 
this rambling disposition of the people, and the close intercourse between 
the inhabitants of the various provinces to which it leads, contributes to 
knit a closer bond of union between the people, and to arouse and maintain a 
national policy and a patriotic love of country. Although he may quit his 
native place, the Russian never wholly severs the connexion with it ; and, 
as we have before mentioned, being fitted by natural talent to turn his 
hand to any species of work, he in general never limits himself in his 
wanderings to any particular occupation, but tries at several, but chooses 
whatever may seem to him the most advantageous. When they pursue 
any definite extensive trade, such as that of a carpenter, mason, or the 



who's to blame? 



287 



like, in large towns, they associate together, and form a sort of trade's asso- 
ciation ; and the cleverest assumes the position of a sort of contractor for 
the labour required." — Pages 331, 332. 

" A recent English traveller in Russia presents a different state of feel- 
ing as there existing. ' The Russian coachman,' he says, ' seldom uses his 
whip, and generally only knocks with it upon the footboard of the sledge, 
by way of a gentle admonition to his steed — with whom, meanwhile, he 
keeps up a running colloquy, seldom giving him harder words than, " My 
brother — my friend — my little pigeon — my sweetheart." " Come, my 
pretty pigeon, make use of your legs," he will say. " What now ! art 
blind 1 Come, be brisk ! Take care of that stone, there. Don't see it 1 
There, that's right ! Bravo ! hop, hop, hop ! Steady, boy, steady ! What 
art turning thy head for ? Look out boldly before thee ! hurra ! yukh ! 
yukh!" 

" ' I could not,' he continues, ' help contrasting this with the offensive 
language we constantly hear in England, from carters and boys employed 
in driving horses. You are continually shocked by the oaths used. They 
seem to think the horses will not go, unless they swear at them ; and boys 
consider it manly to imitate this example, and learn to swear too, and 
break God's commandments, by taking his holy name in vain ; and this 
while making use of a fine noble animal he has given for our service, and 
not for abuse. There is much unnecessary cruelty in the treatment 
of these dumb creatures, for they are often beaten when doing their best, 
or from not understanding what their masters want them to do.' 

" Of the truth of this, as regards England, the journals of that 
country often furnish most revolting evidence ; but the mere fact 
that there exists there a society for preventing cruelty to animals, 
would seem to show that its services had been much needed." — 
Page 333. 

" ' The landholders,' says the same author before referred to, 1 having serfs, 
gave them permission to engage in manufactures, and to seek for work for 
themselves where they liked, on the mere condition of paying their lord a 
personal tax {obrok). Each person is rated according to his personal capa- 
bilities, talents, and capacities, at a certain capital ; and according to what 
he estimates himself capable of gaining, he is taxed at a fixed sum, as in- 
terest of that capital. Actors and singers are generally serfs, and they are 
obliged to pay obrok for the exercise of their art, as much as the lowest 
handicraftsman. In recent times, the manufacturing system of Western 
Europe has been introduced into Russia, and the natives have been encou- 
raged to establish all sorts of manufactures on these models ; and it 
remains to be seen whether the new system will have the anticipated 
effect of contributing to the formation of a middle class, which hitherto 
has been the chief want in Russia, as a political state.' 

"That such must be the effect cannot be doubted. The middle 



288 



THE WAR: 



class has everywhere grown with the growth of towns and other places 
of local exchange ; and men have become free, precisely as they have 
been able to unite together for the increase of the productiveness of 
their labour. In every part of the movement which thus tends to the 
emancipation of the serf, the Government is seen to be actively coop- 
perating ; and it is scarcely possible to read an account of what is there 
being done, without a feeling of great respect for the Emperor, { so 
often,' says a recent writer, ' denounced as a deadly foe to freedom — 
the true father of his country, earnestly striving to develop and mature 
the rights of his subjects.'' 

" 1 For male serfs,' says the same author, ' at all times, until recently, 
military service was the only avenue to freedom. It required, how- 
ever, twenty years' service, and by the close of that time the soldier 
became so accustomed to that mode of life that he rarely left it. A 
few years since, however, the term was shortened to eight years, and 
thousands of men are now annually restored to civil life, free men, 
who, but a few years previously, had been slaves, liable to be bought 
and sold with the land.' 

" Formerly, the lord had the same unlimited power of disposing of 
his serfs that is now possessed by the people of our southern states. 
The serf was a mere chattel — an article of traffic and merchandise ; 
and husbands and wives, parents and children, were constantly liable 
to be separated from each other. By an ukase of 1827, however, they 
were declared an integral and inseparable portion of the soil. 

" ' The immediate consequence of this decree,' says Mr. J errman, ' was 
the cessation, at least in its most repulsive form, of the degrading traffic 
in human flesh, by sale, barter, or gift. Thenceforward no serf could be 
transferred to another owner, except by the sale of the land to which he 
belonged. To secure to itself the refusal of the land, and the human 
beings appertaining to it, and at the same time to avert from the land- 
owner the ruin consequent on dealing with usurers, the Government 
established an imperial loan bank, which made advances on mortgage of 
lands, to the extent of two-thirds of their value. The borrowers had to 
pay back each year three per cent, of the loan, besides three per cent, 
interest. If they failed to do this, the crown returned them the instal- 
ments already paid, gave them the remaining third of the value of the 
property, and took possession of the land and its population. This was 
the first stage of freedom for the serfs ; they became crown peasants, held 
their dwellings and bit of land as an hereditary fief from the crown, and 
paid annually for the same a sum total of five roubles (about four shillings 
for each male person) ; a rent for which, assuredly, in the whole of Ger- 
many, the very poorest farm is not to be had ; to say nothing of the con- 
sideration that, in case of bad harvests, destruction by hail, disease, &c, 



who's to blame? 



289 



the Crown is bound to supply the strict necessities of its peasants, and to 
find them in daily bread, in the indispensable stock of cattle and seed-corn, 
to repair their habitations, and so forth. 

" By this arrangement, and in a short time, a considerable portion of 
the lands of the Kussian nobility became the property of the state, and 
with it a large number of serfs became crown peasants. This was the first 
and most important step toward opening the road to freedom to that majo- 
rity of the Russian population which consists of slaves." 

We have here the stage of preparation for that division of the 
land which has in all countries of the world attended the growth of 
wealth and population, and which is essential . to further growth, not 
only in wealth, but in freedom. Consolidation of the land has every- 
where been the accompaniment of slavery, and so must it always be. 
—Pages 334 and 335. 

At the next step, we find the Emperor bestowing upon the serf, as 
preparatory to entire freedom, certain civil rights. 

" An ukase permitted them to enter into contracts. Thereby was ac- 
corded to them, not only the right of possessing property, but the infi- 
nitely higher blessing of a legal recognition of their moral worth as men. 
Hitherto the serf was recognised by the state only as a sort of beast in 
human form. He could hold no property, give no legal evidence, take no 
oath. No matter how eloquent his speech, he was dumb before the law. 
He might have treasures in his dwelling, the law knew him only as a 
pauper. His word and honour were valueless, compared to those of the 
vilest freeman. In short, morally, he could not be said to exist. The 
Emperor Nicholas gave to the serfs, that vast majority of his subjects, 
the first sensation of moral worth, the first throb of self-respect, the first 
perception of the rights and dignity and duty of man. What professed 
friend of the people can boast to have done more, or yet so much, for so 
many millions of men V 

" Having given the serfs power to hold property, the Emperor now/ 5 
says our author, " taught them to prize the said property above all in the 
interest of their freedom." The serf " could not buy his own freedom, but 
he became free by the purchase of the patch of soil to which he was linked. 
To such purchase, the right of contract cleared his road. The lazy Rus- 
sian who worked with an ill will toward his master, doing as little as he 
could for the latter's profit, toiled day and night for his own advantage. 
Idleness was replaced by the diligent improvement of his farm ; brutal 
drunkenness by frugality and sobriety ; the earth, previously neglected, 
requited the unwonted care with its richest treasures. By the magic of 
industry, wretched hovels were transformed into comfortable dwellings, 
wildernesses into blooming fields, desolate steppes and deep morasses into 
productive land ; whole communities lately sunk in poverty, exhibited 
unmistakeable signs of competency and well-doing. The serfs, now allowed 
to enter into contracts, lent the lord of the soil the money of which he 

U 



290 



THE war: 



often stood in need, on the same conditions as the Crown, receiving in 
security the land they occupied, their own bodies, and the bodies of their 
wives and children. The nobleman preferred the serf's loan to the 
Government's loan, because, when pay-day came for the annual interest 
and instalment, the Crown, if he was not prepared to pay, took possession 
of his estate, having funds wherewith to pay him the residue of its value. 
The parish of serfs, which had lent money to its owner, lacked these 
funds. Pay-day came, the debtor did not pay, but neither did the serfs 
produce the one-third of the value of the land which they must disburse 
to him in order to be free. Thus they lost their capital, and did not gain 
their liberty : but Nicholas lived, the father of his subjects. 

" Between the anxious debtor and the still more anxious creditor, now 
interposed an Imperial ukase, which, in such cases, opened to the parishes 
of serfs the imperial treasury. Mark this ; for it is worthy to be noted, 
the Russian imperial treasury was opened to the serfs, that they might 
purchase their freedom." — Page 336. 

" The Government might simply have released the creditors from their 
embarrassment, by paying the debtor the one-third still due to him, and 
then land and tenants belonged to the state, — one parish the more of 
Crown peasants. Nicholas did not adopt that course. He lent the serfs 
the money they needed to buy themselves from their master ; and for 
this loan (a third only of their value), they mortgaged themselves and 
their lands to the Crown ; paid annually three per cent, interest, and three 
per cent, of the capital ; and would thus in about thirty years be free, and 
proprietors of their land. That they would be able to pay off this third 
was evident, since, to obtain its amount, they had still the same resources 
which enabled them to save up the two-thirds already paid. Supposing, 
however, the very worst ?j that through inevitable misfortunes, such as 
pestilence, disease of cattle, &c, they were prevented satisfying the rightful 
claims of the Crown, — in that case, the Crown paid them back the two- 
thirds value which they had previously disbursed to their former owner, 
and they became a parish of Crown peasants, whose lot, compared to their 
earlier one, was still enviable. But not once in a hundred times do such 
cases occur ; while, by the above plan, whole parishes gradually acquire 
their freedom, not by a sudden and violent change, which could not fail to 
have some evil consequences, but in course of time, after a probation of 
labour and frugality, and after thus attaining to the knowledge that with- 
out these two great factors of true freedom no real liberty can possibly be 
durable." 

" The free peasants as yet constitute a small class, but they live as free 
and happy men, upon their own land ; are active, frugal, and without ex- 
ception well off. This they must be, for considerable means are necessary 
for the purchase of their freedom ; and once free and in possession of a 
farm of their own, their energy and industry, manifested even in a state 
of slavery, are redoubled by the enjoyment of personal liberty, and their 
earnings naturally increase in a like measure. 

" The second class, the Crown peasants, are far better off (setting aside, 



who's to blame ? 



291 



of course, the consciousness of freedom) than the peasants of Germany. 
They must furnish their quota of recruits, but that is their only material 
burden. Besides that, they annually pay to the Crown a sum of five rou- 
bles (about four shillings) for each male person of the household. Sup- 
posing the family to include eight working men, which is no small number 
for a farm, the yearly tribute paid amounts to thirty-two shillings. And 
what a farm that must be that employs eight men all the year round ! 
In what country of civilized Europe has the peasant so light a burden to 
bear ? How much heavier those which press upon the English farmer, 
the French, the German, and above all the Austrian, who often gives up 
three-fourths of his harvest in taxes. If the Crown peasant be so fortu- 
nate as to be settled in the neighbourhood of a large town, his prosperity 
soon exceeds that even of the Altenburg husbandmen, said to be the 
richest in all Germany. On the other hand, he can never purchase his 
freedom ; hitherto, at least, no law of the Crown has granted him this 
privilege."— Pages 337, 338. 

That this, however, is the tendency of every movement, must be 
admitted by all who have studied the facts already given, and who 
read the following account of the commencement of local self-govern- 
ment : — 

" But what would our ardent anti-Russians say, if I took them into the 
interior of the empire, gave them an insight into the organization of 
parishes, and showed, to their infinite astonishment, what they never yet 
dreamt of, that the whole of that organization is based upon republican 
principles ; that there everything has its origin in election by the people ; 
and that that was already the case at a period when a great mass of 
German democrats did not so much as know the meaning of popular fran- 
chise ? Certainly the Russian serfs do not at the present day know what 
it means ; but without knowing the name of the thing, without ever having 
heard a word of Lafayette's ill-omened 'Trone monarchique environne 
d'institutions republiGaines,' they choose their own elders, their adminis- 
trators, their dispensers of justice and finance, and never dream that they, 
slaves, enjoy and benefit by privileges by which some of the most civilized 
nations have proved themselves incapable of profiting. 

" Space does not here permit a more extensive sketch of what the 
Emperor Nicholas has done, and still is daily doing, for the true freedom 
of his subjects ; but what I have here brought forward must surely suffice 
to place him, in the eyes of every unprejudiced person, in the light of a 
real lover of his people. That his care has created a paradise ; that no 
highly criminal abuse of power, no shameful neglect, prevails in the depart- 
ments of justice and police, it is hoped no reflecting reader will infer from 
this exposition of facts. But the still existing abuses alter nothing in my 
view of the Emperor's character, of his assiduous efforts to raise his nation 
out of the deep slough in which it still is partly sunk, of his efficacious 
endeavours to elevate his people to a knowledge and use of their rights as 

u 2 



292 



THE WAR : 



men— alter nothing in my profound persuasion that Czar Nicholas I. is 
the true father of his country." 

We are told that the policy of Russia is adverse to the progress 
of civilization, while that of England is favourable to it ; and that we 
should aid the latter in opposing the former. How is this to be 
proved? Shall we look to Ireland for the proof? If we do, we shall 
meet there nothing but famine, pestilence, and depopulation. Or to 
Scotland, where men, whose ancestors had occupied the same spot for 
centuries, are being hunted down that they may be transported to the 
shores of the St. Lawrence, there to perish, as they so recently have 
done, of cold and of hunger 1 Or to India, whose whole class of small 
proprietors and manufacturers has disappeared under the blighting 
influence of her system, and whose commerce now diminishes from 
year to year 1 Or to Portugal, the weakest and most wretched of all 
the communities of Europe? Or to China, poisoned with smuggled 
opium, that costs the nation annually little less than 40,000,000 of 
dollars, without which the Indian Government could not be main- 
tained? Look where we may, we see a growing tendency toward 
slavery wherever the British system is permitted to obtain ; whereas 
freedom grows in the ratio in which that system is repudiated. 

jThat such must necessarily be the case will be seen by every 
reader who will for a moment reflect on the difference between the 
effect of the Russian system on the condition of women, and that of 
the British system on the condition of those of India. In the former, 
there is everywhere arising a demand for women to be employed in 
the lighter labour of conversion, and thus do they tend from day to 
day to become more self-supporting, and less dependent on the will 
of husbands, brothers, and sons. In the other, the demand for their 
labour has passed away, and their condition declines ; and so it must 
continue to do while Manchester shall be determined upon closing the 
domestic demand for cotton, and driving the whole population to the 
cultivation of sugar, rice, and cotton, for export to England. 

The system of Russia is attractive of population, and French, 
German, and American mechanics, of every description, find demand 
for their services. That of England is repulsive, as is seen by the 
forced export of men from England, Scotland, and Ireland, and India ; 
now followed by whole cargoes of women, sent out by aid of public 
contributions, — presenting a spectacle almost as humiliating to the 
pride of the sex as can be found in the slave bazaar of Constan- 
tinople. 



who's to blame? 



293 



DON COSSACKS. 

Amongst the bugbears and humbugs called forth to alarm us, 
that of being overrun by the Cossacks, who are supposed to be a 
people something akin to devils or demons, is not the least prominent. 
A clergyman of no mean celebrity, Dr. Cumming, and who might 
have been supposed to know better, asks in his sermons, entitled 
" War and its Issues," p. 65, " What does a Don Cossack know of Chris- 
tianity 1 Your arguments fall on him as snow-flakes on Etna;— go and 
preach to him the Gospel to make him a Christian first." Now we reply 
to this derision, it is^only necessary to state facts, namely, that the Don 
Cossack is a Christian. His faith is that of the earlier Greek Church, 
and purer than it is now practised in the Greek Church in Turkey, or 
than the Russian Church, with all the reforms which have taken place 
in it of late years. Such are the Don Cossacks, after ages of cruel 
persecutions by the Tartars, the original race from which the Turks 
descended, on the one hand, and by the Turks and the Polish Roman 
Catholics on the other. Dr. Clarke gives us the following not very 
terrifying picture of their life and manners ; but previous to extract- 
ing this, let us attend for a moment to the cause of their voluntary 
submission to the crown of Russia, as we find the interesting facts 
stated in Cantemir's " History of Turkey," Book IV. pp. 287—289. 
It will show us something not very generally known of the character 
and conduct of the Turks, Poles, and Hungarians, very faithfully, it 
is believed, drawn by the hand of dear-bought experience. The fol^ 
lowing is the speech of their chief, Doroshenho, hetman of the Sari 
Camysh Cazagy, {Cossacks of the Yellow Reed,) to his followers on the 
occasion : — 

" I imagined (says he) that, oppressed and contemptuously treated by the 
Poles, we might find a sure refuge under the protection of the Turks. They 
were so remote from our borders that there seemed no reason to fear them; 
and their name so formidable to their enemies, that a ship under their 
colours seemed to be as safe as in the very harbour. To these considera- 
tions were added the promises made to us, such as we could scarce have 
asked for; namely, the enjoyment of our civil and religious liberties, free- 
dom from tribute, and a large share of the booty which we should gain in 
their service. That they would perform these promises I was inclined to 
believe, chiefly because they seemed the more desirous of our friendship, as 
they had more than once found us formidable enemies. But how little sin- 
cerity is to be expected among infidels, is sufficiently evident from what we 
have seen with our own eyes. When, to demonstrate my fidelity, I marched 
in the Polish war to their assistance with a good part of the army, I was not 



294 



THE WAR: 



only not received with, due honour, but treated with contempt, and, like a 
traitor, commanded to return home. They were jealous of our being eye- 
witnesses to their conduct, and apprehensive lest the sight of our churches 
turned into mosques, contrary to the most solemn engagements, and the 
transplanting the inhabitants into barren lands, should open our eyes and 
teach us what we were to expect. When a peace was concluded with the 
Poles, they freed us indeed from the yoke of that nation ; but so freed us 
that they have laid a heavier on our necks. Hence they voluntarily 
resigned to the Poles the chief bulwarks of their country, Bialocerskiew 
and Pawolocz. Hence they, who at other times, upon the slightest injury, 
breathe nothing but fire and sword, pass over in strange silence the prohi- 
bition of commerce, and other Polish acts, by which we are daily exhausted, 
and the best part of our blood sucked out ; that weakened and deprived of 
our strength, we may be rendered incapable of making any resistance 
whenever they shall think proper to impose their tyranny upon us. These 
were the artifices of the Othman princes, by which they founded and im- 
mensely enlarged their empire ; to overcome Christians by Christians, to 
subdue both when exhausted by a long war, and when subdued, to treat 
them at first with lenity, and afterwards, by degrees, to lay so heavy a yoke 
upon them, that the weight may at last stupify the bearers. If any should 
doubt of this, or imagine I speak out of envy to the Turks, he will have a 
convincing proof in the princes of Moldavia, who were not subdued by the 
Turks with arms, but allured by mild speeches and promises of liberty to 
a voluntary submission, and yet are now oppressed with the same servitude 
as the rest of the Christians under the Othman dominion. Taught by 
these examples, I too late lament our error ; however it is not so late, but a 
remedy may be applied to the wound, if you will show yourselves worthy 
your name and ancestors. But resolution alone is not sufficient ; strength 
is required in order to defend our religion and country, and to rescue our- 
selves from unjust servitude ; strength, I say, without which resolution is 
nothing but a head without a body. Since we are not equal to bearing both 
a Turkish and a Polish, war, it is necessary for us to desire the assistance 
of our neighbours ; but of whom, it is our business to consider. We have 
already made sufficient trial of the Poles, and I imagine none of you will 
ever think of putting yourselves again under their yoke. The Hungarians 
and Germans are more solicitous about their own than the affairs of their 
neighbours. In short, there remains only the Czar of Russia, to whose 
father my predecessor, Bogdan Kiemielniski, many years since j)romised 
fidelity, but we were afterwards obliged, by force of arms, to abandon 
our engagements, If the word subjection appears disagreeable to any 
person, let him consider that liberty once lost, if it cannot be restored to 
its former lustre, will inquire, not where it may be freed from all, but 
where it may enjoy the easiest, conditions. We have nothing to fear as to 
our churches from a prince of the same religion as ourselves, — nothing as 
to fortunes from a prince who possesses much more by right than he can 
take from us with injustice. He is at present master of the best part of our 
country ; and, having amassed a vast treasure during a long peace, he can 



who's to blame ? 



295 



easily- defend us against any enemy whatever. That we should fly "to his 
protection, we are obliged by justice, and the fidelity promised him by our 
fathers, and indeed by the necessity of our affairs, and the remembrance 
of his former gentle dominion over us. Nor is there the least doubt but 
he will both receive us with open arms as lost sons, and defend us as the 
bulwarks of his kingdom against our enemies." 

The Russian sovereign readily accepted their allegiance, and from 
this period the Don Cossacks have remained faithful, grateful, and 
useful subjects of Russia. Their defection from the Turks, hurried 
the Ottoman Government into a war with Russia, in which victory 
declared for the latter power. 

From Edinburgh Review, vol. xvi. pp. 362 — 365. Clarke's Travels. 

" The account given of the Don Cossacks places that people in a per- 
fectly new point of view. Instead of a horde of savages, nay, of the very 
worst of savages, as they are represented all over Europe, entirely from 
the habits of those whom the Russians have in their armies, and from the 
studious calumnies of the Russians, our author found them an innocent 
and daily improving race of men, infinitely less barbarous than the best of 
the Russians, and living among themselves in peace, comfort, and even 
wealth. Were we to add that he describes them as a civilized and a highly 
polished people, it might be suspected that we were misled either by our 
own enthusiasm, or by that which we had imbibed from our author. Yet 
so it is. We shall give one passage from many which might be selected to 
the same purpose. 

" i In Tscherchaskay they live an amicable and pleasant life. Sometimes 
they have public amusements, such as balls and parties of pleasure. Once 
they had a theatre, but it was prohibited. In some of their apartments we 
observed mahogany book-cases with glass doors, containing a small library. 
They are, in every respect, entitled to praise for their cleanliness, whether 
of their persons or their houses. There is no nation (I will not even except 
my own) more cleanly in their apparel than the Cossacks. The dress of 
their women is singular : it differs from all the costumes of Russia ; and 
its magnificence is tested in the ornaments of a cap somewhat resembling 
the mitre of a Greek bishop. The hair of married women is tucked under 
this cap, which is covered with pearls and gold, or adorned with flowers. 
The dress of a Cossack girl is elegant — a silk tunic, with trowsers fastened 
by a girdle of solid silver, yellow boots, and an Indian handkerchief round 
the head. A proof of their riches was afforded in the instance of the mis- 
tress of the house where we lodged. This woman walked about the apart- 
ments without shoes or stockings, and being asked for some needles to 
secure the insects we had collected, opened a box in which she showed us 
pearls to the value of 10,000 rubles. Her cupboard at the same time was 
filled with plate and costly porcelain. The common dress of the men in 
Tscherchaskay was a blue jacket, with a waistcoat and trowsers of white 



296 



THE AVAR : 



dimity ; the latter so white and spotless that they seemed always new 
The tattered state of a traveller's wardrobe but ill fitted us to do credit to 
our country in this respect. I never saw a Cossack in a dirty suit of 
clothes. Their hands, moreover, are always clean, their hair free from ver- 
min, their teeth white, and their skin has a healthy and cleanly appearance. 
Polished in their manners, instructed in their minds, hospitable, generous, 
disinterested in their hearts, humane and tender to the poor, good hus- 
bands, good fathers, good wives, good mothers, virtuous daughters, valiant 
and dutiful sons — such are the natives of Tscherchaskay. In con>:enatio?i 
the Cossack is a gentleman ; for he is well-informed, free from prejudice, open, sin- 
cere, and upright? " — Pages 292 — 294. 



CIRCASSIANS. 

" The account which our travellers give of the Circassians presents a 
remarkable contrast, in almost every particular, to the foregoing sketch of 
the Cossacks. With the exception of the ferocious valour which the men, 
like all savages, possess, and the singular beauty of form which distin- 
guishes the women, no one estimable quality is to be traced in either the; 
description or the occurrences relating to this barbarous tribe," 



who's to blame? 



287 



CHAPTER X. 

CIRCASSIA — CHARACTER OP ITS PEOPLE — SCHAMTL THE IMPOSTOR — WHITE 
SLAVE TRADE IN CIRCASSIA AND TURKEY — BLACK SLAVE TRADE IN OTTO- 
MAN TERRITORIES — GEORGIA AS IT WAS AND IS, ETC. ETC. 

SCHAMTL. 

Amongst the new idols which we have selected for national admira- 
tion and worship, is the restless Caucasian chief and fanatic, daring 
impostor, and open blasphemer of the power and authority of the 
Most High — Schamyl, It is with pain it is perceived that a noble- 
man of such high standing and great abilities as Lord Lyndhurst 
should take this daring impostor and his ferocious companions under 
his wing. Surely his Lordship does not choose correctly, or he might 
have found and selected much more formidable weapons with which in 
party warfare he could have assailed the British Government and the 
Emperor of Russia. But his Lordship has made his selection, and 
therefore this public act of his on a public question comes fairly under 
review. The following is his Lordship's allusion to Schamyl and 
Circassia, in the House of Lords, June 19th, 1854 : — " Can it be sup- 
posed possible, after we have encouraged the Circassians by every means 
in our power to oppose themselves to the Russian forces, that we are 
prepared to restore their country again to Russia, by placing that 
power in the same position which she occupied before the war 1 (Hear, 
hear.) How unjust would that be to the Circassians, and to our allies 
in that part of the world ! I think it would be wrong to conclude that 
such a course of proceeding could by any possibility, or under 'any 
circumstances, be adopted." — {Report of speech, Morning Chronicle, June 
%\st, 1854.) Here we have it stated, from high authority, that Great 
Britain has long encouraged these half savage tribes to act as they have 
done ; an avowal which confers no honour upon this country. Thus 
encouraged, the prospect of hostilities between Russia and Turkey set 
these mountaineers in motion. Consul Yeames tells us (Part II. 
p. 162) that "the present disturbances in the Caucasus are notorious; 



298 



THE WAR: 



extending even to the south-western frontier, excited perhaps by 
emissaries, or by the near vicinity of a Mussulman army said to be 
now forming in that part of the Ottoman empire." 

Of this man the Times of Sept. loth says : — "Schamyl is employing 
fire as well as sword against his enemies. There is reason to fear that 
he has put all the unfortunate Russian ladies to death who had fallen into 
his hands. 1 Scliamyl. the gloomy fanatic, with his bloodthirsty Murides 
(a kind of body guard), is not likely to be a favourite here in England." 
'• The Tchetckenses, andLesghians, and other tribes over which he rules, 
border (the Lesghians) within fifty miles of Teflis." The next day the 
same journal told us : "Schamyl has gained a great victory over the 
Russians at Teflis." " It is by exploits such as this (the destruction, 
if true, of 80 or 100 villages), by hard and frequent blows in well 
fought fields, and not by diplomatic negotiations, which lead to no- 
thing, that the Emperor Nicholas will be brought to feel the hopeless 
nature of the struggle into which he has rushed, and that peace will be 
restored to the world/' Thus the bloodthirsty impostor, Schamyl, 
becomes at once a hero and a god, when he engages to aid the allies 
and attack Eussia ! Let us attend to the character of this man, and 
the cruel tribes over which he rules, as these are drawn by an ad- 
miring and friendly hand as regards him, and by impartial authority 
as regards his people : — 

WraxlialVs Schamyl. 
" Schamyl rules over the subjected tribes of the Daghistan and Tchetch- 
nia, as absolute monarch ; and has exerted himself strenuously to fomi one 
nation out of them. The execution of this great plan, however, is attended 
by almost incalculable impediments. A number of tribes, among whom 
we may especially mention Karach, Audi, Salatan, and Andalal, obey the 
Imam rather through fear than attachment ; for the Russians, well aware 
of the value of these districts, employ all their influence, and spare neither 
presents nor promises, to bring the inhabitants on their side. If, however, 
Schamyl remains several years longer in the unimpeded possession of these 
countries, it may be assumed that he will succeed, through his continual 
right selection of means, in fusing them permanently with his other 
possessions. 

" The chfiiculties with which the Imam has to contend appear greater the 
more closely we examine into the condition of Daghistan before his time : 
he does not form his army of the chivalrous men of the Adiche, Ulychs, 
and Shapsuch ; tribes, some of which have been degraded by years of 
slavery, others educated hi robbery and plunder, — in whose hearts ambi- 
tious and ignorant priests had destroyed every feeling of reverence for 
religion,— who knew no other laws than traditional customs and their own 

1 TYincess Orbellian, and several other ladies of rank, who attempted to resist their hrutalit j, 
were first abused, and then literally hewu to pieces ! 



who's to blame? 



299 



will— these were the principal members out of which Schamyl formed the 
terrible body whose soul he is. The most fight from a pure love of 
liberty ; many however, as can only be expected, for more ignoble ends. 
Some are seduced by the hope of booty, others by the fire of the eloquence, 
or fear of the certain revenge, of the Imam ; but the object of all is the 
expulsion of the Eussians from Daghistan." — WraxhalVs Schamyl, p. 71. 

" In order to gain a higher degree of dignity, Schamyl has impregnated 
his Murides with the idea, that he carries on a regular correspondence with 
the Sultan of Turkey, and the Egyptian Pasha. The Russians assert that 
he frequently writes forged letters for this purpose, in which these princes 
give him assurances of friendship and speedy assistance, and that he then 
sends these false letters to the kadis and priests, with orders that they should 
be read in the mosques and national assemblies. 

"His pretended communications with Allah and the Prophet he wisely 
allows only to occur once, at the most twice, in the year ; and, usually, 
about the time he is about to execute some great design. 

" In order to prepare for the solemnity, he goes either into a hidden 
cave, or shuts himself up in his apartments, where he spends three weeks 
in fasting, praying, and reading the Koran. During this time, the house 
is most strictly guarded, and no one is allowed to enter. On the evening 
of the last day of his retirement, he assembles the highest leaders, and 
clergy, and announces to them in a solemn voice that Mahommed, the 
prophet, has appeared to him in the form of a dove, has given him com- 
mands, revealed great mysteries, or warned him to continue in the holy 
war. After this, he shows himself to the immense crowd that surrounds 
the house ; sings a few verses from the Koran ; and then holds a long 
speech, full of religious zeal, and hatred to the Eussians. In this speech, 
the most important portions of the new revelation are announced to the 
people ; and, after this, a solemn hymn is sung by the entire assembly, all 
the arms-bearicg men draw their daggers, renew their oath of fidelity, and 
hatred to the Eussians, and then disperse, with the exclamation, ( God is 
great ! Mahommed is his first prophet, and Schamyl his second /' 

" The kadis and mullahs return to their aouls ; announce to the people 
all the miracles they have witnessed and heard ; and, through the whole 
country, a week of universal rejoicing and festivity follows the long fast of 
their adored Imam. 

" Through his strict love of justice, to which even some of his many 
relations have fallen victims, it was only natural that Schamyl should have 
a number of powerful enemies, not only amongst the Tchetchenzes, but 
among the Lesghis, and he would long ago have fallen through the exercise 
of the blood revenge, were he not so personally cautious in the choice of 
his guards. He never appears alone. Access to his person is a matter of 
extreme difficulty to all who do not possess his confidence. He also is very 
particular about the strict performance of the appointed ceremonies ; any 
one who approaches him must, without distinction of rank or person, stoop 
down to the ground, and kiss the hem of his garment." — Page 72. 



300 



THE WAR : 



" They form, at the same time, Schamyl's secret police. They have a 
watchful eye everywhere, and one accused by them is executed without 
further inquiry. Even the judges and priests are not safe from their prying 
eyes ; and they are the mortar, which binds together the stones out of 
which Schamyl has raised the fortifications of his power." — Page 66. 

" It cannot be denied, that this trade with Circassian and Georgian girls 
has, at times, great drawbacks for themselves. The unhappy creatures, 
who are generally put on board the steamer that sails from Trebizonde, 
reach Constantinople in a most deplorable condition. Any one not tho- 
roughly acquainted with the state of the case, may, perhaps, almost envy 
the captain who has under his charge such a poetical cargo ; but, unfortu- 
nately, these girls are as carefully guarded as if they were so many casks 
of leeches for the Marseilles market. They are, naturally, separated as 
much as possible from the remaining passengers, and huddled together, 
wrapped in their dusty clothes, like so many negro slaves. They are 
usually attacked with eruptions of the skin ; for they are most commonly 
sold by their parents through avarice or poverty, and are delivered to the 
purchaser almost in a state of nudity. If they were to be provided, in the 
first instance, with clean, respectable clothing, the whole of the profits 
would be lost. A ragged shirt, and a piece of linen to confine it round the 
shoulders, is the costume in which they huddle together, and whisper 
about the splendour promised them, or dream and think of their home 
from which they have been driven among strangers in this condition. The 
slave-dealers, with that narrow-mindedness which characterises every 
dealer in human flesh, feed these future favourites, during the voyage, on 
water and millet-broth. It may be easily imagined, that they reach the 
end of their journey in a condition which is of such a nature, that only a 
few connoisseurs of hidden charms would venture to express an opinion 
about them. At times, if the merchant wishes to get rid of his wares as 
quickly as possible, he drives his flock, in the miserable condition in which 
they have landed, to the market; or, at the most, throws a feridjii over the 
poor creatures' shoulders — chance generally directs the sale. The buyer 
keeps at a distance from his merchandise, like a physician from a patient 
sick with the plague, and drives them before him to one of the numerous 
institutions where beings of this sort are polished up for the harem. A 
number of old women earn their living by polishing up this raw material. 
Through the application of remedies, which are guarded with great mystery, 
the girls are speedily cured of their disease, cleaned, and dressed with clean 
clothes, so that it is difficult to recognise them, if a person had seen them 
previously in their miserable condition on board ship." — WraxhalVs 
Schamyl, p. 92. 

CIRCASSIANS — CHARACTER. 

The inhabitants of the Caucasus are Alani, Suenes, Giguis, Caracicks 
or Cari Cherks, or Black Circassians — so called because their country is 
always darkened with fogs and clouds. They are the fairest people in 



t 



who's to blame? 



301 



the world. They were anciently Christians, but now profess no reli- 
gion, but live by robbery and rapine, having nothing " that can entitle 
them to humanity but speech." They are tall and portly, and their 
very looks and speech show their savage dispositions, being the most 
resolute assassins and daring robbers in the world. 

" They have but one room for their whole family, and so lie all 
together. The men are well-shaped, and the women so handsome, that 
they seem born for commanding love." " They are witty and civil ; 
but, to balance that, haughty, deceitful, cruel, and impudent. The 
men have, also, many mischievous qualities, and there is no wickedness 
to which they are not addicted ; but that which they most delight in 
is theft. This they make their employment and glory. They justify 
it as lawful to have many wives ; because, they say, they bring us 
many children, which we can sell for money, or exchange for necessary 
conveniences/: yet, when they have not wherewithal to maintain them, 
they hold it a piece of charity to murder infants new-born, as also they 
'do such as are sick and past recovery ; because, they say, they free 
them from a deal of misery." 

The gentlemen of this country have full power over the lives and 
estates of their servants, to sell or dispose of their wives and children 
as they think fit — the whole family without exception, but altogether, 
both males and females ; the king with all his train, to his very 
grooms, and the queen with her maids and servants." " Their discourse 
at their merry meetings is, with the men, about their wars and rob- 
beries, and, among their women, obscene tales of their amours." — 
(Chardin, vol. ix. Pink. Coll. pp. 142—144:.) 

MINGRELIA. 

Mingrelia is but thinly peopled, because of their wars, and the vast 
numbers sold to the Turks and Persians by their nobility. The 
prince's revenue is derived from exports and imports, impositions of 
fines, and the slaves he sells. His slaves serve him for nothing. The 
religion of the Colchians was formerly the Greek Church ; St. Ambrose 
preached among them ; but now the Mingrelians are fallen into a pro- 
found abyss of ignorance and darkness, and have not the least idea of 
faith and religion, but look upon life eternal, the day of judgment, and 
the resurrection, as mere fables devised by men." " They (the priests) 
understand not the form of baptism, but let polygamy be practised, 
and permit the mothers to bury their new-born children alive. All 
their business is feasting and banqueting, when they are drunk almost 
daily." " Their greatest festivals are when an idol is carried through 
their country, when they put on their best clothes, and make a feast, 



302 



THE WAR: 



and get ready a present for their idol. Their mourning for the dead 
is altogether barbarous, and like that of people in despair : the women 
rend their clothes, and tear their hair and flesh, beat their breasts, cry, 
yell, and gnash with their teeth, like people mad or possessed : the men, 
also, tear their hair and thump their breasts," &c. — Pages 145, 146. 

GEORGIA. 

A fine and beautiful country, inhabited by Turks, Armenians, 
Georgians, Greeks, and Jews, who have their churches and synagogues. 
These inhabitants are, for the most part, Christians, after the Georgian 
ceremonies. On the right hand, going south to Gore, lie the ruins of 
a great city, now only containing 500 houses ; formerly, it had 12,000. 

" The complexions of the Georgians are most beautiful. You can 
scarce see an old, ill-favoured person among them ; and the women 
nve so exquisitely handsome, that it is hardly possible to look upon 
them and not be in love with them. They are tall, clean-limbed, 
plump, and full, but not over fat, and extremely slender in the waist. 
The Georgians are cheats and knaves, perfidious, treacherous, un- 
grateful, and proud. Drunkenness and luxury are such common vices 
among them, that they are not scandalous in Georgia." " The women 
are as vicious and wicked as the men, and contribute more than they 
do to that general debauchery which overflows the country." " The 
nobility exercise an absolute tyranny over the people who are their 
vassals ; making them labour as long as they please, without food or 
wages ; challenging a right over their estates, liberty, and lives ; and 
selling their children, or making them their slaves." — Page 180. 

Previous to Georgia coming under the dominion of Russia, 12,000 
slaves, chiefly females, were exported to Turkey and Persia. But, 
under Russia, that odious traffic was completely abolished. In the 
mountainous districts known under the name of Circassia — extending 
from the mouth of the Kuban to Derbent and Baku in the Caspian, a 
distance of about 520 geographical miles from north-west to south- 
east, and in breadth from 30 to 60 miles on the average — about seventy 
different languages are spoken, and, in several instances, one language 
is confined to three or four villages. These remnants of different 
nations are engaged in perpetual feuds with each other. On the north- 
east side of the chain, in Lesghea, and some intermediate districts, 
that gross impostor, and ferocious freebooter, Schamyl, has, of late 
years, been endeavouring to bring the population, scanty as it is, under 
his own sway. Since Chardin's day, the inhabitants of these districts 
have adopted a mongrel sort of Mahommedanism. Amongst them 
are to be found the miserable and degraded remains of what, in early 



who's to blame? 



303 



times, were flourishing Christian communities, now rapidly renovating 
under the sway of Russia. 

Transcaucasia under Russia. Baron von Haxthausen. — Page 81. 

" Transcaucasia is rich in corn and salt ; and any serious fluctuation in 
the price of these articles is prevented by free communication, and the 
purchase of salt at a fixed price from the Crown stores. The hills and 
valleys, which were formerly passable only on mules or horses, and in 
a few parts in wagons drawn by oxen, are now everywhere traversed by 
tolerable roads ; the post service is under the best regulation for travelling, 
and intercourse is facilitated by a regular postal communication, which has 
been carried to the most distant communes. 

" The Emperor's care is extended likewise to the religious and spiritual 
wants of the inhabitants. The neglected state of the dominate Greek 
Church, of the Armenian, the Lutheran (consisting of the colonists from 
Wurtemberg), and the Roman Catholic Churches, as well as the two 
Mahommedan sects, was exchanged for discipline and order, with the aid and 
cooperation of the respective clergy of these religious bodies. Churches 
and chapels were restored or rebuilt, whilst education^ and a provision for 
the clergy of every faith, were secured. 

" In Teflis, Nankha, and Chamaka, institutions have been established to 
promote the cultivation of corn, silk, and wine ; and, in the Government 
departments, artisans and labourers are trained for this wide field of agri- 
cultural enterprise. Free instruction is provided, in the excellent military 
schools, for the sons of the numerous and poor nobles. Every chief town 
of the circle contains a school, amply endowed, for the education of the 
sons of nobles, merchants, and the upper class of citizens. The gym- 
nasium, and the institute for daughters of men of rank, are supported in 
a manner corresponding to the education required. The pupils who dis- 
tinguish themselves at these institutions, have free admission to the 
Imperial universities, and the polytechnic schools of St. Petersburg and 
Moscow. The sons of meritorious native inhabitants are received into 
these schools ; and entire corps have been formed, principally of the sons 
of Mahommedans of rank, who never before passed the limits of their own 
country. Many of these Asiatics have made remarkable progress in science 
and civilization, in the schools opened expressly for them at St. Peters- 
burg ; whilst almost all return to their homes with feelings of affectionate 
attachment to the Emperor, and gratitude for the advantages of European 
civilization. 

" Nor have literary acquirements been neglected. A catalogue of the 
books and manuscripts in the library at Echmiadzin, has been prepared 
and printed ; rare documents have been either purchased or transcribed ; 
and correct impressions of all the inscriptions, dispersed in various public 
buildings in Transcaucasia, have been collected. 

" Well knowing, however, that the success of the best efforts and 
arrangements, in such institutions, mainly depends on the zeal with which 
they are carried out, the Emperor has encouraged the choice of able assist- 



304 



THE WAR : 



ants, by assigning them nearly three times the ordinary amount of salary, 
together with considerable sums of money to defray the expenses of 
travelling and establishing themselves. Every five years, these salaries 
are increased ; and provision for old age, and pensions to the surviving 
relatives of these officials, are the rewards of steady, zealous, and upright 
conduct, in the service of the state in Caucasia." 

In reference to the state of the mountain districts of Circassia, and 
of the white slave trade as now renewed and carried on with Turkey, 
the following selections from letters' of well-informed and able corre- 
spondents of some of our daily journals, at present in these parts, may 
suffice to give the reader a correct idea of the present state of things : — 

" Bardane, May 25th, 1854. 
Jf At present the only trade that may be said to be carried on here is 
that in women ; and this seems to be extraordinarily active at present, 
from the large prices obtainable in Constantinople, and the removal of all 
obstacles. I have been told, from good authority, that a girl bought for 
fifteen purses here is sold in Constantinople for forty. Numbers of little 
boats arrive all along the coast, from Trebizond, almost every day. They 
haul themselves up on the beach, and spread the sails on the sides of the 
boat to form tents ; here the captain sits, and the natives bring down to 
him their girls to exchange against his cargo — which generally consists of 
calicoes, prints, and other stuffs, and in salt. There is no money in the 
country ; so that all the bargains are struck with reference to so many 
pieces of calico — each piece being called a ' mal one mal is worth about 
los., and twenty-five 'mals' make a Turkish purse. The Circassian girls 
thus sold, though all young, are by no means all pretty, though many are 
not unworthy of the reputation for beauty which Circassian women have 
always enjoyed. They are generally the children of serfs, it being consi- 
dered disgraceful for a freeman and a Mussulman to sell his children. 
I may here mention that the inhabitants are divided into two distinct 
classes — the freemen (or Circassians proper), and their serfs or slaves. 
The serfs cultivate the country, and are the property of their master, who 
can sell them, or otherwise dispose of them, independently of the land ; 
but they never sell the head of a family without his wife and children. 
The girls, as they grow up, are often sold to Turkish slave dealers, and 
one half of the price they fetch belongs to the master, and the other half 
to the father. The master, indeed, generally halves in this way with his 
serfs the whole produce of his lands ; but as very small tracts of land are 
put into cultivation, scarcely anything beyond the local consumption is 
produced, and the serf cannot become rich. The serfs are not Mussul- 
mans, nor do they appear to have any sort of religion : they are armed, 
and generally fight the quarrels of their masters, who treat them very 
kindly. By another opportunity, I hope to be able to send you some 
further information on serfdom and the tenure of land in Circassia, which 
J have not been able to collect as yet. As we are going to Sotcha to-day, 



who's to blame? 



305 



I leave this letter behind me, to go by the steamer we are hourly expect- 
ing, in case it should come in our absence." 

" Bardane, May 29th. 

" We went to Sotcha on the 25th, as I anticipated in my last, and came 
back again the next day. Sotcha is the Turkish name for the next Eussian 
station on the coast (Fort Navaighinski). 

" My friend the Imam had told me that our host, Hadgi Jacoub, pos- 
sessed two beautiful daughters — two girls, he said, who would be worth 
a hundred purses each in Constantinople ; but their father was too rich to 
condescend to profit in this ignoble manner." 

" Trebizond, July 18th. - 

" Since my last I have taken pains to examine into the details touching 
the Circassian slaves. I find that there are from about nine hundred to 
a thousand of these poor creatures ready to be embarked for Constanti- 
nople. The British steamer Phcebe, that left yesterday, received on board 
forty-two women and sixty-odd boys ; their ages vary from three to twenty. 
I find also that it is not true that the parents accompany their children, 
to dispose of them to rich men. The slaves are in general kidnapped, and 
brought down by speculators, who sell to other speculators ; and a Turkish 
officer, Faik Bey, who has been disgraced at Kars, and sent away from 
thence to Batoum, from which place he was likely sent adrift, — has 
thought proper to come here on the infernal slaving speculation. I am 
assured, also, that several Georgian girls (and consequently Christians) are 
among the victims." — Standard, August 9th, 1854. 

" We were to remain for the night in the house of one of the notables 
of Sotcha, Hadgi Jacoub Aga, and, as it was getting late, we proceeded 
there at once. All Circassian houses are alike ; they all consist in a group 
of huts collected together on the side of a hill. We had arrived somewhat 
unexpectedly, and this was not yet quite ready to receive us, so a walk was 
proposed to a neighbouring hill, from whence we could get a view of the 
Eussian fort Navaighinski, built at the bottom of the valley, on a hill com- 
manding the sea. On the road I gained over the affections of an Imam, 
living on Hadgi Jacoub's estate, by giving him a pipe-load or two of my 
tobacco, and had an interesting conversation with him. He had come from 
Trebizond, of the neighbourhood of which he Was a native, some three 
years since, in the hope of gaining a little money here in his priestly call- 
ing ; but, ' Inshallah ! ' he said, despondingly, ' I have not gained a single 
para.' He deplored most wofully the spiritual state of the country. 
' There are no mosques,' he said, ' no minarets, no medresses, no pious foun- 
dations. I have just succeeded in getting together some twelve or thirteen 
softas, and I teach them in a hut which Hadgi Jacoub has liberally placed 
at my disposal ; but they live scattered about, and are obliged to come a 
long way to be taught, and are irregular in consequence. But before Mo- 
hammed Emir Bey came here it was much worse ; then there were scarcely 
any mollahs at all in the district. Inshallah! we shall be better off 

x 



306 



THE WAR*. 



presently. The English are now come to our help ; they are a great nation. 
We shall perhaps be soon able to build mosques and minarets. In the fort 
the Eussians have abandoned a church in very good condition. If, with the 
help of the English, Sotcha becomes a town, that church only wants a 
minaret to become a beautiful mosque.' He was very loud in his praises 
of Emir Bey, and extolled his theological learning as much as any of his 
other qualities. Mohammed Emir Bey seems indeed to be a man of very 
superior attainments, as far as I have hitherto been able to judge. Like 
Schamyl Bey, on the other side of the Caucasus, he is an apostle of Maho- 
metanism as much as a warrior chief. He has undertaken to regenerate 
this side of the Caucasus, as Schamyl Bey did the other, by reviving the 
spirit of Mahometanism, almost extinct, or perhaps never thoroughly esta- 
blished. He calls the population to arms, as much for the defence of this 
faith as for the maintenance of their independence. He has established in 
every district, in almost every house, Imams, whom he has summoned 
from Constantinople and other parts of Turkey : he has founded me- 
dresses, for the education of native Circassians as priests ; and mekkemes, 
for the administration of justice according to the laws of the Koran." 

" In a former letter I mentioned to you some details about the Circas- 
sian slave trade. Whether it be to please the English, or really from sin- 
cere horror of it, Begtchet Pasha is using his best endeavours to put a stop 
to it. Since the disappearance of the Eussians on the coast, it seems to 
have taken a fearful increase, and a number of boys and girls have been 
despatched in the Trebizond and Samsoon boats. The country is very 
thinly peopled at present, and were such an emigration to continue long, 
there would be no hands left to till the ground, which is now very spar- 
ingly cultivated, from the want of hands. The boats which carry on the 
slave trade all belong to the coast between Trebizond and Samsoon, and 
are therefore under the control of the Turks. Begtchet Pasha has issued 
a regulation compelling them to take, before sailing, a pass from himself 
or his agents, stating the number and quality of their crew and passengers, 
and prohibiting them from embarking any slaves, under penalty of not 
being allowed to disembark them on Turkish ground. If this measure 
were strictly adhered to, there is no doubt it would most effectually stop 
the slave trade. But as long as the Circassians find a market for their 
slaves, I doubt whether they will give up such an easy and profitable 
source of income." — Morning Chronicle, August 2. 



House of Lords, Thursday, July 13. 

THE SLAVE TRADE ON THE CIRCASSIAN COAST. 

" The Bishop of Oxford rose to put a question to his noble friend the 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, which was upon a subject of great 
interest, and of which he had given notice. There had within the last few 
days appeared in the public journals a series of statements which would 



who's to blame? 



307 



lead their readers to suppose that the first effect of the deliverance of the 
Circassian coast from Russian domination had been the revival there, in one 
of its worst forms, of the worst crime to which human nature was exposed 
— the slave trade. The statements to which he alluded were such as this, 
which he had taken from one of the daily papers : ' The only trade which 
may be said to be carried on here is that in women, and this seems to be 
extraordinarily active at present, from the large prices obtainable at Con- 
stantinople, and the removal of all obstacles. I have been told upon good 
authority, that a girl bought for 15 purses is sold in Constantinople for 40. 
Numbers of little boats arrive all along the coast from Zetigond almost every 
day ; they haul themselves up on the beach, spreading the sails on the side of 
the boat so as to form a tent. Here the captain sits, and the natives bring 
down to him their slaves to exchange against his cargo, which generally con- 
sists of calico prints, and other stuffs, and salt. There is no money in the 
country, so that all bargains are struck in reference to so many pieces of 
calico, each piece being called a mal, and one mal worth 33s. It appears on 
the other side of the water (Trdbizond) every boat that arrives from the 
coast of Asia brings eight or ten girls or boys, destined for the Constanti- 
nople market. It is right to add, that when the coast was blockaded by the 
Russians, this traffic necessarily ceased ; but now that communications with 
Trebizond are free, the rush is immense. I hope that our Government at 
home will bear this in mind, and put an end to such practices.' He (the 
Bishop of Oxford) thought it of great moment to call the attentipn of 
their lordships, and especially of her Majesty's Ministers, to such state- 
ments as this. 

" The Earl of Clarendon said that he had read the paragraphs to which 
his right reverend friend had referred, with feelings of horror and repug- 
nance similar to those which his right reverend friend had just expressed. 
Their lordships were well aware what were the customs and the social 
system, if he might call it so, of Turkey, and need not, therefore, be told 
of the extreme difficulty that existed in the way of inducing a Mahometan 
Government to entertain this question seriously, or to take steps to insure the 
abolition of this abominable traffic. But, notwithstanding these difficulties, 
the efforts of her Majesty's Government, and of other Governments, had 
been directed to this subject ; and although her Majesty's ambassadors at 
Constantinople had stated reasons why they feared that the abolition of 
this traffic was almost impossible, yet two or three years ago Sir Stratford 
Canning, acting upon instructions which he received from Lord Palmerston, 
did bring the matter formally and seriously before the Ottoman Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs. He (the Earl of Clarendon) regretted to state it, 
but he did not consider that he could afford reasonable hopes that such interference 
on the part of foreign Governments would be successful in altering the customs 
and habits of the Ottoman subjects. He (the Earl of Clarendon) had not 
received any recent information upon this subject, and he was, therefore, 
unable to inform his right rev. friend whether the description which he 
had read was correct in stating that this trade had greatly increased since 
the withdrawal of the Russians from the coast, or whether this description 

x 2 



308 



THE war: 



merely referred to an ordinary traffic. He had, however, the satisfaction 
to state, that since his noble and right reverend friend gave him notice of 
this question, he had seen a despatch from Admiral Dundas saying that 
his attention had been called to this subject, and that the strictest orders 
had been sent to the officers commanding her Majesty's naval forces off the 
coasts of Georgia and Circassia to intercept and prevent by all friendly 
means this traffic. This was the first opportunity which we had had 01 
directly interfering with the traffic, and he hoped he need not assure their 
lordships that all possible means would be taken to put an end to it." 

WHITE SLAVE TRADE. 

" The newspaper accounts of the Circassians must not be credited ; they 
will do nothing themselves, generally speaking, but look to others to do 
their work. Slavery continues the order of the day, and several thousand 
young and lovely girls have, since March last, been exported to the Con- 
stantinople market. Each consignment is accompanied by one or two men, 
who only return for fresh lots, after spending at Constantinople the greater 
part of the produce of their vile traffic ; so that but little of the money 
comes into the country, and many good hands, which might be better 
employed, are absent therefrom. 

" The British consulate at Batoum, usually the port of embarkation of 
slaves, is said to have been re-established (after having been some time 
abandoned), and a Mr. Charles Calvert, from Damascus, the brother of the 
consul at the Dardanelles, is stated to have received this appointment ; 
but we much doubt whether he will be able to do more than keep a tally 
of the number of these victims to Turkish lust, for checking the same is out 
of the question." 

" Schamyl, it is reported, has been forced by the Russians to raise the 
siege of Mzchet, and to retreat to the frontiers of Daghestan, where he is 
gathering reinforcements." 

- 

The Times informs us about Circassia, in the words of a British 
officer at Bardane, that two Turkish trading vessels arrived, and fired 
a salute as they anchored : — 

"A French officer told me these boats had arrived to export a freight of 
the same nature as the blue-eyed girls I told you of ; each ship would hold 
200 of them. He met an old gentleman in the woods, with two Circassian 
girls, his daughters, one about twelve, the other fourteen years of age. He 
was told by the old gentleman each was ready, and would be happy to 
become the personal effects of any of us, for 10,000 piastres (80/.). These 
Circassian girls look forward to this as being settled in life, and going to 
Stamboul is a fulfilment of their best wishes and desires ; just as a young 
lady in London makes an ' eligible ' match. At home she wanders about in 
a plain and rough dress, only dreaming of the gold and decorations that 
may one day fall to her lot at Stamboul. From this place the young ladies 



who's to blame? 



309 



have, for years, been highly valued in the harems of the great men of 
Stamboul." — Times, June 16th, 1854. British Officer of a Steamer, Bardane, 
May 22d, 1854. 

The destruction of the Russian forts on the Circassian coast of the 
Black Sea, erected and maintained chiefly to suppress that infamous 
and degrading slave trade, has left the Circassians full liberty to carry- 
on their traffic — the only trade that they have, or that they covet. 
I know not what honour, credit, or advantage, Great Britain is to 
gain in alliances with such people, and I feel assured that, if the people 
of this country knew the facts; they would not tolerate for a moment 
the application of their strength to encourage, and maintain a general 
system of slavery and the slave trade, while they are exerting that 
strength so effectually to put an end to such conduct and proceedings 
in other quarters of the world". 

" Trebizond, June 24th. ^ 

" It is right to state, that the slave trade is greatly on the increase here- 
Every boat that arrives from the ports of Abhasia, brings iw eight or ten 
girls or boys, destined for the Constantinople market. It is right to add, 
that, when the coast was blockaded by the Russians, this traffic necessarily 
ceased. But now that the communications with Trebizond are free, the 
rush to dispose of daughters, sons, sisters, &c. is immense. I hope that our 
Government at home will bear this in mind, and put an end to such ill 
practices. I regret also to mention that the Austrian steamers do not 
raise objections to convey the slaves to Constantinople, and' every boat 
takes eighty or a hundred down;" — Morning Herald, July Vltk. 

CIRCASSIAN SLAVERY. 

" Succoum Kale, August I6th, 1854. 
"I here met an old Polish soldier, who, after having deserted about 
twenty years ago from a Russian regiment, fell into the hands of the 
mountaineers of Tchetchenew, who sold him as a slave to the Circassians. 
He remained among the latter people in the capacity of a domestic ser- 
vant, until the breaking out of the present hostilities with Russia. The 
Naib, being then desirous of securing the favourable opinion of the Euro- 
peans, restored him to liberty, and conducted him to Succoum Kale, 
where he became employed as a domestic servant. The greatest source of 
his happiness, in the first days of his freedom, was that he was fully able 
to use his feet in walking. I must inform you, that when a man is con- 
demned to slavery by the mountaineers of the Caucasus, they make, in 
the middle of the soles of his feet, a large incision, into which they intro- 
duce a horse-hair, over which they afterwards let the wound close. The 
poor slave can then only walk on the tips of his toes, and of course moves 
about as little as possible. He is, however, thus enabled to attend to the 
only duties imposed on him, namely, following the women in the fields, 



310 



THE WAR: 



and aiding them in their various labours." — Morning Herald, Sept. 29th, 
1854. Correspondent, Suecoum Kale, Aug. XQth, 1854. 

But Turkey carries on, not only an extensive white slave trade, but 
a most extensive slave trade in African blacks, from Northern and 
Central Africa. Throughout the whole Turkish empire there has been, 
and is at this moment, a very great African slave trade carried on. 
The markets of Constantinople, Cairo, and all the Arabian western 
coast, are abundantly supplied with black slaves from the interior of 
Africa, and with Christian slaves from Abyssinia. Every Mahom- 
medan in Arabia, but more especially in Mecca, Medina, Djedda, &c, 
has numbers of slaves ; and the temple of Mecca is chiefly kept and 
guarded by slaves, male and female, many of the former being 
eunuchs. Burckhardt, the celebrated traveller, who visited all these 
places as a Mussulman pilgrim, says, that the scenes of debauchery 
and licentiousness practised in the very temple were such as he could 
not with decency describe. The accompanying memorandum of the 
occurrences of yesterday, will show the African slave trade with 
Turkey (for to Turkey all go) at this moment. The writer is travel- 
ling under the auspices of our Foreign Office, for the purpose of ex- 
ploring the interior of Africa. The number stated by him is only one 
caravan out of many for the year, and by one road out of several. 
The places are in the Turkish dependency of Murzuk, and all are for 
the Turkish markets, and for the harems of the great men in Con- 
stantinople and other Turkish towns ; while the traffic in question is 
carried on before the eyes of the British Vice-Consul stationed at 
Murzuk : — 

" While at Gatrone, between Murzuk and Tegerry, the great caravan 
arrived from Bornu, with 400 to 500 slaves, mostly consisting of girls and 
boys under twelve years of age. It was the' first time," saj^s Dr. Vogel, 
" that I got some idea of what slavery and the slave trade actually is. 
The unfortunate captives, being forced to carry burdens of as much as 
twenty-five pounds in weight on their heads, had lost the hair, and even 
the skin of the crown of the head. Besides which, they had to cross 
the desert in iron shackles, which are taken off only on their arrival in 
Murzuk ; and they are maltreated during their march in the most terrible 
way, receiving the scantiest food possible." — Dr. Vogel, Tegerry, Nov. 4th, 
1853. Athenaeum, January 21st, 1854. 

In further proof of the destination of these slaves, we read in the 
Morning Chronicle of February 14th, in a letter from their special 
correspondent, that he went on board the Austrian Lloyd's steamer, 
from Constantinople (January 17th) for Trebizond, with a Turkish 
pasha and his harem of fifteen women, several of them originally white 



who's to blame? 



311 



slaves, and these accompanied by a deck-load of white female and 
black female slaves. Such scenes are of every- day occurrence in every 
part of Turkey. 

In reference to Circassia, about g which so much is said, the 
whole population, with the exception of the chiefs, are slaves, and 
bought and sold as such. The great cause [of their dislike to the 
Russian Government is because, from the time that power got the 
command of the sea-coast, she attempted to put down this slave trade, 
especially the traffic of selling their children to Turkey and Persia ; 
but, notwithstanding every vigilance, they still smuggle many by way 
of Trebizond and Sinope, to Constantinople. 

Such is the empire, such is the people, such is the profligate and 
brutal system, which, without one redeeming quality, has desolated for 
centuries the finest countries under heaven ; such are the conduct, the 
principles, the proceedings, the despotism, the tyranny, the cruelty, 
and the injustice, which Great Britain has leagued herself to defend, 
support, and maintain in their " integrity " and " present condition." 
This we fondly, proudly, and solemnly proclaim to be our " national 
honour," and for our " national interests." Vain effort ! culpable pro- 
stitution of terms, and of power ! for, until we can reverse the decrees 
of the Eternal, and wither the arm of the Almighty, we cannot 
accomplish the object. 



312 THE WAR: 



; XI. 



CHAPTER „_ 



MAHOMMEDANISM AND CHRISTIANITY — RISE, DECAY, AND DESTRUCTION OF 
THE FORMER — RISE, INCREASE, AND FINAL SUPREMACY OF THE LATTER — 
HISTORICAL AND SCRIPTURAL REFERENCES AND PROOFS — THE YEAR 1854 
THE PERIOD DETERMINED FOR THE OVERTHROW OF MAHOMMEDANISM, AS 
AN INDEPENDENT POWER, BOTH AS CALCULATED BY THE MAHOMMEDAN 
ERA AND THE SCRIPTURAL PROPHETIC WRITINGS. 



Hitherto the question has been considered and dealt with in reference 
to the state and conduct of all those countries as applicable to and 
connected with worldly interests and concerns alone. But a higher 
object must also be attended to; we must consider these countries, 
governments, and people as accountable beings, and reflect how they 
stand in reference to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe. This is the 
most important point, and most worthy of consideration. Who, then, 
are the Turks, and what is the Turkish empire ? A short allusion to 
the former, and their appearance in the world, may and must here suf- 
fice : the latter is a system of political despotism of the fiercest and 
most barbarous description, supported, and maintained, and guided by 
a religious system of the most obvious and daring imposition ever 
heard of, and directly opposed to the power, and majesty, and revealed 
will of the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth ; a system and a power 
whose duration He has determined, and fatal doom He has irrevocably 
pronounced. What his mouth has spoken his arm can execute, in 
opposition to all human councils and might. 

Let us begin with the foundation of the system, by bringing for- 
ward the great impostor and his authority, in proof : — 

Creed. From the Koran, Chap. XIX. p. 248, intituled Mary, revealed at Mecca. 
" In the name of the most merciful God, 

" C. H. Y. A. St. A commemoration of the mercy of the Lord towards 
Lis servant Zacharias, when he called upon his Lord, invoking him in 
secret, and said, O Lord, verily my bones are weakened, and my head is 
become white with hoariness ; and I have never been unsuccessful in my 
prayers to thee, O Lord. But now I fear my nephews, who are to succeed 



who's to blame? 



313 



after me, for my wife is barren ; wherefore, give me a successor of my own 
body from before thee, who may be my heir, and may be an heir of the 
family of Jacob ; and grant, Lord, that he may be acceptable unto thee. 
And the angel answered him, Zacharias, verily we bring thee tidings of 
a son, whose name shall be J ohn ; we have not caused any to bear the 
same name before him. Zacharias said, Lord, how shall I have a son, see- 
ing my wife is barren, and I am now arrived at a great age, and am 
decrepit ? The angel said, So shall it be ; thy Lord saith, This is easy with 
me ; since I created thee heretofore, when thou wast nothing. Zacharias 
answered, Lord, give me a sign. The angel replied, Thy sign shall be, 
thou shalt not speak to men for three nights, although thou be in perfect 
health. And he went forth unto his people, from the chamber, and he 
made signs unto them, as if he should say, Praise ye God, in the morning 
and in the evening. And we said unto his son, John, receive the book 
of the law, with a resolution to study and observe it ! And we bestowed 
on him wisdom, when he was yet a child, and mercy from us, and purity 
of life ; and he was a devout person, and dutiful towards his parents, and 
was not proud or rebellious. Peace be on him the day whereon he was 
born, and the day whereon he shall die, and 1 the day whereon he shall be 
raised to life. And remember in the book of the Koran, the story of 
Mary ; when she retired from her family to a place towards the East, and 
took a veil to conceal herself from them, and we sent our spirit Gabriel 
unto her, and he appeared unto her in the shape of a perfect man. She 
said, I fly for refuge to the merciful God, that He may defend me from 
thee ; if thou fearest him, thou wilt not approach, me. He answered, 
Verily, I am the messenger of thy Lord, and am sent to give thee a holy 
son. She said, How shall I have a son, seeing a man hath not touched 
me, and I am no harlot 1. Gabriel replied, So shall it be ; thy Lord saith, 
This is easy with me ; and he will perform it, that he may ordain him for 
a sign unto men, and a mercy from us ; for it is a thing which is decreed. 
Wherefore she conceived him, and she retired aside with him in her womb 1 
to a distant place, and the pains of childbirth came upon her near the 
trunk of a palm-tree. She said, Would to God I had died before this, and 
had become a thing forgotten, and lost in. oblivion !. And he who was 
beneath her called: to her, saying, Be not grieved ; now hath God provided 
a rivulet under thee ; and do thou shake the body of the palm-tree, and it 
shall let fall ripe dates upon thee ready gathered. And eat, and drink, 
and calm thy mind. Moreover, if thou see any man, and he question thee, 
say, Verily, I have vowed a fast unto the Merciful ; wherefore I will by no 
means speak to a man, this day. So she brought the child to her people, 
carrying him in her arms. And they said unto her, O Mary, now hast 
thou done a strange thing : sister of Aaron, thy father was not a bad 
man, neither was thy mother a harlot. But she made signs unto the child 

1 Page 249 : " For Gabriel blew into tbe bosom of her shift, which he opened witli his 
fingers, and his breath reaching her womb, caused the conception," &c. 

Mary, aged 13 years, went six, seven, or more months ; others say, was conceived full grown 
(nine months) and born within an hour. See Jallalo-dden and Al Beduwi-yahya. 



314 



THE "WAR : 



to answer them ; and they said, How shall we speak to him, who is an 
infant in the cradle ? Whereupon the child said, Verily, I am the servant of 
God; he hath given me the look of the Gospel, and hath appointed me a prophet. 
And he hath made me blessed wheresoever I shall be, and hath com- 
manded me to observe prayer, and to give alms, so long as I shall live ; 
and he hath made me dutiful towards my mother, and hath not made me 
proud or unhappy ; and peace be on me the day whereon I was born, and 
the day whereon 1 shall die, and the day whereon I shall be raised to life. 
This was Jesus the son of Mary ; the word of truth concerning whom they 
doubt. It is not meet foe, God that he should have any son ; God 
forbid ! When he decreeth a thing, he only saith unto it, Be ; and it is. 
And verily God is my Lord, and your Lord ; wherefore, serve him : this 
is the right way. Yet the sectaries differ among themselves concerning 
Jesus ; but woe be unto these, who are unbelievers, because of their 
appearance at the great day. Do thou cause them to hear, and do thou 
cause them to see, on the day whereon they shall come unto us to be 
judged : but the ungodly are this day in a manifest error. And do thou 
forewarn them of the day of sighing, when the matter shall be determined ; 
while they are now sunk in negligence, and do not believe. Verily, we 
will inherit the earth, and whatever creatures are therein, and unto us 
they shall all return." 

Sales Koran, Chap. LXT. p. 449. 

" Verily, God loveth those who fight for his religion in battle array, as 
though they were a well-compacted building. Remember when Moses 
said unto his people, Oh, my people, why do ye injure me, since ye know 
I am the apostle God sent unto you ? And when they had deviated from 
the truth, God made their hearts to deviate from the right way ; for God 
directeth not wicked people. And when Jesus the son of Mary said, 
children of Israel, verily I am the apostle of God sent unto you, confirm- 
ing the law which was delivered before me, and bringing good tidings of 
an apostle who shall come after me, and whose name shall be 
Ahmed j 1 and when he produced unto them evident miracles, they said, 
This is manifest sorcery. But who is more unjust than he who forgeth 
a lie against God, when he is invited unto Islam ? And God directeth not 
the unjust people. They seek to extinguish God's light with their mouths : 
but God will perfect his light, though the infidels be averse thereto. It is 
he who hath sent his apostle with the direction and the religion of truth, 
that we may exalt the same above every religion, although the idolaters 
be averse thereto. Oh, true believers, shall I show you a merchandise 
which will deliver you from a painful torment hereafter 1 Believe in God 
and in his apostle ; and defend God's true religion with your substance, 

1 For Mohammed also bore the name of Ahmed ; both names being derived from the same 
root, and nearly of the same signification. The Persian paraphrast, to support what is here 
alleged, quotes the following words of Christ : " I go to my Father, and the Paraclete shall 
come :" the Mohammedan doctors unanimously teaching, that by the Paraclete (or, as they 
choose to read it, the Periclyte, or illustrious), their prophet is intended, and no other. 



who's to blame? 



315 



and in your own persons. This will be better for you, if ye knew it. He 
will forgive you your sins, and will introduce you into gardens through 
which rivers flow, and agreeable habitations in gardens of perpetual abode. 
This will be great felicity." 

That this religious belief is unchanged the following will show : — 

" May the Most High, out of regard for His holy prophet our Lord, 
vouchsafe ever to grant success to my Sublime Porte, and abundantly to 
bestow happiness, in this world and in the next, upon all those who shall 
have evinced zeal in his sacred cause." — Turkish Hatti-scheriffe, 18 Moharrem, 
1270 (31st October, 1853). Official Papers, Part II. p. 245. 

However strange it may appear, still it is not the less true, that in 
numerous quarters, more especially in England, the disciples of this 
impious school, and believers in this blasphemous creed, are considered 
as almost ranking with the followers of the purest Christianity ! To 
such a length does presumption, hypocrisy, and unbelief proceed, to 
obtain sympathy for the Turks, Schamyl, and other religious im- 
postors. Their dangerous argument was, that in reference to the being 
of one true God, there was little if any difference between the disciples 
of Mahommed and the disciples of Christ ! These reason ers forgot 
altogether the precept, that " to whom much, is given, of them much 
will be required;" and that if Mahommed and his followers knew so 
much and so correctly regarding the true nature of God, they must 
have known Him also as the author of Christianity, and his will and 
decrees in reference to it. With all this, in fact, the originator of 
Mahommedanism was acquainted. They must have known, they 
did know, His divine law and irreversible decrees — u I am Jehovah," 
saith the Most High, (Isaiah xlii. 8,) " that is my name : and my 
glory will I not give to another, neither my praise to graven images." 
Further, " Jehovah said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand 
until I make thine enemies thy footstool," — and moreover, Let 
"the heathen rage, and the people imagine vain things," and let 
" the kings of the earth set themselves, and the rulers take counsel 
together, against the Lord Jehovah and His anointed," — " yet have 
I set my King upon my holy hill of Zion," and where he must "reign 
until he hath put all enemies under his feet." With this knowledge, 
the crime, the sin of the imposter Mahommed and his followers, and 
his daring usurpation, becomes deeper and greater. Amongst the 
false gods of antiquity there was not one against whom the wrath of 
the Almighty was so strongly directed as Baal, that pretended Deity, 
who usurped, as his peculiar right, one of the highest attributes of 
Jehovah, namely, His eternity and self-existence, for so the Hebrew 
word, or particle, " al," or " el," connected with the supreme Being, 



316 



THE WAR : 



always and correctly signifies. The advocates, therefore, of the Koran, 
on the principles and for the purposes mentioned, are merely the ancient 
Baalites resuscitated, again attempting to raise their heads, and lead 
us into the worship of a false, intolerant, and cruel deity, such as 
Mahommedans, against the true light, have chosen to follow. But 
the sin of Mahommedanism becomes of a deeper dye when we remem- 
ber that, not content with dethroning the Son of God, their prophet, 
or rather their impostor, usurps the place and Uk office of the Holy 
Ghost, — not only "speaking against," but denying his being, and 
exalting Mahommed into his place. A sin, a crime, which on the part 
of any created being, our great Redeemer himself has, and most 
emphatically, told us, " shall not be forgiven him, neither in this world, 
neither in the world to come." (Matt. xii. 32.) 

Founded upon this wicked delusion, the daring impostor promul- 
gated a system the most ridiculous, but at the same time, to his ex- 
pected votaries and victims, the most alluring - that his was the only 
and true religion. It was inculcated as a duty to propagate it by the 
sword. To the Jew and the Christian the terrible offer was, " the 
Koran, the tribute, or the sword but to the Pagan it was, " the 
Koran or the sword." From this decision there was no appeal. All 
who believed it were sure to reach Paradise hereafter. When there, 
they were to enjoy supreme felicity, thus : They were to rise from the 
grave as at the age of thirty years, and of the stature of Adam, sixty 
cubits, or 180 feet. They were to have seventy houris, black-eyed 
damsels, of equal age and strength, created for each, and out of pure 
heavenly materials, unknown to flesh and blood, and whose virginity 
was to be daily renewed. They were to have three meals every day, 
each consisting of 300 dishes of the most exquisite cookery, served to 
them by seventy attendants, created especially for each. A branch of 
the tree Tuba was for each, and as often as they might wish, to come 
and place a branch by them, and pour out wine in any quantity to satisfy 
them, and that of a quality far surpassing anything that mortal crea- 
tures can conceive. They were also to have each a domain allotted to 
them, so large that it would require 10,000 years to ascertain the actual 
boundary thereof. Such enticing things may readily be supposed to 
tickle the fancies and the feelings, if any such there be, of those cooped 
up in Downing Street, and all other similar places, and make them exert 
all their energies to gain proselytes to aid and support the power that 
believes in — supports Islamism, and promises such results. I will not 
follow further the additional doctrines propagated and believed by 
the imposter and his followers — compared to which, the doctrines of 
Joanna Southcote and Joe Smith are sanity and reason. The reader 



who's to blame? 



317 



has placed before him the head and front of the idol, which the world 
is now imperiously called upon to support and maintain, and to fall 
down and worship and adore before his lascivious shrine ! 

Turks. — This people were originally a Tartar race, and slaves to the 
great Khan of the Geougen, whose seat was on the banks of the river 
Till or Tula, a branch of the Orchon, which it joins about half-way be- 
tween Kiakhta and Kara-Koroum, the future capital (43° 30' N. Lat. 
and 103° E. Long.) of Zenghis Khan and his immediate successors. 1 The 
slaves rebelled against their masters. One bloody battle, which covered 
thirteen miles of country with the bodies of the slain, attested the total 
defeat and destruction of the latter. The wretched remains of the 
vanquished fled to the westward, pursued by their implacable enemies. 
The conquerors advanced to the north and the west, sweeping all before 
them with havoc and ruin. Their cavalry, in millions, traversed the 
countries they vanquished and desolated. They fixed their central 
quarters on Mount Altai. They invaded and conquered Turkestan, and 
drove out the Nephalite, or White Huns, from the abode which they had 
usurped. Here the Turks came in contact with the Persian empire, at 
that time strong enough to check them in their career. In their bloody 
wars with that empire and Afghanistan they mixed so much with the 
female captives as to improve their breed, and to bring them more 
into the family of the Southern Asiatics. The next we hear of them 
was about the thirty-second year of the Emperor Justinian (a. d. 545), 
when a message from Disabul, their great Khan, came to threaten 
him for his affording protection and countenance to the wretched 
remains of their vassals or enemies, the Igour Ogour, or Avars, or 
a mixture of both. A hollow truce was maintained between the two 
emperors, the power of the Romans being still so great as to prevent 
the Turks from penetrating further to the southward and westward. 
The Roman empire was succeeded in 633 by the Arab, which com- 
pletely checked the Turks for a long time (about 400 years), during 
which period the Turks embraced the Mahommedan religion, affording 
to them, no doubt, at the time, similar allurements as those which, in 
our time, draw Europe to admire and to follow their footsteps. But 
the strength of the Arab power became decayed. In the years 997 to 
1028, Mahmoud the Gaznevide, the Turkish Sultan, overran and deso- 
lated Hindostan. His empire was succeeded by Togrul Beg, of the 
Seljukian tribe, who, 1038 to 1063, extended his dominion from the 
Oxus to the Euphrates ; having, in 1050, made a bloody and destruc- 
tive inroad into the Greek empire to the south of the Caucasus, and to 

i The Persian poet, Shich Saade, who fled before them from Chorasan, says of them : 
" They are all sons of men, but are like bloody wolves ! " 



318 



THE WAR ; 



the west of the Caspian Sea. After his death his successor, Alp 
Arslan (the Valiant Lion), again invaded the Eoman empire with a 
large Turkish host. Passing round the northern coasts of the Caspian 
Sea, he crossed Mount Caucasus, and invaded the Eastern Eoman em- 
pire. After many bloody encounters they fixed the seat of their power 
at Iconium, having stripped the Eastern empire of some of its finest 
provinces. Here, about the year 1220, they were joined by Soliman, 
the father and founder of the present tribe and race, and who fled from 
the eastern coasts of the Caspian and borders of Turkestan, to escape 
the march and power of the Tartars, now mustering in formidable 
array under Zenghis Khan. This branch of the Turks, like their im- 
mediate predecessors, had conquered Syria and Palestine, and driven 
out the Arab power, and committed all those oppressions and cruel- 
ties on Christians which gave rise to the Crusades. The appearance 
of Holagou in the south, and Batou in the north, for a time pre- 
vented the Turks from directing their arms against the decayed 
Eastern empire. On their disappearance their whole power was 
directed against the remains of that empire, when an offence and 
affront given by Bajazet to Tamerlane provoked his anger, the effects 
of which had nearly proved fatal to the Ottoman empire. When his 
power vanished, the progress of the Turks, to the total overthrow of 
the Eastern Eoman empire, and the capture of Constantinople, was 
steady and unvaried, tearing treaties to pieces at their pleasure, until 
at last, in 1453, under Mahommed IV., they finally accomplished their 
object. From that period their history becomes so much connected 
with the history of Europe, that further minute reference to it is here 
considered to be unnecessary. The destruction and bloodshed which 
accompanied all their footsteps are almost incredible, and too painful 
to dwell on, and which are attested by the ruin, as at this day, of the 
finest countries in the world. Could the vaters of the Propontis speak 
— could they resuscitate the dead that have been sacked and tumbled 
into them by thousands on thousands, they would disclose to the world 
the fearful murders that have been openly and secretly committed at 
Constantinople, which cry aloud for vengeance, and which will most 
certainly receive certain and commensurate punishment. One of the 
titles of their Sultan is "the shadow of God." He is believed by all 
true believers to be inspired and guided by the Spirit of the Almighty, 
and that none of his actions are amenable to human laws or tribunals. 
He may put to death, as mere amusement, fouHeen of his subjects 
daily, without exciting any remarkable feeling or observation. Mu- 
rad IV.. during a reign of seventeen years, murdered about 14,000 
men (Cantemir, Part I. p. 250), killing them by day or by night, as 



who's to blame? 



319 



suited his fancy. In the treasury at Constantinople they have and 
preserve two remarkable and precious relics, namely, Mahommed's 
shirt, which is washed once a-year with great ceremony, and one of the 
Prophet's teeth, which was knocked out in one of his earliest battles, 
and which, they say, created the angel Gabriel the greatest concern 
lest he should be punished by the Supreme Being for neglect of his 
duty in guarding the person of the great Prophet ! 1 

Pursuing the immediate subject under consideration, we have in the 
Mahommedan religion and its disciples — the Turkish empire — blas- 
phemy and impiety to their acme, and far exceeding that of the proud 
Egyptian, the Assyrian, the Babylonian, the Persian, the Roman em- 
pires and kings. We have here the Son of God — the Creator, the 
Redeemer, the Saviour and the Judge of the world, dethroned by a 
daring and profligate mortal, and which blasphemy and usurpation 
has been believed and followed as truth by myriads during a period of 
1260 years. There is no mistaking the monster power nor monster 
"delusion''' here adverted to, and to ascertain correctly who he is, 
and his fate, it is only necessary to have recourse to the oracles of 
Divine Truth, as these are contained in a the Scriptures of truth" The 
rise, the history, and the destruction of the hideous monster, are 
recorded in terrible and unmistakeable characters therein. 

It would be foreign to my present purpose to go at length into the 
events clearly portrayed in the Book of Revelation, and so fully con- 
firmed by history. My immediate object is with the rise and downfall 
of those systems of tyranny and false or corrupted religion which belong 
more specifically to the present times. I need not enter upon the great 
facts and historical narratives of the periods of the first four trum- 
pets, which bring before us, in graphic colours, the swarms of barba- 
rians which issued from Central and Eastern Asia, that great womb of 
nations, and which poured themselves, swarm succeeding swarm, upon 
the Western Roman empire, until amidst desolation and destruction 
previously unknown in the world it was utterly subverted. Nor need 
I, nor can I, here advert at length to the devastation committed by 
and amongst these barbarians themselves, where the forward swarm 
was generally swept from the face of the earth by a succeeding swarm 
more ferocious and formidable than the other, and beautifully repre- 
sented by a flow of waters vomited forth by the Great Dragon, or 
Paganism, to sweep away the Church of Christ. The state of Europe 
to this day attests these terrible truths. The darkness and ignorance 

1 If the Sultan would send the " shirt " and the " iooth " to the Turkish loan shareholders in 
London, as a show, he might pay the yearly interest of her loan from the proceeds ; the 
easiest and readiest way he will ever pay it. London loves novelties ! 



I 



320 the war: 

which, in consequence of these merciless ravages, overspread Europe, 
was dreadful, and are finely imaged by the opening the bottomless pit, 
from whence issued that smoke and ignorance which darkened the sun 
and the air, and took away from mankind the light and breath by 
which they could discern true knowledge, and by which they could be 
instructed, and their spirits live in purity and peace. But dreadful as 
the miseries had been which mankind in Europe had endured for 
nearly 500 years, still these were comparatively light to those which 
were about to be inflicted on other and guilty portions of this world. 
This truth is represented as being emphatically announced by a hea- 
venly messenger (chap. viii. ver. 13), " flying through the midst of hea- 
ven, saying with a loud voice, Woe, woe, woe, to the inhabitants of the 
earth by reason of the other voices of the trumpet of the three angels 
which are yet to sound." The commencement of this fatal period took 
place with the close of the fifth century (probably in the years 565 — 
569, the latter the year when Mahommed was born), as we shall see as 
we proceed with the consideration of it, and to which I now return. 

We have seen that the Koran not only denies all the Divine attri- 
butes and mission of our Saviour, but places Mahommed above him, 
and usurps the place of the Holy Ghost by boldly daring to declare 
the great imposter to be that Divine Essence ! In short, it dethrones 
(the pen trembles to write the expression) the Son op God, and gives 
his place to Mahommed ! ! Human temerity and folly can go no fur- 
ther. Now let us ascertain who and what that mortal is who does this. 
The beloved Apostle settles this point, 1 John, chap. ii. ver. 21, &c. : 
u No lie is of the truth. Who is a liar, but he that denieth that Jesus 
is the Christ? He is Antichrist, that denieth the Father and the 
Son. Whoso denieth the Son, hath not the Father." Chap. iv. ver. 2 : 
" Every spirit that confesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, 
is of God : and every spirit that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is 
come in the flesh, is not of God : and this is that Antichrist whereof 
ye have heard that it should come ; and even now already is it in the 
world," though comparatively concealed and unknown. The Apostle 
Paul warns Timothy, (1 Tim. iv. 1,) — " Now the Spirit speaketh 
expressly, that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, 
giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils ; speaking lies 
in hypocrisy, having their conscience seared with a hot iron." Tn his 
Epistle to the Thessalonians, that great Apostle fixes the truth and 
the fact upon an imperishable basis. 

2 Thessalonians, chap. ii. vers. 1 — 12. 
Ver. 1. " Now we beseech you, brethren, by the coming of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, and by our gathering together unto him, 



who's to blame? 



321 



Ver. 2. " That ye "be not soon shaken in mind, or be troubled, neither 
by spirit, nor by word, nor by letter, as from us, as that the day of Christ 
is at hand." 

Ver. 3. " Let no man deceive you by any means ; for that day shall not 
come, except there come a falling away first, and that man of sin be 
revealed, the son of perdition ; " 

Ver. 4. " Who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God, 
or that is worshipped ; so that he, as God, sitteth in the temple of God, 

SHOWING HIMSELF THAT HE IS GOD." 

Ver. 5. " Eemember ye not, that, when I was yet with you, I told you 
these things 1 " 

Ver. 6. " And now ye know what withholdeth that he might be revealed 
in his time." 

Ver. 7. " For the mystery of iniquity doth already work : only he who now 
letteth will let, until he be taken out of the way." 

Ver. 8. " And then shall that Wicked be revealed, whom the Lord shall 
consume with the spirit of his mouth, and shall destroy with the bright- 
ness OF HIS COMING I " 

Ver. 9. « Even him, whose coming is after the working of Satan, with all 
power, and signs, and lying wonders," 

Ver. 10. " And with all deceivableness of unrighteousness in them that 
perish ; because they received not the love of the truth, that they might 
be saved." 

Ver. 11. "And for this Cause God shall send them strong delusion, that 
they should believe A lie : " 

Ver. 12. " That they all might be damned who believed not the truth, 
but had pleasure in unrighteousness." 

Now, there is no mistaking this. It applies to Mahommedanism, 
and to Mahommedanism alone, because no Christian power or sect, 
however corrupted, denies the divinity and Divine mission of the 
Saviour. Mahommed — Mahommedanism., therefore, is Antichrist — 
that " wicked " — " the son of perdition," whom " the Lord shall 
consume with the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with the brightness 
of his coming." 

Now let us turn to other passages of the sacred volume, to enable us 
to ascertain the period of the rise, progress, and destruction of this 
particular delusion and tyranny, which, with others of a similar de- 
scription, must be destroyed by the brightness of the Saviour's coming 
— that is, by the universal diffusion of true Christianity. Here again 
we have clear and firm ground to stand upon. We find it in the 
Book of Daniel, and in the Book of the Revelation of St. John, 
wherein the whole majesty and sublimity of the Scriptures are con- 
densed into the shortest space, inimitably adapted to the objects and 
truths to be shown, and at the same time so plain, that any one who 

Y 



322 



THE WAR : 



faithfully, carefully, and humbly reads the sacred volume, may un- 
derstand it. 

The first reference is to the Book of Daniel. In chap. vii. we have 
the history of the world till Christianity shall become supreme in it. 
I shall not insult Christian readers by extracting at length the passages 
referred to, but leave them with a general reference to consult their 
Bibles, alludiug only specifically to the passages that bear more particu- 
larly on the great subject. Daniel's account alludes, in its details, more 
particularly to the dispensations of Providence which bore upon the 
history of the Eastern world, and the fate and fortune of the chosen 
people. In the Little Horn we have the history of Mahommedanism, 
from its commencement to its close, as one of the greatest oppressors. 
Horn, in Scriptural language, always means kingly power and dominion. 
Three horns were plucked up by the roots, and fell before this one. Xow 
the Mahommedan faith subdued totally three kingdoms or states, and 
no more. viz. Arabia, Persia, and the Eastern Christian empire. Next, 
this horn had tC a mouth speaking great things." " He shall," says the 
Prophet, " speak great words against the Most High, and shall wear 
out the saints of the Most High, and think to change times and laws ; 
and they shall be given into his hand until a time, times, and the 
dividing of time," forty- two months, or 1260 prophetic years : but then 
comes the punishment — " and the judgment shall sit, and they shall 
take away his dominion, to consume and destroy it unto the end." 
Here we have the character of Mahommedanism faithfully portrayed, 
and its destruction equally emphatically delineated. The Book of 
Revelation is equally explicit, and goes more into detail on this and 
other similar points. In chap. xiii. vers. 1 — 10, we have the vision of 
the first Beast that u rose up out of the sea" — the unstable country of 
Arabia with the charact eristics of the Roman dominion ; namely, the 
leopard witli the feet like a bear and the mouth of a lion (the true 
characteristics of the Mahommedan ferocious power and intolerance), 
as also the following : — " And there was given unto him a mouth 
speaking great things and blasphemies, and power was given unto 
him to continue 1 forty-and-two months. And he opened his mouth 
in blasphemy against God, to blaspheme his name and his tabernacle, 
and them that dwell in heaven," &c. ; but mark his fate in the em- 
phatic declaration against the destroying horsemen : " He that hath 
an ear to hear, let him hear. He that leadeth into captivity shall go 
into captivity ; he that hilleth with the sword must be killed by the 
sword. Here is the patience and the faith of the saints." In short, as 
the power and dominion of Mahommedanism was maintained by the 
1 Tlie marginal reading, "to make tear" is the best. 



who's to blame? 



323 



sword, so it must, by Divine decree, perish by the sword, that is, amidst 
war and violence. But other parts of this sacred book are still more 
explicit on this subject. Here we have had to look to vision only, but next 
we have the revelation of what that vision was intended to represent. 

In chap. ix. its whole contents contains the history of Asia in par- 
ticular during a period of 960 years ; namely, from 570 to 1532. 
From the hideous darkness and ignorance which overspread the world 
with superstition and irreligion, on the opening of the bottomless pit — 
that is, giving the great adversary full power to work his will — we are 
told there came forth locusts, whose power was to continue twice 150 
years. The imagery chosen beautifully delineates the Arab character 
and distinctive conquests. They had tails like scorpions, " and stings 
in their tails;" which, in Scripture language, is emphatically explained 
thus : "the prophet that teacheth lies, he is the tail as their prophet 
did. The Arab power rose to its greatest height and extent at the end 
of 150 years from its first appearance, but continued to maintain itself 
in considerable independence for 150 more, after which it continued 
to decline, and was finally shattered and subdued by other rising and 
violent powers. Deep as this woe was, the Arab tyranny being so great, 
that, " in those days, men shall seek death, and shall not find it ; and 
they shall desire to die, and death shall flee from them" — dreadful as 
was the state of misery under this the fifth trumpet, it was far surpassed 
by what took place under the next, or sixth. To this the reader's 
particular attention is now called. Four angels were loosed, who were 
bound in the river Euphrates. Rivers are often put in Scripture for 
countries and peoples. The Euphrates was the greatest river in Asia 
known to the Hebrews, and round which the most important events 
connected with their history took place. It is, therefore, here properly 
put to represent all Asia, to which quarter of the world the events 
recorded under this trumpet more especially refer. They were ap- 
pointed " for an hour, and a day, and a month, and a year," (I would 
choose the marginal reading as the most correct, namely, " at an hour/' 
&c.) " to slay the third part of men." This is a terrible carnage, but 
the power appointed is commensurate to the dreadful work, 200,000,000 
of combatants ; and that this might make the deeper impression, St. 
John emphatically adds, " I heard the number of them f all horse- 
men, out of whose mouths issued fire, and smoke, and brimstone ; the 
most terrible engines selected to accomplish and complete their work 
of destruction. 

The numbers here given in both cases, we may be assured, are per- 
fectly correct, as we know from history that their fearful ravages also 
were. " Four " in Scripture does not always mean that particular num- 

y 2 



324 



THE WAE : 



ber, but often " all f as the " four winds " of heaven mean, at times, all 
the winds of heaven. ]S r ow we know enough of the history of Asia to 
test the accuracy of these terrible images. " The tails of these horsemen 
were like serpents, and they had heads, and with them they do hurt." 
The Scripture clearly explains, in another place, those expressions thus : 
"The ancient and honourable, they are the head; and the prophet that 
teacheth lies, he is the tail." Between 960 and 1453 we had four ter- 
rific irruptions of immense powers and forces in Asia. First Mahom- 
med the Ghaznavide ; second, Zenghis Khan; third, Tamerlane; and 
fourth, the Turks. The armies of these nations were, as is well known, 
chiefly horsemen. 

It is here only possible to glance at the terrible and important 
instances of the formidable hosts, and wide-spread destruction and 
devastation, that, during this awful period, spread over the Eastern 
world. The first invasion of China, by Zenghis Khan, was with an army 
of 700,000 men. He was met, by the Chinese, with hosts still more 
numerous. In battles, sieges, and diseases, millions of men were cut 
off. He next invaded Turkestan, Chorassan, and Afghanistan ; and 
from the Upper Irtish and the Jaxartes, to the banks of the Indus, the 
country was literally desolated. He carried with him 700,000 men. 
He was met by Mahmoud of Ghiznee, in Transoxiana, with 400,000, 
and the latter were nearly destroyed. The three cities of Merat, Xis- 
sabour, and Herat, contained 4,300,000 souls ; they were all put to 
the sword, and the cities razed. So barbarous were the conquerors, 
that their common boast was, " they could gallop their horses without 
stumbling over the places where the proudest capitals had once stood." 
He afterwards sent his grandsons, Cublai, Holagou, and Baatu ; the 
first to China, the second to South-western Asia, and the third to 
Northern Asia and Eastern Europe, each with 500,000 men. In his 
first invasion of China, ninety cities in the northern provinces were 
stormed and destroyed. In Pekin, the ancient capital, the people 
were forced to devour one another in the siege. The wood of the 
palace burned daring the space of four days ! In his first encounter 
with the Sultan of Charizme, 160,000 Charizmians were slain. From 
the Caspian to the Indus they ruined, in a few years, a tract of many 
hundred miles, which was adorned with the habitations and the labours 
of man ; and five hundred centuries have not been sufficient to repair 
the ravages of four years. The conquest of China by Cublai was 
attended with, if possible, a greater slaughter of the human species. 
Kissing, the royal residence of one of the provinces, containing 
1,400,000 families, was completely desolated ; and, during the siege, 
near a million of registered funerals passed through its gates for 



interment, cut off by disease and famine alone ! Under his reign, 
and in consequence of his wars and devastations, 13,000,000 of his 
subjects perished by famine. Holagou swept Persia with desolation ; 
took and ruined Bagdad, and cut off the last Arabian caliph that 
reigned in that place ; and accident alone prevented him from 
marching into Syria and Palestine, to aid the Crusaders against the 
Turks. Baatu found Russia torn to pieces, and weakened by intestine 
wars. He overran and desolated the eastern and southern parts. He 
retreated, and returned again with a formidable army ; penetrated 
westward ; took and destroyed Moscow. Vladimir, and other cities, 
soon shared the same fate. Snch were his ravages, that the whole 
country was little more than a desert. Laden with booty, he returned 
to the banks of the Don. Next year he returned ; besieged and took 
Kief, and ruined it so utterly, that he left only " smoking ruins" " It 
seemed," says the historian, " as if a deluge of fire had passed over the 
country from the east to the west, and as if pestilence, earthquakes, 
and all the scourges of nature, had concerted to insure its destruction. 
Wherever they came, the whole face of nature was laid waste ; towns 
and villages burnt ; all men fit to bear arms cut to pieces ; and women 
and children, with old men, carried into captivity. They who resisted, 
and they who surrendered in hopes of mercy, and under the promise 
of it, shared the same fate ; — a cruel death was their common doom, 
amidst extreme tortures." Town after town, city after city, were 
quickly involved in one common ruin. The Tartars fell back for the 
moment. In two years, Baatu returned. The noble city of Kief fell. 
The slaughter was horrible. All Russia, to the Gulf of Finland and 
the Baltic, must have been ruined, had not the Prince got Baatu to 
turn his arms against Poland and Hungary, as countries more worthy 
of his pursuit. He took his advice ; he desolated the cities of Poland ; 
obliterated the cities of Cracow and Lublin ; filled nine sacks with the 
right ears of the slain on the fatal field of Lignitz ; passed the Carpa- 
thian mountains; and, says Gibbon (vol. xi. p. 421), "the whole 
country north of the Danube was lost in a day, and depopulated in a 
summer ; and the ruins of cities and churches were overspread with 
the bones of the natives!" The metropolis, Strigonium, was taken ; 
and, after a promiscuous massacre, three hundred noble matrons were 
put to death in the presence of the great Khan. Thence, returning 
through Moldavia and Southern Russia, Baatu fixed his residence on 
the banks of the Wolga. By indescribable misfortunes, Russia at this 
time saved eastern and central Europe from utter desolation. 

Tamerlane succeeded Zenghis Khan and his successors in the work 
of destruction. His army, led against the Khan of Kipchack, was so 



326 



THE WAB : 



large, that it extended thirteen miles from wing to wing. He swept 
the country to the north of the Caspian, and towards the Don, with, 
to use his own words, "the wind of desolation." He then turned his 
arms against India, having conquered all the countries intervening 
between Samarcand and the Indus. In the sack of Delhi the slaughter 
was so great, that the groat river, Jumna, ran deeply discoloured with 
human blood ! On the plain, and in sight of the city during the siege, 
he massacred 100,000 Indian prisoners, and piled their heads in heaps. 
He inarched against Georgia and Persia ; destroyed the Chaldee Chris- 
tians with most unrelenting fury ; sacked Ispahan, and piled up near 
its ruined walls 90.000 human heads. Aleppo shortly afterwards 
shared the same fate ; and 70,000 human heads, piled up after the 
slaughter, attested the victory, and the cruelty by which it was won. 
The Turkish emperor, Bajazet, insulted and defied him. Tamerlane 
marched against him with 700.000 men. They met at Angora; 
Bajazet's army amounting to 400,000 men. Three hundred thousand 
warriors left their bodies on that bloody plain; — Bajazet was taken 
prisoner, and the Turkish army dispersed. The conqueror main- 
tained a friendly feeling to the sad remains of the Greek empire. 
While the Ottoman empire appeared to be irretrievably ruined, it was 
saved by Tamerlane marching back to Samarcand. After a few 
months' stay there, he marched, with a large army, for the purpose of 
conquering China ; but death arrested his career at Otrar. and the 
world was delivered from a chief of great ability, but justly styled, 
from the ruin he brought upon it. " the Destroying Prince." Ten 
times afterwards did the Moguls, with numerous armies, invade 
India ; and ten times, after indescribable bloodshed and destruction, 
they were defeated, and compelled for a time to relinquish their prey. 
The immense arrnies that the Turks, the proud and savage successors 
of the Moguls, afterwards led against Europe ; them capture of Con- 
stantinople, and the havoc and miseiy that they created in Asia and 
in Europe — are well known, and need not be repeated here. Still, all 
that has been previously stated is but a few of the more conspicuous 
items, in the bloody volume containing the records of nearly 400 
years. Terrible and bloody as the wars in Europe have been, still 
they are but as a drop in the bucket and a grain in the balance, when 
compared with the great battles that have been fought, and the millions 
of men that have been slaughtered in those which have been fought in 
Asia. From the Hellespont to China, and from Northern Siberia to 
thejlndian Ocean, the description which Sir Robert Ker Porter gives 
of the ruins of Ecbatana. and other places in Persia, becomes appli- 
cable to all the tract of Asia just adverted to. " In some places 



who's to blame? 



327 



I had seen/' says he, " smouldering pomp, or sublime desolation ; in 
this, every object spoke of neglect and hopeless poverty. Not majesty, 
suitably seen passing to final dissolution in the spot where it was first 
blasted ; but beggary, seated in the place kings had occupied, squalid 
in rags, and stupid with misery." — " Immense districts in these parts 
of Asia, formerly cultivated like a garden, are now become dreary 
wastes and barren sands. Such was Khorassan, Carisme, Transoxiana,&c. 
Deserts, 200 or 300 miles in extent, are now found, where the country 
was, formerly, a perfect paradise. Ancient Persia was watered by 
innumerable wells and aqueducts, leading from springs in the hills at 
a very great distance, and this continued at a vast labour and expense ; 
these were ruined in those horrible invasions of the Tartars and 
Moguls, and the country, consequently, became uninhabitable. In 
the province of Khorassan there were 42,000 wells : at Tauris, 400 
are lost." (Gibbon, vol. vii. p. 303.) 

The fearful ravages of the Moguls and Tartars were most appalling, 
and may here be briefly noticed : — • 

" The tremendous wars carried on by Mamood and his successors, and by 
other Mahommedan invaders and conquerors of Hindostan, and the wars 
carried on by the Mongols and Tartars against the same country ; also the 
terrible contests carried on by the powers established in Hindostan against 
each other ; together with the wars of the Mongols and Tartars against 
China, and other countries in that quarter of Asia ; — contests which 
continued, almost without interruption, from the year 1000 till the end 
of the 15th century, above 500 years ; and during which frightful period, 
thousands and hundreds of thousands, many millions of human beings, 
perished annually by the sword and by famine, — by the horrors and 
consequences of war. In the year 1022, the deaths in one month 
amounted in Ispahan to 40,000 ; and in Hindostan whole countries were 
wholly depopulated, from famine and the consequences of war. The 
armies assembled in these wars were very great. In 1191 the Hindoos 
opposed Mahommed Ghazi with 200,000 horse, and, in 1192, they again 
opposed him with 300,000 horse ; and, in the dreadful battles which fol- 
lowed, these armies were nearly cut to pieces, with a mighty loss to the 
conquerors also. In one battle, betwixt Cuttub, the general of Mahommed 
Ghazi, and the Hindoos, near Delhi, the carnage was so great, that the 
mighty river, Jumna, was discoloured with human blood ! And in another 
battle with the same general, in the year 593 of the Hegira, 50,000 Hindoos 
fell on one bloody field. In the year 1298, the Moguls, after repeated inva- 
sions of Hindostan, again invaded it with 200,000 horse, and were opposed 
by Alia I. with 300,000 horse, besides foot without number, and were com- 
pelled to retreat, after a dreadful struggle. The cavalry which Alia could 
muster amounted to 475,000. In the year 1305 the Mongols again invaded 
India ; when, out of a host of at least 120,000, only 3,000 escaped for the 
moment, but the whole were afterwards put to death ; and even after, in 



328 



THE WAR : 



another invasion, they suffered another bloody defeat. Ten times did the 
Mongols attempt the conquest of India to the west of the Indus, but they 
were never able to make any impression upon it. In the year 1337, 100,000 
Hindoos perished in an attempt made by Mahommed the Second to invade 
China ; and, on two occasions, this savage tyrant led out his army to 
butcher the inhabitants of whole districts, merely to gratify his love of 
blood ; and, in consequence of invasions, and his cruel government, the 
famine in Delhi in the year 1342 was so great, that men ate one another. 
In 1397 Tamerlane invaded India, bearing in his train fire and sword. 
Besides the massacre of 100,000 Hindoos in cold blood, before Delhi, that 
famous city was for many days given up to pillage and massacre by the 
whole Tartar army, and which massacre was so dreadful, that some streets 
were rendered impassable by the heaps of dead ; while the Hindoos, in 
despair, and according to custom, massacred their wives and children with 
their own hands, and then consumed their remains, themselves, and their 
dwellings, by fire ! Such were the scenes which during centuries followed 
each other, annually almost, in India; and which scenes, from similar 
causes, for a period of upwards of 500 years, were spread over all Central 
Asia. And in Asia, from the Dardanelles to the Indus, and from the Oxus 
to the Deserts of Arabia, — the whole presented only one vast field of de- 
struction, carnage, blood, and death, too frightful to contemplate, and too 
horrible to dwell on." 

Added to all these cruel ravages, there occurred others scarcely less 
destructive. There were the Crusades, which, during the same period 
of time, terrified and devastated Western Asia. Above 6,000,000 of 
combatants left Europe for the Holy Land, in order to rescue it from 
the Mahommedans. In their march they were almost as formidable 
to their supposed friends as they were to their open enemies. Steady 
supporters of the Latin Church, they conquered Constantinople, and a 
large portion of the Eastern Christian empire, as a lawful and proper 
enterprise. This conquest they retained for a long time ; maintained 
by war and violence. At last they were overcome; and, also, all their 
projects in the Holy Land were, after centuries of strife and blood, 
finally discomfited. The destruction of human life from this cause 
only, during a long period of time, was incredible. Very few of the 
6,000,000 of Crusaders that left for the East, ever returned to Europe ! 

Amidst these horrid devastations occasioned by war, the world was 
visited by a pestilence of the most destructive description. Between 
1345 and 1349 it ravaged Asia and Europe, especially the former, in 
which quarter of the world it first originated. I have transcribed the 
following mournful account of its progress from that excellent miscel- 
lany, Chambers' Journal, May 19th, 1832; and which has been, I 
believe, taken from a very able article that had appeared in that very 
useful periodical, Frazer's Magazine. The narrative presents a most 
painful and appalling picture to our view : — 



who's to blame? 



329 



K This dreadful pestilence, like the cholera, made its first appearance in 
the East. It arose in China, Tartary, India, and Egypt, about the year 
1345. It is ascribed, by contemporary writers, to a general corruption of 
the atmosphere, accompanied by the appearance of millions of small 
serpents and other venomous insects, and, in other places, quantities of 
huge vermin with numerous legs, and of a hideous aspect, which filled the 
air with putrid exhalations. Making every allowance for the ignorance and 
credulity of the age, it appears evident that some natural causes had con- 
tributed to corrupt the air and load it with pestiferous vapours. Thus it 
came into England in the year 1368 ; where it had rained from the previous 
Christmas till Midsummer, almost without ceasing. Great inundations 
followed, and accumulations of stagnant water, by which the whole atmo- 
sphere was poisoned. It appears that, in many countries, there were also 
earthquakes, and tremblings of the earth. In many of the accounts given 
of the convulsions of nature, we may presume there was a good deal of 
exaggeration. But the testimonies are too numerous and respectable to 
leave any doubt, that, before and during the pestilence, the elements were 
in a state of general convulsion which seems unparalleled in history. 

"The plague extended its ravages from India into the more western 
parts of Asia ; into Egypt, Abyssinia, and thence into the northern parts of 
Africa. It proceeded over Asia Minor, Greece, and the islands in the Archi- 
pelago, almost depopulating the regions over which it stalked. It may be 
literally said to have decimated the world, even though we were to take 
this term as implying the destruction of nine, in place of one, out of ten. 
The plague appears to have stayed five or six months in one place, and 
then to have gone in search of fresh victims. Its symptoms are minutely 
described by many writers, and appear to have been the same in every 
country that it visited. It generally appeared in the groin, or under the 
armpits, where swellings were produced, which broke out in sores, spitting, 
and vomiting of blood. The patient frequently died in half a day ; gene- 
rally within a day, or two at the most. If he survived the third day, there 
was hope ; though, even then, some fell into a deep sleep, from which they 
never awoke. 

" From Greece, the plague passed into Italy. The Venetians, having lost 
100,000 souls, fled from their city, and left it almost uninhabited. At 
Florence, 60,000 persons died in one year. France next became exposed 
to its ravages, and the mortality was horrible. The malady proceeded 
northward through France, till it reached Paris, where it cut off 50,000 
people. About the same time it spread into Germany, where its ravages 
are estimated at the enormous amount of ] 2,400,000 souls. 

" At last, this fearful scourge began to be felt in England. About the 
beginning of August, 1348, it appeared in the seaport towns on the coasts 
of Dorset, Devon, and Somersetshire, whence it proceeded to Bristol. The 
people of Gloucestershire immediately interdicted all intercourse with those 
of Bristol ; but in vain. The disease ran, or rather flew, over Gloucester- 
shire ; thence it spread to Oxford ; and, about the 1st of November, 
reached London. Finally, it spread over all England, scattering everywhere 
such destruction, that, out of the whole population, hardly one person in 
ten was left alive. Incredible as this statement may appear, it seems 



330 



THE WAR: 



borne out by the statements of contemporary annalists. In the church- 
yard, of Yarmouth, 7,052 persons who died of the plague were buried in 
one year. In the city of Norwich, 57,374 persons died in six months. 
In the city of York, the mortality was equal. In London, the dead were 
thrown into pits, forty, fifty, or sixty into one, and large fields were em- 
ployed as burial places, the churchyards being insufficient for the purpose. 
No attempt was made to perform this last office with the usual decency 
and care. Deep and broad ditches were made, in which the dead bodies 
were laid in rows, covered with earth, and surmounted with another layer 
of bodies, which were also covered. The mortality fell chiefly upon the 
lower classes of society ; and, among them, principally on old men, women, 
and children. In these respects, this plague seems to have differed from 
some of the plagues in the seventeenth century, which fell particularly 
upon the upper classes. (See Journal, No. 1.) It was remarked that not 
one king or prince of any nation died of the plague ; and of the English 
nobility, and people of distinction, very few were cut off. Among - the 
higher order of the Church, the deaths were rare. It appears that no 
precautions could prevent the influence of the coDtagion. The bonds of 
society were loosed ; parents forsook children, and children parents. Some 
fled to the country ; others locked themselves up in their houses ; and 
many went on board vessels. But everywhere the fugitives were followed ; 
for the destroying angel had a foot on the water, as well as on the 
land. 

" The pestilence spread into "Wales, and into Ireland. As to the Scots, 
they are said to have brought the malady upon themselves. Taking advan- 
tage of the defenceless state of England (or, rather, determiDed to avenge 
the injuries they had suffered under the Edwards), they made a hostile 
irruption, with a large force, into the country. But they had not pro- 
ceeded far, when the plague overtook them. They perished in thousands, 
and carried the disease with them into Scotland, where its ravages were 
soon as destructive as they were in England. Early in the year 1349 
the plague began to abate, and by the month of August it had entirely 
disappeared. Its consequences, however, continued for some time to 
be severely felt. During the prevalence of the disease, the cattle, for 
want of men to tend them, were allowed to wander about the fields at 
random, and perished in such numbers as to occasion a great scarcity. 
Though the fields, too, were covered with a plentiful crop of corn, much 
of it was lost for want of hands to reap and gather it in. The last dregs 
of this great plague were drained by that unfortunate race, the Jews. A 
belief spread over several countries that they had produced the pestilence 
by poisoning the wells and fountains — and in many places they were 
massacred in thousands by the infuriated populace. In several parts of 
Germany, where this persecution chiefly raged, the J ews were literally 
exterminated. Twelve thousand of them were murdered in the single 
city of Mentz ; and multitudes of them, in the extremity of their despair, 
shut themselves up in their houses, and consumed themselves with fire. 
The extent of such atrocities, in a barbarous age, may well be imagined, 
when we remember the outrages which were at first produced, in some 
parts of the Continent, by the cholera panic." 



who's to blame? 



331 



It cannot, therefore, be doubted, that during the period mentioned 
one-third of the human race was cut off. From the Jaxartes to the 
Indian Ocean, and from the Indus to Persia Proper, inclusive, this part 
of Asia, about the Christian JEra, contained a population equal to that 
of the Roman empire in its greatest extent, or 120,000,000; it now 
does not contain more than 20,000,000, if so many. One-thikd of 
men — the number specifically stated by St. John — would, taking the 
population of the world at 1,000,000,000, give 333,000,000, which, 
destroyed in the space of 500 years, will give 6,550,000 yearly ! 

But let us come to the concluding catastrophe, prefigured under the 
seventh vial. This we find delineated in inimitable language, in the 
16th and succeeding chapters, for the occurrences given in the latter 
are but fuller details of what is contained in the end of the former. 
The sixth vial, we are told (ver. 12), was poured out upon the "great 
river Euphrates, and the water thereof was dried up, that the way of 
the Kings of the East might be prepared." In other words, the 
supplies of men and armies from those countries from whence such 
fearful and destructive swarms had issued, were cut off, from the de- 
population of the countries adverted to. And is it not so 1 What 
obstruction now remains to prevent the reestablishment and re- 
peopling of Western Asia and Northern Europe? None from the 
causes alluded to. The kings of the East are readily found to be the 
Jews, converted to Christianity and restored to their own land, as they 
will be, with much extended territory ; for we are decidedly informed 
by Isaiah, that they will " take them captive whose captives they were, 
and they shall rule over their oppressors." 1 

Along with this drying up of the great river Euphrates, the Apostle 
tells us, that three unclean spirits, like frogs, came out of the mouth 
of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast (the second beast, 
mentioned chap, xiii.), and out of the mouth of the false prophet — 
that is, false teachers — under the emblem of the dirty, and unclean, 
and ugly animal, the frog — " spirits of devils working miracles, which 
go forth unto the kings of the earth and of the whole world, to gather 
them to the battle of that great day of God Almighty." The prophet 
Zechariah, referring to the very subjects before us, shows what thy 
words "unclean spirits" mean, when he says (chap. xiii. 2), that the 
Lord " will cause the prophets and the unclean spirits to pass out of the 
land;" that is, false doctrines and lies are to be rooted out from this 
earth. The great enemy of mankind finding — knowing that his reign 

1 In proof of this the reader may consult: Isaiah xi., xii. ; xlix. 13 — 26, hut especially 
19—23; be, lxi., Ixii., arid part of lxiii. ; Zeph. iii. 8— 20 ; Rom. xi. 15; Rev. xx. 4— G ; 
Ezek. xxxvii.; Dan. vii. 27; Zech. xiii., xiv. 



332 



THE WAR: 



was drawing to a close, and that he could not retain all, as he had 
formerly done, and that all the old delusions were worn out, tries some 
new devices to deceive and enthral. And is not this so 1 In China, 
Pagan, we see a new, corrupted system of Christianity brought out to 
overthrow Paganism. In the Moslem world we see the "Wahabys dis- 
puting the authority of the Koran, and putting forward errors and 
theories of their own ■ while Schamyl, the great impostor, preaches 
the doctrine that he is the greatest and last Mahommedan prophet 
that is to appear in latter days, and to establish the true faith — 
Islamism — upon a foundation not to be shaken. In the Latin Church 
we find it redoubling its energies to spread and to sustain its errors and 
its power ; and amongst the different sects professing reformed Chris- 
tianity, discord and division more and more, and daily, prevail. At this 
moment, also, there prevails in everything, religious and political, 
civil and sacred, a general and the most hideous system of organised 
falsehood ever before witnessed or experienced in this world ; and to 
which the press, the steam, and the telegraph give increased and ter- 
rible energy. In public and in private life, and transactions of every 
kind, the object is to gain a point, regardless of the means employed 
to attain the immediate end sought, or the consequences that may 
follow, providing that fraud and falsehood succeed in misleading, in- 
flaming, and maddening the minds of men. All these things — " doc- 
trines of devils'''' — are leading to and precipitating, as their author, the 
great enemy of mankind, calculates they will lead to, the terrible cata- 
strophe under consideration, and to the bitter, bloody struggle which 
the world has to witness. In this state " he," the adversary — or rather 
"they." the corrupt frogs — "gathered them together into a place 
called in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon," or the mountain or em- 
pire of the Gospel, for so the word "mountain" in Scripture, when used 
to denote systems and states, always means. 1 And is it not so % Do 
we not see the world, as it were, assembling around the Turkish em- 
pire, as their prey % for where the carcase is, there will the eagles be 
gathered together." 2 

After a solemn warning, " Behold, I come as a thief! 1 ' addressed by 

1 So Isaiah, alluding to this very epoch (chap. ii. 2) : "And it shall come to pass in the 
last days, that the MOUNTAIN of the Lord's house shall he established [prepared] on the 
top of the mountains, and shall be exalted ahove the lulls (kingdoms), and all nations shall 
flow unto it," Sec. Speaking of the Babylonish empire, the Prophet Jeremiah says (chap. li. 25) : 
" Behold, I am against thee, O destroying mountain, saith the Lord, which destroyest all 
the earth ; and I will stretch out my hand upon thee, and roll thee down from the rocks, and 
make thee a burnt mountain." 

2 The Sultan of Turkey is the " Padishah" Caliph, supporter of the Temple of Mecca, and 
the acknowledged Head of the Mahommedan " delusion." 



who's to blame? 



333 



the Redeemer, in his retributive power, to the world; " blessed is he 
that watcheth and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked and they 
see his shame ; " the announcement of the closing scene, and all its 
terrible consequences, is made. The imagery is grand, descriptive, and 
terrible, and is well deserving of attention ; it runs thus : — 

Yer. 17. "And the seventh angel poured out his vial into the air ; and 
there came a great voice out of the temple of heaven, from the throne^ 
saying, It is done." 

Ver. 18. "And there were voices, and thunders, and lightnings; and 
there was a great earthquake, such as was not since, men were upon the 
earth, so mighty an earthquake, and so great." 

; - Ver. 19. "And the great city was divided into three parts, and the cities 
of the nations fell : and great Babylon came in remembrance before God, 
to give unto her the cup of the wine of the fierceness of his wrath." 

Ver. 20. " And every island fled away, and the mountains were not 

FOUND." 

Ver. 21. " And there fell upon men a great hail out of heaven, every 
stone about the weight of a talent : 1 and men blasphemed God because of 
the plague of the hail ; for the plague thereof was exceeding great." 

This is figurative and terrible, but correct language. No human 
wisdom could use words so appropriate, as a due consideration of them 
will show. " The great earthquake," or shaking, as the original word 
bears, means, by the correct interpretation given of earthquake by 
St. Paul (Heb. xii. 27), " the removal of those things that are shaken;" 
while none ever had occurred in the world so great as this. " The 
great city " means the whole political-religious systems of the world 
combined, Paganism, Mahommedanism, and corrupt Christianity 
thus, chap. xvii. 18 tells us that "the woman which thou sawest is 
that great city, which reigneth over the kings of the earth "), divided 
into three parts, each to receive its proportionate punishment ; but 
" great Babylon? 1 belonging to oneparticular part, was specifically marked 
out as the object of divine vengeance. Islands and mountains, in 
Scripture language, are intended to designate kingdoms and empires ; 
and, figuratively, the " great hail " means destructive weapons of war. 
And is not the world, at this moment, divided into three parts 1 and in 
the contest that is at hand, is it not clear that it must be of a magni- 
tude such as was never before witnessed in this world, and certain to be 
attended with such consequences amongst and to the whole human race, 
as the world had never before witnessed in any age 1 This is, I humbly 
conceive, obvious and certain. The result will be to tear up, to their 
foundations, kingdoms and empires as at present constituted. They will 
flee away, and be found no more ; they will be succeeded by something 



i Eiglity-five English pound: 



334 



THE WAR : 



better. The struggle will be wide, terrible, and destructive; but, 
judging from the nature of the imagery employed, all most rapid in 
its effects, it will not be so long as other great changes and convulsions 
in the world have been. 

The whole tenor of this important chapter (the 9th) is grand and 
magnificent in the extreme. That it applied to the world in general, 
and to all Asia in particular, is shown by the following, thus : — 

Ver. 20. " And the rest of the men which were not killed by these 
plagues, yet repented not of the works of their hands, that they should 
not worship devils, and idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and 
of wood : which neither can see, nor hear, nor walk :" 

Ver. 21. "Neither repented they of their murders, nor of their sor- 
ceries, nor of their fornication, nor of their thefts." 

How true is all this, as established by the future history of this 
world ! Hence the punishments which quickly followed. No part of 
Western Asia or Eastern Europe, however, between 960 and 1560, 
worshipped Idols of stone and of wood ; therefore to Eastern Asia it 
must apply, and the sphere of the trumpet specifically extend. There 
is, also, something extremely grand and interesting in the solemn and 
emphatic announcement made by the seventh angel, when he had 
poured out his vial, namely, " It is done !" From henceforth Chris- 
tianity becomes the ascendent power, and her enemies must ulti- 
mately yield to her law and to her sway. 

The most direct, and immediate consequence is stated in chap. xix. 
1 1 to the end, the awful and sublime imagery used being ushered into 
notice by the solemn and sublime thanksgiving of the restored un- 
tainted Church on earth, for the completion of their period of suffer- 
ing and subjection, and the triumphant appearance of their irresistible 
leader and head, represented under the character and state of the blessed 
in heaven. The verses specially mentioned deserve to be read with the 
deepest awe, reverence, and attention, as it brings before us, in all his 
might and majesty, the immortal Head of the true Christian Church, 
armed to the battle which was to avenge Him on all his enemies and 
opponents, and to establish his doctrine and Church, universal and 
triumphant. The scene represented is worthy of the terrible result : — 

Ver. 11. "I saw heaven opened," says the holy a'postle. "and behold a 
white horse ; 1 and he that sat upon him was called Faithful and True, 
and in righteousness he doth judge and make war.". 

Ver. 12. "His eyes were as a flame of fire, and on his head were many 
crowns ; and he had a name written, that no man knew, but he himself." 

1 "White always represents Vl ctoky. 



who's to blame? 



335 



Ver. 13. " And he was clothed with a vesture dipped in blood : 1 and his 
name is called The Word op God." 

Ver. 14. " And the armies which were in heaven followed him upon 
white horses, clothed in fine linen, white and clean." 

Ver. 15. " And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, 2 that with it he 
should smite the nations : and he shall rule them with a rod of iron : z and he 
treadeth the wine-press of the fierceness and wrath of Almighty God." 

Ver. 16. " And he hath on his vesture and on his thigh a name written, 
KING OF KINGS, AND LORD OF LORDS." 

The remaining verses of this sublime chapter contain, in inimitable 
and just language, the description of the terrible contest, represented 
under the imagery of a great battle, and its certain and triumphant 
results, the utter annihilation of the opponents of the true religion of 
Christ, as these are represented by the beast — meaning thereby a 
wild ferocious animal, or ferocious, blood-thirsty, and persecuting ty- 
ranny, as the Latin Church has been ; and the false prophet, or 
Mahommedan delusion, in everything that was ferocious, cruel, perse- 
secuting, and remorseless, resembling the other. These both, we are 
told, were taken and " cast alive into a lake of fire burning with brim- 
stone," that is, overtaken with irresistible and total destruction, and 
were never again to be heard of in this world. The fate here men- 
tioned is that which was denounced as specifically to be the fate of the 
little horn, and the great beast from which it sprang (Daniel vii. 11, 
26) : " But the judgment shall sit, and they shall take away his do- 
minion, to consume and to destroy it unto the end." From this sen- 
tence there is no escape ; from this judgment there is no appeal ! 

Belonging to and connected immediately with this great contest and 
its results, are parts thereof which, for their particular importance, are 
separately described in the 17th, 18th, and part of the 19th chapters. 
The first gives us the vision of "Babylon the Great," represented 
under the image of a female, who had broken her marriage vows, proved 
herself unfaithful to her husband, and who, having done this, gloried 
in her shame, by having her criminal intercourse with multitudes em- 
blazoned on her forehead, after the manner of voluntary and irreclaim- 
able harlots in some countries in the East. This figure or allegorical 
representation represents corrupt religion as that has appeared in the 
whole post-diluvian world, and supported by the great empires which 
had existed, ending in that which succeeded the Roman, the corrupted 
Latin Church, which sprang out of the other, substituted itself in the 
room of Paganism — which, in short, had the wound unto death, yet 

1 See Isaiah lxiii. 1—6, but especially ver. 3, the sublime description of the terrible events 
now under review and about to commence, chap. xi. 4. 

2 Isaiah xi. 4. 3 Psalm ii. 2.\ 



336 



THE WAR: 



did live. This allegorical representation of the abandoned female 
carried by a ferocious beast, comprehended every species of corrupt 
religion which has appeared in the world unto our times, and Mahom- 
medanism amongst the rest. These, in fact, come under the compre- 
hensive name which follows : " And the woman which thou sawest is 
that great city which reigneth over the kings of the earth " — every 
part, and branch, and support, and worshipper of which, was, amidst 
war and violence, to be swept for ever U from the face of the earth." 
That the description might not be deficient or mistaken, we are told 
that the waters, on which the whore sitteth, " are peoples, and multi- 
tudes, and nations, and tongues." 

The heads or empires of this great beast, or tyranny, were the 
Egyptian, the Assyrian, the Babylonian, the Persian, the Macedonian, 
the Eoman, which then existed, and the great Papal succession, as 
seventh head, with all the characteristic tyranny and ferocity of its 
immediate predecessor — Paganism ; for while we are told that he had 
" two horns, like a lamb," he " spake as a dragon, 5 ' as Paganism had 
always done. Belonging to this, and out of this, sprang an eighth 
head, which goeth into perdition (chap. xvii. 11). Who that is that 
goeth into perdition has been already clearly shown, namely, the 
Mahommedan system of delusion and tyranny. In reference to the 
subject of "ten kings," it may be remarked that the word "ten," in 
Scripture, does not always mean that specific number, but, on the 
contrary, frequently means " many." But, whatever the number is, 
we are emphatically told that though they would support the great 
beast, or tyranny, and " harlot" during the Divine pleasure ; yet that 
in the end they should turn against the religious corrupter, and 
devour and utterly destroy her — " eat her flesh, and burn her with fire" 
waste and spoil her utterly ! 

This was "Babylon the Great, the mother of fornications," or corrup- 
tions of every kind, and which have disturbed and tormented the 
earth ; but there is a part and portion of her dominions and state, 
namely, " Great Babylon," whose punishment is more minutely de- 
scribed in chap, xviii. throughout. The judgment is terrible, irrever- 
sible, and complete, and clearly belongs to that more specific portion 
of tyranny and false religion which settled itself in the Eastern world, 
namely, the Mahommedan religion and power. To this the special 
attention of all the prophets and apostles was constantly and closely 
directed, and they always keep in view the type of it — old Babylon, 1 
the great oppressor and destroyer of the people of God. It is, I humbly 
think, clear that it is the great Mahommedan delusion and usurpation, 
and, included in and inseparably connected with it, the great capital of 

1 See Isaiah, chaps, xii. xiv. ; Jeremiah, chaps. I. U. 



who's to blame? 



337 



the Mahommedan power, that is here more particularly pointed out 
by St. John, The details of the destruction which ensued apply more 
particularly to it than to the capital of any other corrupted state 
in this world. The destruction was to be complete — not a vestige 
was to be suffered to remain. The imagery denoting this is majestic 
and descriptive in the extreme : ver. 21 — " And a mighty angel took 
up a stone like a great millstone, and cast it into the sea, saying, 
Thus with violence shall that great city Babylon be thrown down, and 
shall be found no more at all." This terrible and just catastrophe 
is accompanied by a solemn and affecting warning, joined by a strong 
anathema upon all who neglect or disregard it. To this I would seri- 
ously and urgently direct the attention of my readers : ver. 4 — 6. " Come 
out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that 
ye receive not of her plagues : for her sins have reached unto heaven, 
and God hath remembered her iniquities. Reward her even as she 
rewarded you, and double unto her double according to her works : in 
the cup that she hath filled pill to her double"! This doom is 
irreversible : " Seek ye out of the book of the Lord, and read : no one 
of these shall fail, none shall want her mate : for my mouth it hath 
commanded, and his spirit it hath gathered them." (Isaiah xxxiv. 16.) 
" God is not a man, that he should lie ; neither the son of man, that 
he should repent : hath he said, and shall he not do it % or hath he 
spoken, and shall he not make it good ? (Numb, xxiii. 19.) Neither 
French garrisons nor British fleets can avert the downfall, though 
both may and will share in the punishment here denounced, by mixing 
themselves up for worldly views, objects, and interests, to preserve, if 
they could preserve, in its integrity and independence, the enemy and 
the opponent of the great Creator of heaven and earth ! 

The inquiry now becomes necessary, namely, Is this the period of 
the world's history when such a great change may be expected to take 
place? Here Scripture, with history, supplies us, the former espe- 
cially, with safe and unerring guides. The power and dominion of 
these oppressors and corrupters of Christianity were to continue forty 
and two months} or 1260 prophetic years. In the month of June, 609, 
Mahommed first announced his religion to his wife, Cadijah, and his 
family. Three years thereafter, or 612, he publicly promulgated his 
faith, and chose Ali as his vizier; and thus, on a small scale, established 
a kingly system and authority. Suppose the latter year as the com- 
mencement of the hideous " strong delusion''' and " lie" then this is the 
year 1270 of the Mahommedan era, calculated by lunar years. 2 Those 

1 Rev. xi. 2, and xii. 14 ; and Daniel vii. 25. 

2 We are now, since last October, in 1271, A. H. 

Z 



338 



THE WAR: 



first 1260 prophetic years are 1242.749 of our years, and dating those 
from 612 brings us to the year 18-54. Again, 1270 lunar years are 
1232.045 of our years, and dating those from 622, the Mahommedan 
era, taking into account the portions of the years of both periods, we 
come to 1854, as before — the period of the actual commencement of 
the overthrow of the Mahommedan power ! And is it not so 1 The 
perusal of the official documents which have been considered tells us, 
in the most decided manner, that, from the beginning of 1854, Turkey 
and her sovereign can no longer act an independent part. They can 
only move as France and England command them. They can neither 
declare war, nor make peace, nor fight, with or for any power or 
object, but as the two powers order and command • and which order 
and command, be what these may, Turkey and her Sultan must obey ! 
The Mahommedan power, as independent, was " to continue forty 
and two months." (Eev. xiii. 5.) The marginal reading, however, is 
here the best translation, namely, " power to make war forty and two 
months." It was on the 9th of March, 1854, that the treaty between 
France, England, and Turkey was signed at Constantinople, by which 
Turkey is bound to obey these powers in everything, especially as 
regards war and peace. The document was exchanged at Constan- 
tinople on the 8th of May ; and from the completion of this treaty 
must clearly be dated the overthrow of Mahommedanism as an inde- 
pendent power — the Sultan of Turkey being considered as the head 
chief of the Islamite world. Calculated carefully and minutely, we 
shall find the periods agree to an hour. There is no error in the cal- 
culations of unerring wisdom. Like as in the deliverance of the children 
of Israel, after the expiry of the predicted thraldom of 430 years, 
which terminated in a the self-same day"" that they came out of Egypt ; 
just as the seventy years' captivity of the same people in Babylon did 
terminate ; so, we may be assured, and in fact do see and know, that 
the predicted thraldom and persecution of Christianity cease, and 
shall cease for ever, and that the convulsions and changes amongst 
men which are to produce that great event are begun. 

How long the great contest will last that is to terminate in, compa- 
ratively speaking, universal peace, there is no specific data given to 
determine ; but as the imagery employed to portray it is all of the 
most violent and rapid working kind, so we may conclude that it will 
be short, yet commensurate with its objects and extreme violence. 
The language used in the description of all these terrible and decisive 
events is metaphorical, but most expressive ; and none other could 
have been chosen to bring the terrible subjects into such a short com- 
pass as we here find it. The struggle is represented as being one great 



who's to blame? 



339 



5a^/e, and the commander and leader of the army arrayed and mar- 
shalled in the cause of truth and justice, the Omnipotent God, the 
Saviour and the Judge of the world; that is, all their actions and 
pursuits should be directed and supported by his Divine wisdom and 
irresistible power. How fearful and bloody the struggle against the 
enemies of truth and Christianity, in this their death-struggle, was to 
be, is laid before us in awful colours, in the fourteenth chapter, where 
mighty angels are described as the reapers gathering, as grapes are , 
gathered in the harvest, the people of the World, to throw them into 
the " great wine-press of the wrath of God" which press was trodden 
without the city, and "blood came out of" it, ""even unto the horse- 
bridles, by the space of a thousand and six hundred furlongs," — 200 
miles, and say, four feet deep. Who it was that trode this " great 
wine-press of the wrath of God," we have already shown — the Son of 
God, in his capacity of the Judge of his enemies, and the avenger 
of the cause of his long and grievously oppressed and cruelly treated 
servants through so many ages ! 

So great was to be the convulsion, so terrible the overthrow, so 
great the victory and change, that we are told by Him who cannot err, 
that every kingdom (hill) and mountain (empire), as these at present 
stand in the world, were to flee away and not be found ; and the only 
refuge and security for the good, virtuous, and peaceable, was, to take 
care and not to mix themselves in any way in the strife \ otherwise, if 
they did, they must expect to suffer in the contest. Let us not be 
mistaken : the struggle described, and here foretold, will most cer- 
tainly take place. He has told us, who cannot err, "Heaven and earth 
shall pass away, hut my word shall not pass away." When general 
destruction and ruin was about to come upon his devoted country and 
countrymen, he reproached them for not attending to and discerning 
" the signs of the times" which if they had done, they would have been 
delivered from the terrible fate which overtook them ; and he warned 
his true followers, when they perceived discords, tumults, and wars 
that were to take place, then to flee from Jerusalem, because its total 
destruction was at hand. The conduct of every Christian nation and 
people ought to be the same in the terrible wars that most certainly 
are at hand ; for if they voluntarily join in, and take part in them, 
they cannot and will not escape their full share of the general cala- 
mities and evils which must ensue. 

When the Saviour of mankind came into this world, he came the 
messenger of peace and good-will, and bestowed his peace upon 
men ; but with the eye of Omniscience, which sees the past, the pre- 
sent, and the future alike, he saw that the evil passions and interests 

z 2 



340 



the war: 



of mankind would quickly transform his religion of peace into discord 
and the sword. It is with men of this description — alas ! still the gene- 
ral mass of mankind— that we have now to contend, and with whom 
the battle of "the mountain of the Gospel " must and will be fought, 
to terminate in victory, which will banish war and violence from the 
world for a period of one thousand years I It is impossible to look at 
and consider the present agitated state of this world, in almost every 
comer thereof, and not to perceive that the catastrophe and change 
foretold is at hand, " even at the doors gri and every man and nation 
of true Christian faith and feeling will, as a matter of duty and safety, 
attend to the warning voice of their God. The great enemy of mankind, 
and his followers and dupes, will not let go their hold of worldly 
power and pleasures without a terrible contest ; therefore, 11 Come out 
of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye 
receive not of her plagues : for her sins have reached unto heaven, and 
God hath remembered her iniquities. Reward her even as she 
rewarded you, and double unto her double ; in the cup that she 
hath filled fill to her double." Who is so bold, or so godless, that he 
should voluntarily brave such punishment and such vengeance — " the 
vengeance of our God, and the vengeance of his temple ! " 

In looking around the world, we perceive the Latin Church eveiy- 
where making the greatest exertions, with recourse to pretended mira- 
cles, " signs and lying wonders," to establish and extend her power and 
authority as the Universal Church, and bringing kings and empires, 
as in the case of Austria and France, to obey her. On the other hand, 
the change that has taken place in Spain threatens to weaken, if not 
ultimately to subvert, her power in that country — the commencement 
of that disunion that is to overthrow her. In Mahommedan coun- 
tries, we perceive Islamism — throughout Europe, Asia, and Africa — 
making desjDerate exertions to raise itself to its former predominance. 
In all these quarters, we perceive them encouraged by Great Britain 
and France ; we perceive them arming, and furiously rushing to arms, 
and pressing forward to the great battle scene in the empire or 
"mountain of the Gospel." In those parts of the Circassian coast 
abandoned by the Russians, we perceive with regret that Christian 
schools and churches are abandoned and destroyed, or the latter 
turned into mosques, the members of which the muftis boast they are 
to extend under the aagis of Great Britain ! But all those efforts will 
prove of no avail. The two corrupt powers must fall nearly together — 
the Latin last, as it rose last. The present stir in both, is a momentary 
death struggle : 

" So dying tapers give a blazing light." 



who's to blame? 



341 



In the East, we perceive the Greek Church in a great commotion, 
ready to assert its independence of, and freedom from, the chains of 
Islamism ; at the same time, with serious schisms within itself. 
According to accounts from Constantinople, Lord Stratford is endea- 
vouring to get the leading clergy of the Greek Church in that place 
to separate themselves from the Greco-Russian Church ; and, by way 
of weakening the power of Russia, and promoting peace and good-will 
in that quarter, advising the other to excommunicate the Russian 
Church, and to claim a superiority over it. 

Asia, Pagan, is agitated to its foundations, and calling for change. 
In Africa, and over a large portion of America, tumult and confusion 
prevail. Amidst Protestants, great disunion and a love of change pre- 
vail. Falsehood, in almost everything, the work of the "frogs''' or 
teachers of false doctrines — seems to lead and guide mankind, and 
teaches them to advocate and look to change, however violent the 
change may be, or uncertain and destructive the result. All these 
things, with the sadly disjointed state of political affairs, have paved 
the way for a struggle such as the Scriptures of truth have predicted 
will take place in the world, and of which every sincere and honest Pro- 
testant should, to the utmost of his power, keep clear. The following is 
the notice from Constantinople adverted to, as it has been transmitted 
by a correspondent of the Morning Herald, a little while ago : — 

" I am also positively informed that the Porte, aided by Lord Stratford, 
has finally obtained from the Greek Patriarch that the latter should 
denounce the conduct of Russia in regard to the Orthodox Church, which 
is placed under his guardianship, and not that of the Emperor Nicholas. 
This proclamation, if it is thrown into circulation, cannot fail to have an 
immense effect among the lower classes of Christians in the Ottoman 
empire, who are under the impression that their own ecclesiastical autho- 
rities openly side with Russia. Your readers are aware that the Patriarch, 
repeatedly pressed to issue a manifesto to the Greeks, has refused to do 
so — tendered his resignation rather than sacrifice his own personal feelings, 
which are in favour of the Porte's enemy." 

Although, as has been stated, the imagery employed under the 
seventh vial denotes rapid operation, still the magnitude and number 
of the great events, changes and devastations, that were or are to take 
place under it, clearly point to a considerable time as its sphere of 
operation 5 though, as in reference to the events and occurrences under 
the other vials, the time of the duration of the punishments under 
the seventh vial may be comparatively short. One great event 
under it — the conversion of the Jews to Christianity, and their return 
to the country of their forefathers, for Christians they must become 



342 



THE WAR: 



before they can be re-established in it — must take a considerable time ; 
because, first, " they shall look upon me whom they have pierced, and 
they shall mourn for him as one mourneth for his only son." (Zech. 
cxii. 10.) The numerous and terrible wars that must and will take place 
throughout the world, will occupy some time to expend their fury and 
to see general tranquillity restored. In looking at the periods of the 
first six vials, (350 years,) it will not be too much to allow thirty years 
for the period of the duration of the events to take place under the 
Seventh. 

(i Hail," in Scripture language, when metaphorically used to express 
the movement of war, always means the weapons used in war by 
armies. In this case we are told that the hail was great, every stone 
about the weight of a talent, or 85 lbs. The balls now used in artil- 
lery, both by land and sea, and especially for artillery employed in 
besieging cities, as this prophetical hail was to be used, carry balls 
even exceeding 85 lbs. It is, therefore, that "hail," or destructive 
weapon of war, which is here indicated. It was to be under such 
hostile operations and weapons that " the cities of the nations fell." Is it 
not so, and certain to be so, to a terrible extent, in the contest begun, 
and which there is little reason to doubt will rapidly spread over the 
world I France and England, especially, proclaim that in carrying on 
warlike operations, destruction of cities, not preservation, is to be their 
sole aim and their work ! Other nations will doubtless follow their ex- 
ample ; and some of therewith probably even greater ferocity than the 
others, may carry out such detestable work. It is further evident, 
that such is the jealousy amongst different powers about who is to hold 
Constantinople, that it is extremely probable that, either from internal 
convulsion, or from external war, or from both, this great capital may 
be utterly destroyed, in order to prevent any power from again seating 
itself upon its site, which could shut up the navigation of the Black 
Sea and rule in the Mediterranean. Therefore it is more than probable 
that this celebrated capital is the " Great Babylon" that, according to 
Revelation xviii. is to be completely destroyed !— destroyed, too, un- 
questionably, amidst war and violence. For " a mighty angel," one of 
those spiritual beings, each of whom " can wield these elements " at the 
command of his Immortal Sovereign, takes up a stone " like a great 
millstone," and dashes " it into the sea," with this irresistible and all- 
powerful declaration and anathema : f Thus with violence shall that 
great city Babylon t < .'' rown down, and be found no more at all /" And 
this done amidst that awful convulsion that shakes this world — under 
which kingdoms fled away, and empires are not found ! 



who's to blame? 



343 



3mi 1 sldfi-isbiaaoQ 



79flJ 910l9d 



ujj) sal to bonoq ailt -ioi 



CHAPTER XII. 




ENCES- TO GENERAL HEADS — LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S NAVIGATION LAWS — 
FIGHT FOR THE FOOD WE ARE TO EAT — DISTORTIONS AND MISREPRESEN- 
TATIONS BY THE ALLIES — THEIR CROOKED POLICY — BIND TURKEY NECK 
AND HEEL — FRENCH AND ENGLISH ALLIANCE — DANGERS FROM IT — 
UNION WITH AUSTRIA, ALLIANCE STILL MORE DANGEROUS — CLARENDON 
AND SAXONY — MENACING DESPATCH — THE FOUR POINTS — -REJECTED BY 
RUSSIA — SAXON SPIRITED REPLY— GOVERNMENT, THROUGH THE * TIMES," 
THREATENS TO EXTINGUISH PRUSSIA AND SWEEP AWAY ALL THE STATES 
OF EUROPE AS ESTABLISHED BY THE TREATIES OF 1815 — THREATS OF 
THE ALLIES INEFFECTUAL — MUST FAIL — THE SCRIPTURES POINT OUT 
THEIR FATE — COST OF WAR, ETC. ETC. 

In all that has been already said, and in all that is about to be stated, 
let it be distinctly understood, that when nations are spoken of, it is 
their general policy -and actions, and not the character of individuals, 
otherwise than as public servants, that are animadverted upon, or 
praised, or censured, as evidence appears. Likewise, also, in reference 
to the subject of religious belief, it is the conduct and proceedings of 
established systems, and not the private character of individuals, but 
their public conduct, that is brought into notice for praise or for 
censure. 

Further, into the history of the war going on it is not my intention 
to enter ; that must be left to the future historian. My sole object 
has been to show how the war has been brought on, and how it might 
have been avoided ; remarking simply, that every drop of blood we 
spend in it, or treasure we lavish, is not only a waste, but goes to 
increase the power and influence of France, and to restrict and cut 
down that of England. 

" Coming events," we are told, " cast their shadows before." During 
the discussion on the Navigation Laws it may be remembered that Lord 



344 



THE WAR: 



John Russell defended the old Manning clause on the ground of neces- 
sity in reference to manning the navy \ for, said he, the day may soon 
come when we will require that navy to fight for us in order to ■pro- 
cure the bread we may require to eat. The operations of the war against 
Russia are, it is presumed, directed accordingly against those parts of 
that empire where the greatest supply of grain that we require is pro- 
cured. Therefore, and with this view, no doubt, of conquest, our Govern- 
ment, through the Times (July 22d, 18-54), announced that the lands 
of Turkey and other places were to be cultivated by rich British mer- 
chants 5 a result which can only be gained and secured by conquest 
and the possession of the territory. This is something new for our 
agriculturists to consider, especially as they are great supporters of the 
present war. Lord John will doubtless be seen transporting them to 
the plains round the Sea of Azoph, there to cultivate gram (wheat) 
to make into bread that we may eat, and at the same time probably 
bestow upon them a priest of the Latin Church and a Mahommedan 
mufti (Siamese twins, they are inseparable) to teach them how to wor- 
ship the gods of the new country ! 

Considering the whole state and condition of the Russian empire and 
people, it may safely be asserted that no country in Europe has made 
such advances to prosperity as they have done. Attention to agricul- 
ture has, in eveiy age, been considered the sure foundation and proof 
of knowledge and civilization. The extension of agriculture, and the 
produce of agriculture throughout the Russian empire, has, during the 
last few years, been exceedingly great, as her exports will testify. 
During 1853 Russia exported (the produce of the year) to different 
countries 7,000,000 quarters of wheat, the average value of which 
could hardly be less than 21,000,000?. ! Other grains, flax, hemp, 
linseed, and tallow, are produced to an incredible extent. Much of 
the wheat is produced in Southern Russia, especially near the Sea of 
Azoph. A few years ago scarcely a quarter of wheat was exported 
from that district; last year the exports amounted to about 1.900,000 
quarters ! From the war operations in that quarter it would appear 
that Lord John and his allies are determined, as much as is in their 
power, to destroy all this rising industry, aud reduce the districts 
around to their former state of barbarism — the French and English 
way now-a-days for spreading peace, independence, knowledge, and 
•• civilization " among men ! In this way, and in this view of the 
subject, Lord John and his colleagues will have two strings to their 
crooked bow — in short, one string to secure supply by conquest, and 
another to secure protection by the destruction of foreign supply : in 
other words, protection to British agriculture by the destruction of that 



who's to blame? 



345 



of another people ! ! Such is the work and the wisdom of coalition — 
like bringing fire and water together into one place. 

The course pursued by the Russian Government in reference to that 
great and necessary work — the emancipation of the serfs throughout 
the empire, is so judicious and just, that in a few years more they will 
all be free, either as labourers, mechanics, or agricultural proprietors, 
as may be their own pleasure, and educated and prepared for perfect 
freedom, and this without loss or injury to their former superiors. In 
the meantime their labour, and their property derived from that 
labour, are protected wherever they may choose to go to reside in any 
portion of the Russian empire, upon paying for a time limited by law 
a small sum yearly to their former superiors. One serf, now an old 
man, according to Mr, Hill, has raised himself by his native genius and 
industry to the position of a great manufacturer of iron-ware and cut- 
lery, to the extent of 125,000?. yearly, while he pays his lord only 50s., 
and who retains him in his station on account of the immense service 
he renders to the whole country in his neighbourhood ; nor does the 
other complain of this remaining part of his vassalage. Had England 
adopted the same prudent course with the large number of slaves in 
her colonies, she would have saved 20,000,000?. addition to her 
national debt, and more than 150,000,000?. of the real property of 
her faithful subjects, which she has destroyed or rendered unproduc- 
tive, and at the same time improved the comforts and condition of 
those freed slaves much beyond what we find it at present to be. 

The population of Russia is steadily and rapidly increasing, while 
that of nearly all the other countries of Europe is almost stationary. 
New villages, towns, farms, and houses, are rising up in every corner, 
a proof that they have a Government that attends to the interests of 
all, and that the population know and feel it. 

Lord John, during parliamentary discussions last session, along with 
others, complained bitterly that Protestant Northern Germany was too 
much Russian. So far good. It is likely they will, and it is proper 
that for their own safety and welfare they should, continue so. But Lord 
John and his colleagues do not, as they might do, tell us the cause of 
this. It would not have been politically wise to have done so. It is 
this : Ever since the days of Queen Elizabeth the Protestants over 
Europe have looked to England as a rallying point and a stay against 
the tyranny and intolerance of the Latin Church. But the moment 
that Great Britain passed the Roman Catholic Bill, which left the 
United Kingdom to be ruled by engines of Rome and political profli- 
gates amongst ourselves, from that moment the Protestants on the 
Continent saw that they could no longer depend upon her for that 



346 



THE WAR : 



assistance and support in the hour of danger from the growing power 
and strength of the Latin Church, in that terrible struggle which they 
saw, and all who are not wilfully blind do see, is approaching with 
rapid strides. In this dilemma they were compelled to look for sup- 
port elsewhere. There was no other power sufficiently strong and suf- 
ficiently antagonistic to the Latin Church but Russia. They therefore 
wisely turned their hopes to her. She readily met them. She married 
her royal family into several of the German royal families, and thus 
acquired great family, domestic, and political influence. It is this 
influence and power that the United Kingdom, under blind and 
infatuated administrations, have neglected and lost, and have now 
allied themselves and their country with France, the great political 
head and support of the Latin Church, and which has called forth our 
fleets and our armies, and, strange to say, misled and maddened our 
population, to crush and destroy, if they can, that Protestant combina- 
tion and support — destruction which, if it could be accomplished, is 
sure to be followed by their own humiliation and degradation, when 
they will find some morning the feet of Rome and France upon their 
necks and their heels, without an ally to aid, or capable of effectively 
aiding them. This is a correct state of the case, and calls for both 
immediate attention and decision. We are led by France and Rome, 
and dare not move but as they direct us ! We cannot stop. We dare 
not say to France, Stand still ! 

It is impossible to go through the official papers published, and to 
dig out from them, with that labour and patience which such an under- 
taking requires, the real truth, so often and so studiously concealed, or 
attempted to be concealed, without coming to the conclusion, inde- 
pendent of every other accessible authority, that we have acted wrong, 
and have entered upon a terrific contest, that, so far as we are con- 
cerned, might have been, and ought to have been, avoided. This will 
doubtless by some be said to be un-English, and defending Russia. 
If to tell truth in the boldness of truth is to defend Russia, that can- 
not be helped, and does not alter, but confirm, the facts stated ; and it 
is because I am English, and deprecate and fear the consequences of 
this struggle we have been plunged into, that truth compels me to 
state these things, and to call things by their right names, whether 
these may be generally pleasing or not. 

Much has been said about the violation and abrogation of treaties. 
Now, if one thing is more clear than another, it is, that the secret 
object of France and England, if not Austria also, and of the ambas- 
sadors of these powers, was to deny and destroy the validity of all the 
existing treaties and engagements that had been made between Russia 
and Turkey during the last 100 years; and this because they aver that, 



who's to blame? 



347 



under those treaties, especially that of Kainardji, Russia had acquired 
a preponderating influence in Turkey, arising from the religion of 
Russia being that of the great majority of the population of the 
Ottoman empire. This was really their great object ; commenced by 
France, but which she did not at first avow openly, nor till all other 
weapons of aggression failed, when recourse was had to this most dan- 
gerous, dishonourable, and I will add unjust proceeding; because, if 
done in one case it may be done in other cases, and then the 
established order of things in Europe would be turned topsy-turvy, 
because, forsooth, the Turks wanted to go to war, and France wanted 
to support them. 

Lord Clarendon (Secret Correspondence, p. 20, March 23d, 1853) 
confesses and dreads this when he deprecates the assembling an 
European Congress to discuss the affairs of Turkey, because " of the 
jealousies that would then be evoked, the impossibility of reconciling 
the different ambitious and divergent interests that would be called into 
play, and the certainty that the treaties of 1815 must then be open to 
revision, when France might be prepared to risk the chance of an 
European war to get rid of the obligations which she considers inju- 
rious to her national honour, and which, having been imposed by vic- 
torious enemies, are a constant source of irritation to her ! " This is 
giving us a peep behind the scenes, and shows us the moving spring of 
all the present turmoils and dangers. The plain meaning of this re- 
markable declaration is, that France having thrown aside, and intending 
to throw aside, all the treaties of 1815, and decided to fight with some 
one or all of them who had imposed these treaties complained of upon 
her, she told England, " I can only remain at peace with you on con- 
dition that you assist me in making war upon Russia. We can easily 
get the Turks to violate their engagements with Russia, tie the kettle 
to her tail, and get up a delightful chase, assisted as we will be by all 
the knaves and the fools throughout Europe." Equally determined on 
our part as France was, to fight some one, we no doubt thought it the 
most prudent course to take an opponent who resided at some distance 
rather than one at our own doors — the question of the justice of the 
proceeding was of little moment. And all this, we are told, is sound 
morality, justice, liberty, and civilization ! But might does not consti- 
tute right, nor success justice, otherwise all the aggressive wars of 
Napoleon I. were proper and justifiable. 

The treaties of 1815 were concluded by the general voice of Europe 
after a war the most just, extensive, and general, ever witnessed in 
Europe. If these, according to Lord Clarendon, can be fairly broken 
by the power whose profligate ambition compelled them, and because 



348 



THE WAK : 



under such circumstances they were imposed, so may the treaty which 
the allies threaten to impose upon Russia in a war manifestly unjust 
on their part. And if made under the supposed circumstances, it will 
most assuredly be broken, and where then is the boasted certainty for 
the peace of Europe % 

Doubtless these powers and their clever but not over-scrupulous 
ambassadors would have been glad if they could, without a general 
war and its enormous dangers and expenses, have succeeded in their 
"palpable humiliation of Russia," as Stratford confesses, when accom- 
plished, it would be ; but these diplomatists, like all other political in- 
tolerants, could not perceive that the more they strove to gain their 
point, the more it became the interest and the duty of Russia to guard 
against and counteract it and resist it. If the independence of Turkey 
was perilled by the supposed or real preponderance which the influence 
— the fair and unavoidable influence — alluded to, gained to Russia, so 
certainly was her peace and independence perilled if Turkey, supported 
by both France and England, succeeded in the acquisition which they 
sought, and were determined to obtain. They planted thereby their feet 
on the neck of Turkey, and on her prostrated body erected their bat- 
teries, garrisoned with guns of the longest range, such as those of Sey- 
mour and Stratford in the diplomatic world, and those of the much- 
renowned long-gun admiral Chads in the naval gunnery world. Not 
one of them, however, thought for one moment what the results would 
be to themselves or to their country and the world, allowing they 
succeeded in gaining their object, and those ulterior objects, which 
success, if success attends them, is sure to lead to. 

They have, by their conduct and proceedings, left Russia no alterna- 
tive but complete humiliation, or victory. They sought, as they now 
acknowledge, to strip her of that which was justly her due, and which 
deprived of, will lower her power at home, and her proper influence with 
the rest of the world ; and leave her, as they intended to leave her, the 
laughing-stock of their miserable and degraded tool, the irreclaimable 
and ferocious Turk of Constantinople, and the bloody and destructive 
blasphemer and impostor of Circassia — Schamyl. I, for one, fairly 
acknowledge, that I mistake the Russian character, and power, and 
resources, and also mistake the signs of the times, if Russia is to be 
so humiliated and crushed without a struggle which will shake more 
thrones than one, from the Atlantic Ocean to her borders in Europe, 
to their foundations. When we talk so boldly and so flippantly of cur- 
tailing treaties as we please, and of stripping nations of territories held 
by them as lawfully as we hold any of our own, and those, too, gua- 
ranteed by our name ; are we prepared to tear up the rtniainder of 



WHO'S to blame ? 



349 



the treaties of 1815, and to restore to Holland the colonies (Ceylon, 
the Cape of Good Hope, and Dutch Guiana), which we received from 
her in lieu of Belgium, guaranteed to her by all the powers of Europe, 
but which we afterwards, while retaining the equivalent received, 
wrested from her by open violence, and application of brute force, ten- 
fold more aggravated than the occupation of the Principalities by 
Russia j admitting this act to have been unjust. Are we prepared to 
do this 1 And, if not prepared, we become — dignify or degrade the act 
as we will— the most tyrannical and profligate of mankind. 

Let us look a little more in detail into these important matters. 
Our objects, we were ostentatiously told, were the integrity and inde- 
pendence of Turkey, We are supremely disinterested ; and so, also, 
are our gallant allies, the French. But the Eastern world allows great 
latitude in political morals and intentions. Old Mehemet Ali, who, it 
will be acknowledged, was no fool, though a bit of a rogue, when he 
was told, by the celebrated traveller Burckhardt, at Mecca, in 1815, of 
the peace of Paris, and the small reserve that England had retained for 
her great exertions and expenditure, would not allow that she could 
be so unwise and disinterested as Burckhardt had made it appear. 
" She must have something more in view," said he, " and that some- 
thing must be Egypt." " No great king,'" said Mehemet, " ever draws, 
his sword but to Jill his purse /" or, as his Highness might have added, 
when he has got the purse full, to keep it so. This truth cannot be 
denied. Lord Stratford, who has lived so long in Constantinople, where 
political profligacy is greater than in almost any other quarter of 
the world, and who must, therefore, be a most competent judge in all 
such matters, tells us (Part II. p. 167), "The Sultan and his ministers 
cannot be blind to a truth that is obvious to every one. They must 
'perceive, that their hold upon the sympathies of an auxiliary power 
is one which has its origin in the sense entertained by that power of 
its own interests" Here is "a Daniel come to judgment." Count 
Nesselrode, who can see as far into a millstone as Lord Stratford, fully 
understands this ; and the Turks are more stupid and vindictive against 
Russia than we take them to be, if a glimmering of this light has not 
already burst upon them, and if they already see not that a change of 
masters — admitting that Russia had been their master — will make 
matters to them, if Turks they remain, worse instead of better ! 

The balance of power in Europe requires, we are told, that a Mahom- 
medan sovereign and creed should be maintained at Constantinople \ 
that a Greek kingdom, or Christian empire, as formerly, cannot now be 
thought of, or tolerated. So says Lord Clarendon. (Sec. Correspondence.) 
What says his Lordship, in another part, on this subject 1 ? Part h 



350 



THE WAR I 



p. 294, he tells Lord Stratford thus : " Your Excellency will plainly 
and authoritatively state to the Porte, that this state of things can- 
not be longer tolerated by Christian powers." " And her Majesty's 
Government conceive that very little reflection will suffice to satisfy 
the Turkish ministers, that the Porte can no longer reckon upon its 
Mussulman subjects as a safeguard against external danger, and that, 
without the hearty assistance of its Christian dependents, and the 
powerful sympathy and support of its Christian allies, the Turkish 
empire must soon cease to exist /" Well, how is this assistance and 
support to be obtained f How is " the most crying injustice under 
which the Rayahs of the empire have laboured for centuries" (Stratford, 
Protestants in Turkey, p. 4), to be removed? Mr. "Ward tells us 
(Greek Papers, pp. 213, 214), that the Greek population care not one 
straw how despotic Eussia may be, if they can only be delivered by 
her aid from her present degraded state ; and, with regard to Turkey, 
" the one thing to which they look is its downfall, no matter by 
what means, or by what power it may be effected" How will — how can, 
Lord Clarendon, as a Christian, support and maintain a system and a 
power like this ; viewed with such just hatred by 1-5,000,000 of 
people of that name and religion, living, and thus to be compelled to 
live, under its sway \ He cannot. 

Let his Lordship open his eyes, and let things within the scope of 
their vision teach him knowledge and understanding. Let him look 
at the office in which he writes. It is a good image of the Turkish 
empire. Can he uphold it 1 No ! he must pull it down, and recon- 
struct it. None of the old materials can again be used, or prove good 
for anything. As soon as the buildings near it were taken away, it 
was obliged to be propped up j and there it stands amidst its fellows, 
like a certain animal with one ear, the astonishment and dread of all 
neighbours and beholders; especially of foreigners, who look trem- 
blingly at the structure as they approach it, and cogitating how they 
may get safely out, when they enter into it upon business. It 
has just got three props, like Turkey — two near each other, like 
France and England, supporting the main portion of the house ; and 
one at a distance from these, and a little crooked, like Austria, sup- 
porting a protruding wing. His Lordship must pull it down, and 
reconstruct it ; or, some rough wintry morning, it may tumble about 
his ears, and smother some cabinet council, when deliberating about 
Turkey ; while Musurus, Collerado, and Walewski, waiting to report 
progress, may also be cut off. Whether any European mourning would 
take place when the catastrophe occurs, must be left to time to show. 
But down it must come, or be taken down : and there is strong reason 



who's to blame? 



351 



to believe that both it and the Turkish empire will be swept away 
together; and it will, of course, depend upon the architect and workmen 
who may be employed in reconstructing either, to replace them with 
something better. Certainly none of the present hands can do so, 
unless they reform and change their present views and principles. 

Apropos about this subject. Every stranger looks upon the props, 
but especially the waste ground and nuisances adjoining it, with amaze- 
ment ; and those who have been in Turkey declare, that it is an exact 
picture of extensive districts of that empire. Our American cousin, 
when he surveys it with his sharp, calculating eyes, wonders why it is 
not turned into that which will produce some dollars yearly income. 
" What can be the reason why it is not so % " said our cousin lately. 
The answer was, fi Why, it is generally believed that the ministry are 
considering whether they should fill up the space with harems, for the 
ministers of the day ; or with a mosque, to enable them to perform 
their devotions with speed, amidst urgent business." "Well," said 
our cousin, " that is some reason for delay ; and I guess that harems 
will yield the largest annual return ! " 

"France and England united," says Lord Clarendon (Part I. p. 399), 
" and resolved to stop at no sacrifice for the object they have in view, 
there is little doubt that we could cripple the resources of Russia," 
that "the exclusion of that power from the Greek protectorate and 
from the Principalities would be secured" — "but Turkey, in the mean- 
while, might be irretrievably ruined ; and we might find it impossible 
to restore her integrity, or to maintain her independence." Doubtless 
all this is possible ; nay, more than possible : then how is it to be 
averted % Oh ! it is by reforming and remodelling Turkey ! But who 
is to be the reformer and remodeller % Not British fleets and armies 
directed against Russia, certainly. If there is one thing clearer than 
another, it is the boasts and promises that were made on all hands 
that the reformation of Turkey, her Government, and her people, and 
her institutions, and her position, physical, moral, and political, was to 
be the first .and greatest care and object of the allies. Those who knew 
Turkey and human nature, its passions and interests, knew that all this 
was impracticable under the rash hands and ff noble pride " that pro- 
posed it. Well, what is the result of all these boastings and claptrap 
promises 1 Why, that all their schemes are impracticable, and must 
be abandoned. I quote from the Times again, well knowing that, on 
such subjects, it is the direct organ of Government. The following 
important article bears official impress, qand was, probably, never out 
of London, though dated Paris, where, if it originated at all, it most 
probably came from the British embassy. It states : — 



352 



the war: 



" The following is from the pen of a person to whom we are often indebted 
for valuable information : — 

" ' We are far from sharing the opinion of the German journals, which 
imagine that a new conference, held at Vienna, is on the point of concluding 
peace on the bases proposed in the letter of M. Drouyn de Lhuys to M. de 
Bourqueney. The demands of our cabinet are certainly veiy moderate, too 
moderate even to secure guarantees for the future, and to satisfy the noble 
pride of the two great nations. But it should be first remarked, that the 
letter of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, as well as the promises of the British ministry, 
lay down as a principle that peace shall not be negotiated on the re-esta- 
blishment of the status quo ; that the English and French people require a 
modification, both of diplomatic treaties and of the Eussian territory itself, 
and that portions of that territory are indispensable to insure the attainment of the 
different objects mentioned in the letter. It appears certain, moreover, that 
we have, at this very moment, undertaken the conquest of the Crimea, and we 
have reason to know that the allies intend to keep possession of Sebastopol, in 
order to guard in future against the preponderance of Russia in the Black 
Sea. On the other hand, it is indispensable, in order to secure to Germany 
the free navigation of the Danube, that Russia should cease to command 
the Sulina mouth of that river. Now, we are convinced that Russia will 
never consent to surrender either the Crimea or the Sulina, unless she is 
completely disabled; and that it would be easier to reconquer one-half of the empire 
than to obtain from her the cession of the smallest part of her dominions. There 
lies the insurmountable obstacle. The honour of the two nations, as well 
as of their cabinets, is pledged to change the status quo, and the honour of 
Russia is pledged to maintain it. War, and a long war, is consequently 
inevitable. Independently of that material obstacle, we anticipate others, resulting 
from the conventions to be entered into betweeti the allies. Will Sebastopol be kept 
by England, or by France? Will that fortress be given to one, and Bomar- 
sund to the other ? Those are serious questions, and the more we examine 
them the more ice remain convinced of the danger of a policy which obliges us to 
mount guard at the door of the Czar, to keep him under close arrest. But there is 
a much greater difficulty in the way of the ratification of the conditions pro- 
posed by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, namely, the opposition of the Ottoman cabinet, 
which cannot really accept them. Before the war, and under the pressure 
excited by Prince Menchikoff, the Divan had, it is true, offered to grant 
the five great powers a certain right of protection over its Christian subjects. 
But the war has since annulled all the rights of protection formerly imposed 
by Russia, and the Porte, after its glorious victories, cannot alienate its sove- 
reignty over the Principalities, or over the rayahs, in behalf of a collective or 
isolated protectorate. It must be recollected that the war has been under- 
taken, as M. Drouyn de Lhuys twice repeats in Ins letter, to maintain the 
integrity of the power of the Sultan. Now, we should inflict upon it the most 
mortal bloic, if we were to confer on one or several foreign sovereigns a right to 
interfere with the internal affairs of the nation. Would any monarch in Europe 
submit to such vassalage 1 What nation would not feel indignant at it ? 
Turkey has certainly conquered a rank which authorizes her to be as proud 



who's to blame? 



353 



as any other power. As respects the free navigation of the Danube and 
the Straits, the Sultan, in virtue of the law of nations, has a right to refuse or 
grant a passage through them. It must also be observed that all stipulations 
to that effect are binding only in time of peace, and are set aside by war. 
It is, consequently, evident that the portion of the Danube flowing through 
the Ottoman territory forms part of the empire, and that the Sultan may 
lawfully interdict its navigation, or subject it to certain duties. It would be 
strange indeed if the allies of the Sultan, who have allowed him to bear the 
brunt of the war, should co)iclude a peace at his expense, and to the benefit of 
Germany, whose conduct has been hitherto so ambiguous, and who does not 
even appear disposed to declare war. We accordingly do not believe that 
the Porte, in justice to herself, can concede to any power the protectorate 
of the Wallachian provinces or of its subjects, the free navigation of the 
Danube, or the free entrance into the Black Sea, which, if granted to ships of war, 
would expose Constantinople to permanent danger. The allies will, consequently, 
be obliged to modify their pretensions. With respect to the anxious desire of 
Austria to secure the free navigation of the Danube, we see but one mode 
of accomplishing it — that is, by obtaining from Turkey the complete cession 
of the Principalities, and compensating her for their loss in another quarter ; 
and by wresting Bessarabia from Russia. All this is practicable ; but can 
only be achieved by an earnest and energetic war, and by curtailing the 
power of Russia." — Times, August 22d, 1851. 

These statements are true, and the beginning of difficulties, even 
supposing that Russia does nothing, and is incapacitated from doing 
anything : a point not to be calculated upon with safety. Besides, 
where, after these intentions of seizing a large portion of the Russian 
territories, is the morality or the sincerity of the famous Vienna con- 
ference, which, on the 5th of December, 1853, lays it down as a law 
not to be departed from, " that the existing war cannot, in any case, 
lead to modifications in the territorial boundaries of the two empires ! " 
It is, like other national laws, made to be broken, or used as a weapon 
of deception. 

" A policy of suspicion" says Lord Clarendon to Lord Cowley (Part I. 
p. 93), "was neither wise nor safe, and often led to hasty determinations.'''' 
The present position of the United Kingdom attests the truth of the 
above just saying. It is this " policy of suspicion," this " incurable 
mistrust" in reference to Russia, which have produced the convulsion 
which proceeds to shake the world, and which has brought England to 
ally herself with a new friend, against an old and tried ally ; which, in 
short, has brought her to combine with the most despotic powers in 
continental Europe, to support and maintain the most odious despo- 
tism and tyranny, political and religious, that ever scourged and dis- 
graced the world. In reference to religion, we have armed the daughter 
reformed against her unreformed parent, to crush and to keep her 

A A 



354 



THE war: 



(Greek Church) in cruel bondage and slavery, — in short, to combine 
with man against the decrees and the power of Omnipotence. We may- 
dignify or degrade our position as we will, and as vanity and interest 
may lead and mislead us, but such is our position before the eyes of 
the world, and before the eye of the great Judge of heaven and earth. 

It was France which began and fomented the quarrel which has 
produced this sad state of things. She did it for a political object, and 
made the question of the Eastern Churches a weapon to gain the sup- 
port of the Latin Church to the Government of France, in France ; 
and, whatever was its form or designation, also to forward her designs 
in the East, and those against Russia. The struggle, therefore, become 
political, remained between those powers, who each endeavoured to 
gain her objects with Turkey; the one, Russia, to obtain her alliance, 
in order to secure her territories in the East from molestation ; and 
the other, France, to procure the assistance of Turkey, by bringing 
her to quarrel with Russia, in order that she might be able, by such 
aid, to forward her designs against Russia. The whole intrigue is now 
manifest to the most careless observer ; even if it were not decidedly 
acknowledged in the pages of the official documents. In Part I. p 305, 
June 25th, 1853, M. Drouyn de Lhuys tells us about the "embarrass- 
ments of a power who, under the opposing influence of two opposing 
currents of equal strength, conceived it could only keep its balance by 
alternately contracting contradictory engagements!" Do we require 
any further evidence, to show the secret moves in the whole affair, and 
that Russia, consequently, was justified, and owed it as a duty to her- 
self, more especially when she found England ungenerously turning 
against her, to take every measure in her power to guard against the 
danger with which she was threatened, and which has broken upon her 
with so much violence ? Whatever she now yielded, would have 
decreased her power, and served only to pave the way for fresh demands 
and fresh humiliations. It would have doubtless been pleasing for 
her antagonists to have attained their objects without trouble and 
without bloodshed. Whatever be the issue, she fights the battle now 
with greater honour and more chance of ultimate success, than she 
would have done by her enemies being more numerous and united, 
and better prepared, and having by " threats and caresses'" 1 coerced more 
states against her. The eyes of the Protestants of Europe, and even of 
England, will not always remain shut to the cause of the present war, 
and to the dreadful dangers which are about to assail them. We ought 
to have awaited the progress and the issue of the contest ; not mar- 
shalled ourselves, as we have done, against those who with us fought 
and gained the battles of European independence, which France will 



who's to blame? 355 

never forget, and which she appears to wish to fight over again, with 
hopes of a different result. While it is most proper and most desirable 
that we should remain on the most amicable terms with her, it does 
not follow that we are called upon to aid her in aggressive and ambi- 
tious wars, Whether these are undertaken to increase her vanity, or to 
gratify her vengeance against any power to which she owed a grudge 
for reasons real or pretended. 

Every step that the powers now in alliance with Turkey and for 
Turkey take, and have taken, proves that they are wrong. If they are 
justified in interfering to protect the Christians in Turkey, because 
they are oppressed and cruelly treated, especially because they are 
Christians, surely Russia could not be blamed for doing so. The fact, 
also, that they demand this of Turkey, proves that it is necessary, and 
that Russia advanced nothing that was false to justify her interference. 
The formidable power that has been brought against her, goes to prove 
that, instead of her power being able to overwhelm Europe, it is not 
adequate to her reasonable and necessary protection, and falsifies all 
those statements that her power was dangerous to the peace and to the 
liberties of mankind ; statements made merely to muster feeling 
against her, and as a justification of the meditated aggression against 
her for no just cause whatever ; for there is not a shadow of proof, in 
all the documents that have been produced to the world, to show that 
she really meditated a single aggressive proceeding, of any of the 
multitude charged against her. To all these charges she gave the most 
positive contradictions, while all that her opponents adduced to sup- 
port their cause is amidst and actuated by " incurable mistrust," " a 
policy of suspicion," " the weakness of Turkey." It simply comes to 
this, that they are of opinion that Russia meditates aggression. This 
is all they can say. They bring forward no charges but suppositions, 
suspicions, and opinions of so and so, and charges founded upon false- 
hoods — intentional falsehoods, and proved again and again to be so. 

The occupation of the Principalities has been thundered over 
Europe, and repeated till even its advocates have become wearied and 
ashamed of it. That was brought upon Turkey by her own proceed- 
ings, conduct, and injustice towards her neighbour. She violated the 
word, the promises of her sovereign, and the treaties made by her 
emperor ; she did this " coerced " by France, and refused all reasonable 
and fair redress. If she was weak, that was the most cogent reason 
possible, neither of her own accord, nor by the advice of any other 
power, to offend or injure without cause her stronger neighbour. The 
Turks violated their solemn engagements with Russia. This is not 
denied. Russia sought redress by peaceable means. It was denied 

A a 2 



356 



THE WAR: 



her. Then how but by hostile proceedings could she bring Turkey to 
reason 1 None have attempted to show how this could otherwise be 
obtained than by the application of force, in some shape or other. 
" She rejected;' says the Times of September 10th 5 1853, " the terms 
recommended to the Sultan by the rest of Europe" " The Porte," says 
Count Buol, 1 " must consider the occupation of the Principalities as a 
direct consequence of its inefficient answer to the Russian Cabinet, and 
will have to bear all the responsibility of it. . . . And if the Porte 
thinks, that, notwithstanding the gravity of the circumstances, it can 
decline any description of diplomatic engagement — even such an one as 
would be confined to a promise given in a note — it would, in the 
opinion of the Austrian Government, commit a grave error, which 
might have the most disastrous consequences." On this, the case, as 
regards Russia, might be left to rest. The Turks violated their engage- 
ments with Russia without any provocation or pretence. The latter 
sought, as she was entitled to do, redress. It was denied her ; and, 
by all the laws which have hitherto regulated the affairs of states, 
Russia had a right, without even sending a second message, after the 
departure of her ambassador, to take possession of any portion of 
Turkish territory — Constantinople itself if she could take and hold it, 
till redress was given to her. There was no fiction or fable in the wrong 
that Turkey had committed. It was committed before the world, and 
patent to it. We trumped up a quarrel with Russia in a cause not our 
own, and seek redress for it ; and because we do not gain it, we go and 
take possession by force of the Black Sea, in violation of treaties as 
between us and Russia, and which, says M. Drouyn de Lhuys, 2 "our ves- 
sels, as far as the season will admit, will cruise in the Black Sea, and will 
interrupt all the maritime communications of Russia with her Asiatic 
provinces. We should thus retain the Black Sea as a pledge until 
the evacuation of the Principalities, and the reestablishment of peace. 
Thus we go and, without cause, do that which we condemn in Russia 
for doing with cause ! Such are the effects of Liberal coalitions ! 

"It is but justice to admit that Russia," says Lord Stratford 
(Part II. p. 235), " had something to complain of in the affairs of the 
Holy Places ; nor can it be denied that much remains to be done for 
the tvelfare and security of the Christian population in Turkey," &c. 
In the same Part, p". 297, Sir H. Seymour, in his account of an inter- 
view with Count Nesselrode, where he admits to him that Lord Cla- 
rendon considered that to " obtain such guarantees as should 
effectually guard against all future differences in the question ' was 

1 Clarendon to Westmorland, July 9th, 1853, Part I. p. 353. 

-> Drouyn de Lhuys to Walewski. "Dec ir41 1853, Part I. pp. 307—310. 



who's to blame? 



reasonable and fair, Count Nesselrode observed, a that in the con- 
struction to be placed upon this sentence lay the whole question pend- 
ing between the two Governments." This is the truth. Seymour and 
Stratford thought enough was given in the Sultan's word and firman • 
Nesselrode, that the guarantee should be " a solemn national engage- 
ment." So every reasonable being will think ; and it is because this 
was refused by Turkey we are now at war with Russia ! 

But we have other proofs of the justice of the claims of Russia. 
That most impartial diplomatist, Sir H. Seymour, informs Lord Cla- 
rendon (Part I. p. 263) thus : " If the Russian Cabinet require only 
that the settlement of the Greek and Latin dispute at Jerusalem 
should be made permanent and binding, by means of an act of as 
stringent a nature as the capitulations between France and the Porte, 
I am bound in honesty to state that the demand corresponds closely 
with the intentions which had kepeatedly been made known to me ! " 
Well, this was exactly what Russia did require, and, as the affairs at 
Jerusalem always formed a portion of the treaty of Kainardji, as re- 
garded religious subjects, so all that referred to them referred also to 
the whole Christian Churches in the Ottoman dominions. No reason- 
ing was ever so weak or so absurd as that which maintained that, be- 
cause the Greek Christians were so numerous in Turkey, it was, 
therefore, not safe to grant to them the same privileges that were 
enjoyed by a smaller number belonging to the Latin or other Churches. 
Instead of this being so, besides the innate justice of the case, policy 
and political reasons demanded that the majority should not be worse 
treated than the fractional minority ! 

The violation of treaties and national engagements, therefore, so 
loudly and so liberally proclaimed, began with Turkey, not with 
Russia. We hear a great deal at present about the violation of the 
laws of nations, and from quarters, too, that ought to blush whenever 
they allude to such subjects. Where were these modern laws of nations 
when this country, while at profound peace with Denmark, and with- 
out a single fault on her part to charge against her, or previous 
notice given, battered her capital about her ears, and carried off 
her fleet 1 Where were our modern laws of nations when we went, in 
the midst of peace with Turkey, and, professing profound respect for 
her and peace with her, we destroyed her fleet at Navarino, and de- 
prived her of Greece ? How fearfully this roll might be extended, 
without inquiring into movements in India or in Africa. But all such 
proceedings, we are told, arose from political necessity, and self-pre- 
servation and interest. Be it so. Then what is just for us is also just 
for Russia ; and is it not self-preservation and necessity, on her part, 



358 



THE WAR: 



that obliges her to take similar, but less forceful measures to guard 
against powerful attacks on our part aucl on the part of our new and 
not over-scrupulous allies ? 

But let us turn for a moment to examine this so much lauded 
French and English alliance. In the first place, it is cemented by base 
and rotten materials, in being connected with Turkey. Next, its very 
magnitude and power, while wielded by human hands and guided by 
human counsels,, by no means immaculate nor endowed with absolute 
wisdom, is its condemnation, and increases tenfold all the dangers that 
may — that certainly will — proceed from it to the world. It threatens, 
bullies, and assails, all who may venture to differ from it, to dispute 
its honesty or its principles, not only in Europe, but in the world. It 
sets itself up. like the Golden Image (theirs more terrible, as formed 
of brass, iron, and clay — Romanism, Islamism, and corrupt Protes- 
tantism) of the great and impious Babylonian king, and calls upon all 
nations, when they hear the sound of all kinds of martial music — 
French and English — to fall down and worship it ; or, if any do not 
that, they must be consigned to the burning fiery furnace formed by 
their wrath, heated by their anger, filled by then* power, to consume 
to utter destruction ! Where are treaties under it ? Scattered to 
the foui* winds of heaven, or openly declared to be made to be violated 
—waste paper ! They take the poor Sultan by the nose, and by a 
" douce kind of violence, and a leguiling him oy the soft arts of love, as it 
weref they compel him, and counsel him as necessary to his independence, 
to sign a treaty with Austria, to give her sole possession of two provinces 
which he claims as his * and having got this done, the whole is set aside, 
and violated with open ostentation and without shame, by admitting 
the Turkish hosts into them, in common with themselves, and the new 
and unprincipled holder, or rather haughty and hypocritical holder. 
What power in Europe; particularly the small Protestant states, such 
as Holland. Hanover, Saxony, can venture to oppose it, or raise their 
voices against any one of its proceedings or actions ; or even, while it 
exists, dare to express a free opinion ? Not even in England is it now 
safe to oppose such a combination. Those who do so are instantly 
threatened with excommunication, by the power of France and the aid 
of the Latin Church amongst us. With one hand, this formidable 
combination of all the talents and all the profligacy of Europe holds 
out to one state the certainty of rebellion amongst her subjects, and 
support given to them, if such does not coalesce with them ; and to 
another power, a support and a guarantee that no such rebellion of its 
people, however just that might be, will be tolerated. This is the case 
with Austria. How tempting the bait, and how strong the application 



who's to blame ? 



359 



of the political screw must have been, is best shown from the following 
decided resolution, previously taken by Austria. In Part II. p. 164, 
" Count Buol stated that the position of Austria, in the contest which 
had arisen, was, and would continue to be, that of strict neutrality." 
It is from England and France alone, says Lord Clarendon (Part I. 
p. 399), that Turkey can expect assistance : " in the event of a struggle, 
all the other powers would be found neutral or would become hostile? 
And in Part II. p. 133, Austria stated that if Turkey rushed into hos- 
tilities, she (Austria) would not only not "follow her," but would 
abandon her to the fate that would await her 1 Such, also, is the case 
with Prussia, and, in short, with all the smaller states of Germany, 
especially the Protestant states thereof. Popery, Islamism, and pro- 
fligate Protestantism — for deeply profligate it must be before it could 
ally itself with the two former — are now banded together to crush 
nations, to suppress human expression, feeling, and thought, except 
such as their wrong heads and tyrannic power, backed by fleets and 
armies, shall tolerate and dictate. The prospect to the civilized world, 
under such a system, is dreadful. It may, it will for a time deluge 
this world with blood; but, as certain as a Supreme and Omnipotent 
Being rules the universe, so surely will the authors thereof be cut off 
in their own destruction — caught in their own snares ! 

Proofs undeniable and not to be contradicted are ready at hand to 
substantiate the charges here made. Take first what follows : — 

The preceding paragraph was scarcely finished when the journals of 
the day brought to my hands the following most important state paper, 
addressed by the Government of Saxony to the British Government. 
I transcribe it at length, as it appears in the Morning Herald of the 
30th October, no other journal having considered it just or proper 
to publish it. Its importance at this moment cannot be overrated ; 
it confirms to the letter everythiug that has been said about the dan- 
gers to humanity, justice, and liberty, that may arise from the present 
English and French alliance, as intended to be applied to the public 
affairs of Europe. It already proceeds to extinguish liberty of thought, 
and action, and opinion, in every state, more especially small states, 
that may, for the most just and cogent reasons, differ from that 
alliance in opinion. The previous cant about defending the weak 
against the strong, has proven, as might have been anticipated, that 
when, as in their case, the strong threatens and oppresses the weak, there- 
fore it becomes justice ! Saxony, be it remembered, is an old and 
sincere Protestant state. Hence it is bullied by English statesmen. 
Lord Clarendon must have lost his judgment to pen such despatches 
and reproaches as the state document alluded to informs us he has 



360 



THE war: 



penned on this occasion. The firmness of the Saxon Government 
deserves the greatest praise, and the thanks of Europe • and it is to 
be hoped that that patriotic firmness will be continued. It is sure to 
succeed, and baffle all the threats and insolence of such communi- 
cations, unworthy the English name, and derogatory to the character 
of the English nation . 

LORD CLARENDON AND THE GERMAN STATES. 

Despatch from the Saxon Minister of the Interior, Von Beust, to the Saxon 
Minister in London, Count Von Bitzthum, dated July 9th, 1854. 

(translation.) 

" Mr. Forbes has shown me a despatch of Lord Clarendon's, from which it 
appears that the Bamberg conferences have greatly displeased his lordship. 
Up to the present time, Count, we, on our part, have not the slightest 
reason to be dissatisfied with those conferences ; and, indeed, the answer 
of Austria and Prussia to the note of the eight powers, was such as to 
remove every misgiving. Nevertheless, it is impossible for us to be indif- 
ferent to the opinions of the British cabinet, and we should have been 
ready to do our utmost to allay its sensitiveness, and to explain the grounds 
upon which we have acted, had the representations made to us been clothed in 
those forms of courtesy which are due to every sovereign state, however circum- 
scribed its boundaries may be. But the language which Lord Clarendon has 
thought proper to apply to us, is such that it has required all the respect which 
we entertain for the Government of her Majesty to induce us to reply to it. 

"■ In order to make myself master of the contents of the despatch, I 
applied to Mr. Forbes for a copy of it, but he declined to comply with my 
request, on the ground that his instructions did not warrant him so doing. 
Now, when such serious charges are made by one Government against 
another, and when the despatch containing these charges has, as I am 
assured, been made public at other courts by the English embassies, it 
does appear to me that the Government attacked ought, at any rate, to be 
placed in the position of examining and answering the charges made against 
it. I, on the contrary, was compelled to endeavour, by reading the de- 
spatch a second time, to impress its contents on my memory. 

" Lord Clarendon says he flatters himself ' that the states which met 
at Bamberg will receive an answer suitable to their ill-advised intervention? 
This answer is well known, and we are not aware, although we hope it may 
be so, whether the cabinet of London is satisfied with it. We, on our 
part, are perfectly satisfied that the two great German powers have taken 
no occasion in their note to accuse us of £ ill-timed intervention ; ' and had 
we laid ourselves open to such a charge, Lord Clarendon himself will, no 
doubt, admit that it would have been more fittingly brought against us by 
the cabinets of Vienna and Berlin, than by that of London. If it had not 
been for the reproaches which have reached us from London, I should not 
have been aware that the course we have pursued partook, in any degree; 



who's to blame? 



361 



of the nature of an ' intervention.' The so-called Eastern question has been 
repeatedly discussed in conferences, without the German Confederation 
having taken part in them ; and I am not aware that any German power 
of the second rank has been in any way mixed up in them. In consequence of 
a treaty made by Prussia, and of an invitation from the two great German 
powers, the other German states were necessitated to express an opinion 
on a point concerning the Confederation. We had, therefore, a duty to 
fulfil, and a right to exercise ; and we cannot see how any power, however 
hostile its dispositions, could claim to exercise over us a right of control or 
intervention in such a case. I cannot omit to state that the French envoy 
has also imparted to me the contents of a despatch from his Government ; 
but M. Drouyn de Lhuys' despatch bears the stamp of the most con- 
siderate politeness, abstains from all comment on the Bamberg decisions, 
and is limited to a single point, namely, the privilege which we claim on 
behalf of the German Confederation to take part in the negotiations for 
peace. 

" In endeavouring to remember the points of Lord Clarendon's despatch, 
it occurs to me that some of his reproaches should not have been directed 
to us, but to Russia. He accuses that Government of having, at all times, 
endeavoured to sow dissension between the Governments of Germany, and 
also of holding up revolution as a bugbear by which to keep them in sub- 
jection. Without assuming to ourselves the office of defending Russia — 
an accusation also made against us in another passage of the despatch — I 
cannot forget the efforts made by Russia, at a time when the internal tran- 
quillity of Germany was disturbed, to restore unanimity between the 
great German powers. As to the revolution which Russia is said to hold 
up to us as a bugbear, no one is better acquainted with its existence than 
I am. In the beginning of 1849 I was summoned to the councils of my 
country, and I had to meet the bugbear face to face. Two months later 
I saw it deluge the streets of Dresden with blood, during six days. I then 
learnt how to deal with it, and am consequently enabled to tell Lord Cla- 
rendon that a man may know that it is a stern reality and yet not be ter- 
rified by it. Lord Clarendon adds, that we can now have nothing to fear 
from revolution, in consequence of the alliance of Austria with England and 
France. I should be the first to reject the evil suggestions which this combination 
might call forth, but I cannot altogether agree with Lord Clarendon, that it 
is by the liberal policy of the great powers that revolution has been dis- 
armed. The experience of the years 1848 and 1849 has read us a bitter 
lesson, and has made us very doubtful as to whether or no the action of 
the Governments was directed to put down the revolutionary party. But, 
according to Lord Clarendon, it is Russia who threatens us with revolu- 
tion, protects the disturber of the peace of Europe, and is now trying, by 
means of her agents, to excite disturbances in Greece and Hungary. I am 
not accurately acquainted with what is passing in those countries, but, 
having been placed by the confidence of my sovereign at the head of the 
Ministry of the Interior and the Police, and consequently knowing the 
movements of the revolutionary agents in Germany, I am enabled to assert 



362 



THE war: 



that the land from which they came was not Russia, and that the passports 
with which they were provided were not Russian. There is another consi- 
deration which I cannot altogether omit — namely, that if Russia is the pro- 
tectress of revolution, it is strange that all the agents of revolution have been 
engaged for years, both openly and secretly, in endeavouring to excite a war against 
that power. I hope I may be pardoned for this digression, for I am aware 
it has as little to do with the great question of the day as the Bamberg 
note had to do with the revolutions of 1848. 

" I must now come to the more direct and serious charges made by Lord 
Clarendon, and I blush to have to answer them. His words are, that we 
'are so utterly blinded, that we cannot understand that in a great crisis 
like the present we ought to lay aside our petty jealousies, instead of sacri- 
ficing the interests of Germany to Russian intrigues.' I was curious to see 
in what manner Lord Clarendon would convict us of sacrificing Germany to 
our petty jealousies, but he has adduced neither facts nor arguments, and he 
would have found it difficult to do so. "We can only regret, but cannot 
reply to, such random and unfounded accusations. It is the same with the 
charge \ that we have made the divisions of Germany a public spectacle 
for Europe.' Facts give a better answer than words. The unity of Germany 
has never been better assured than at the present moment, and never has the prin- 
ciple of the Confederation been subjected to a severer test. Both the great German 
powers have proved, by their declaration of the 16th of June, that they 
respect the constitution of the Confederation, as well as the independence of 
the smaller powers ; while the latter have proved themselves independent 
and worthy members of the Confederation, by examining most minutely 
the propositions made to them, and ultimately accepting them, as condu- 
cive to the unity of Germany. We fear not the recollections of Bamberg, 
although Lord Clarendon, at the close of his despatch, seems to threaten 
us with them. We have been acting for Germany ; we have not pretended 
to interfere with the rest of Europe. Should we be called upon to do so, 
we trust that the same justice and moderation which has been shown by 
Germany may also prevail in the councils of Europe. 

" You are aware that the Bamberg note was discussed and accepted by 
eight powers ; but the despatch which Mr. Forbes showed to me has, as I 
believe, been directed only to the Government of tlie King. I do not ask for an 
explanation upon this point. What I have already written will satisfy you 
that we do not shrink from the responsibility of an act in which we took 
part. You are aware, Count, how high a value we place on the good opinion 
of the Government of the Queen. You can also imagine how painful these 
discussions must be to us ; but I am nevertheless convinced that the Eng- 
lish Government, which so jealously watches that everybody's rights should 
be everywhere respected, will not consider it a crime on our part if we 
boldly and fearlessly maintain our own. Nor will Lord Clarendon, who is 
so enlightened and so unbiassed by party feelings, take offence at our free- 
dom of speech, which is based upon truth. I am quite certain that, on the 
contrary, he will regret having attributed our conduct to motives which 
are quite foreign to us. 



who's to blame? 



363 



" Be so good, Count, as to read this despatch to Lord Clarendon, and 
should he ask for it, give him a copy of it. 

" Receive, &c. 
(Signed) " Beust." 

The preceding important state paper demands the most attentive 
and serious consideration. Amongst other things, we learn from it that 
France, England, and Austria will allow no power to dispute their 
opinions and authority with impunity, or any people to rise in arms 
against the Government that rules over them, not even those who are 
subjected to the barbarous sway of the Koran. It at the same time 
destroys the monstrous falsehood, that Europe has so long been com- 
manded to believe, and which has been attempted to be thrust down 
our throats with goose-quills, but now to be crammed down our 
windpipes at the point of the bayonet, namely, that all Europe was 
opposed to Russia. Now we are here told that, besides Saxony, eight 
German powers think as she does, and are opposed to the tyranny of 
France, England, and Austria ; and further, that these eight or nine 
states are determined to continue to think for themselves, and to guard 
their own interests against every threat that may come from England 
and her allies. Tt^e union of Austria with the other two great powers, 
Saxony states, and states truly, increases greatly the danger to the 
cause of the liberty and independence of other nations. This is a self- 
evident fact. There is not an Englishman, with the blood of an 
Englishman in his veins, who will not denounce and deprecate, and 
try as soon as possible to escape from the clutches of, such a formid- 
able and dangerous combination. What, it is asked, is to hinder 
such an alliance, under Louis Napoleon, from displacing an English 
Ministry, any day he chooses, which declines to support his political 
projects 1 If report states truly, he is already, with British support, 
trying this. And what, it is asked, is to hinder, under such a combi- 
nation, a French and Austrian army to come here and instal Cardinal 
Wiseman, or Pio Nono himself, as Ecclesiastical Primate of England ; 
or put a Mahommedan ulema into the desecrated church of St. Paul's, 
converted into a mosque 1 Under such an alliance there is nothing, 
humanly speaking, to hinder such a result, but that spirit of Pro- 
testantism still existing throughout Europe, and which an English 
Ministry is so seriously working to bully and to put down. 

Threatening Russia with insurrections and support to those in her 
Asiatic provinces, M. Drouyn de Lhuys says, in the paper previously 
quoted : " Meanwhile, the influence of the West, almost unknown in those 
quarters, will penetrate there ; the dangers to which our presence will 
expose a rule badly settled (Russian Asia), the new relations and 



364 



THE WAR : 



interests it may develop in countries lost to the commerce of the world : 
such, M. le Count, are the various grounds for reflection with which 
such a demonstration, executed with vigour, is calculated to inspire the 
cabinet of St. Petersburg." Lord Clarendon 1 turns his threateniDgs 
in another manner, calculated to alarm and coerce, in whichever way 
the matter may be viewed : " If the Russian army," says he, " pro- 
ceeded beyond the Principalities, and other provinces of Turkey 
were invaded, a general rising of the Christian population would pro- 
bably ensue, not in favoue of Russia, nor in support of the Sultan, 
but foe their own independence ; and it would be needless to add 
that such a revolt would not be long in extending itself to the Danubian 
Provinces of Austria ; but it would be for the Austrian Government 
to judge of the effect it would produce in Hungary and in Italy, and 
the encouragement it must give to the promoters of disorder through- 
out Europe, whom Austria has reason to fear, and who even now 
would appear to think that the moment is at hand for the realization 
of their projects." Do we require plainer language to tell us how Austria 
has been coerced into the extremes of France and England against 
Russia ? But will her coalescing with them deliver her from those " she 
has reason to fear?" And, after this, can it be doubted that Hungary 
and Italy are to be prevented from revolting against Austria by the 
application of force on the part of France and England, as the price 
of her joining them in their vindictive attack upon Russia % . 

Let us try their profligacy and sincerity in the cause of justice and 
liberty a little further. A few weeks ago one of the Members of Par- 
liament for Glasgow, Mr. Macgregor, and in his public capacity, told 
and assured his constituents that he had only a short time previous 
had an important and private conversation with one of the members of 
the present Government, when he (Mr. Macgregor) told him that the 
British Minister who should in any way oppose the efforts of any 
people to rise against their Government for the purpose of gaining 
their freedom, ought to be impeached ; and that the Minister assured 
him no such opposition would ever be offered on the part of the 
British Government, and that the ministers who might act otherwise 
ought most certainly to be impeached ! Well, has this been done 1 
has this resolution been carried out with Austria, with Italy, and 
Hungary 1 No, the reverse has been promised. Has it been carried 
out in reference to the Greek Christian population of Turkey 1 No ! 
The cruel wrongs and oppressions of four centuries are to be continued 
as regards them — the whole power of France, England, and Austria 
combined, is to be continued to be exerted to keep them in grovelliug 

1 Clarendon to Westmorland, Jidy 14th, 1S53, Part I. p. 265. 



who's to blame? 



365 



subjection to their cruel lords, because the policy of France and Eng- 
land require it and command it ! Not one generous motive, act, or 
effort in their favour is to be permitted on the part of their fellow- 
Christians and fellow-nation in the East. So France and England 
will it, and use brute force and insult to secure it ! The following 
scene in the Greek Papers 1 ought to cover Downing Street with con- 
fusion, and the nation with shame. The bull-dogs of France and Eng- 
land on this occasion seem to have been well selected for their work. 
By their menacing messengers to the King and Queen of Greece, says 
Wyse, the English champion, 11 no other impression has been made than 
a feeling of resentment at the course pursued by France and England, 
and a fixed determination to abide all the chances of resistance to their 
counsels. . . . ' Gentle means,' said the King, ' might win him, but 
against threats he was inflexible.' .... The Queen was, if possible, more 
excited (emportee). She indulged in the strongest invectives against 
M. Rouen and the French Government ; and when he ventured to 
suggest that the movement was not national, but emanated from an 
intrigue of the Court, both started up with tears in their eyes, and the 
King exclaimed, ' What ! not national ? It is the whole nation as one 
man ; and such language proves only you do not comprehend us or the 
Greek nation.'' Whenever the King appeared to waver her Majesty 
interfered, and with powers of persuasion ivhich could not be resisted, 
and which showed against what influences his Majesty had to contend, 
overbore every chance of return to calmer and wiser conclusions ! " — 
that is, subjection to the mandates of France and England. Against 
all such appeals the hearts of the two French and English terriers were 
steeled. They knew they would be applauded in Paris and in London. 
The British Legislature wants a few members with the spirit of the 
Queen of Greece, and they would soon carry this generous nation with 
them, and deliver it from the most galling combination and political 
tyranny and delusion that ever cursed any country. 

But mark, further, this overbearing spirit and those despotic intentions. 
" Further inaction would then, for reasons that have been already 
stated to Count Buol," says Lord Clarendon, 2 "have been dishonourable 
to England and France, who alone were the competent judges of the duty 
that their honour prescribed, and who, upon such a question, could 
certainly not be expected to take counsel with any other power ! " 
"Sic volo, sicjubeo, stat pro ratione voluntas" 

' Why, Lord John must have bit his Lordship. Alone the judges ! 
No ! — the present generation can judge you, though it may not be 

» Wyse to Clarendon, March 17th, 1853, p. 123. 

2 Clarendon to Westmorland, Jan. 17th, 1854, Part II. p. 370, 



366 the wae: 

able to beat you ; but posterity will judge your Lordship, and your 
unholy alliance, with a stern and irrevocable judgment. It is truly 
distressing to see a nobleman so highly gifted and generous com- 
mitting himself thus. It bodes ill for his country, and shows the 
baneful effect of good men getting associated with bad company. 

We have adverted to some things that have occurred, and have been 
seen, of the objects, and intentions, and plans, and schemes, of the un- 
holy alliance ; still we have seen little of the dangers and mischiefs 
which it appears it has yet in store for us. The subsequent extracts 
from late columns of the Times ought, it is conceived, to awaken the 
most serious consideration and fear in the breast of every one that 
has any regard for the honour and the safety of his country. I quote 
from the journal in question because, from its immense circulation, 
— exceeding that of all the daily journals put together — and its 
great literary abilities, it is selected by the potentates who compose 
the new alliance as the surest means of carrying their objects, whether 
these be for peace or for war, to lead or to mislead, or humbug, the 
public; softening it down, or irritating it to madness, so as best to 
secure the object sought, however wicked or atrocious that may be ; or 
if it should happen once in a year to select it, is the most efficient 
channel to check public feeling when it happens to be running head- 
long in a wrong direction. The articles I allude to are contained in 
the leading articles of the Times of Sept. 18th and 19th. The most 
material parts are here faithfully extracted, with regret, here ex- 
pressed, that my limits do not enable me to give them at full length. 

September I8t&, 1854. 
" The granite fortifications on which he relied for his security in the 
North turn out emphatically to be ' food for powder ! ' Their final destruc- 
tion, and the capture of his northern fleet, is a matter which awaits the 
convenience of the allies. Wherever the borders of his vast empire abut 
upon civilization, he sees nothing before him but irritated enemies, armed 
with all the implements of destruction which science has invented, and the 
wealth of the world at their backs, — within the limits of his empire bank- 
ruptcy, misery, and discontent, — behind him the wastes of Asia. It is diffi- 
cult to say how he calculates the chances of the game upon which he has 
risked the existence of his empire ; but to men of ordinary understanding 
they would just now appear to be singularly unpromising. Turkey alone 
has humbled him in his pride, and Europe is against him. He cannot count 
upon the support of a single nation, and upon the goodwill but of a single 
Government, which would be swept from power in twenty-four hours should they 
attempt openly to espouse his cause. Whether the catastrophe takes place this 
year, or a year hence, is a matter which principally concerns the Czar him- 
self, for the conditions of 1855 will be harder than those of 1854. Let him 



who's to blame? 



367 



not deceive himself. Europe perfectly understands the meaning of the con- 
test in which it has been called upon, most unwillingly, to take part. There 
is no danger that France and England will separate upon this question, 
either now or in times to come. The French Emperor knows well enough that 
he carries France with him in the Russian war, and that his own position has been 
infinitely strengthened by the untimely crusade of the Russian Czar. He knows, 
too, that if any German power"should make a mistake, it is he who must profit 
by its error. It is superfluous, however, for the moment, to follow this sub- 
ject out through its various consequences ; suffice it to say, that England 
will be true to the ally who has been true to her. It remains to be seen 
whether this alliance will be able to deal with the great problems of 
European society when Russian influence has been withdrawn from the 
calculation, without bloodshed or commotion. Shall we at length see on 
the continent of Europe liberty without disorder, and government without 
tyranny and oppression ? The annihilation of such a power as the prestige 
rather than the actual strength of Russia undoubtedly was, is the most im- 
portant incident which has occurred in the political history of Europe since 
181 5. It is idle to talk of a restoration of that prestige. The statesmen whose 
duty it will be to prescribe the terms of peace on the side of Western Europe 
could not do it, if they would. The declaration of the Prussian king, that 
he will not stand tamely y by and see the European force of Russia materially 
damaged, is not worth the breath with which it was uttered. He has of his own 
choice stood aloof from the counsels and the perils and the sacrifices of the 
allies, — he will be compelled to remain a stranger to their ultimate deci- 
sion, whether he will or no. Time was when he could have saved his 
brother-in-law from destruction, by rendering the instant pressure upon 
him irresistible ; but his nerve and judgment failed him at the critical 
moment, and now — it is too late." * 

September 19th, 1854. 

" We cannot advance and recede, demand and hesitate, promise and 
deny. If we interfere at all we have no alternative but between that of 
procuring instant submission and a general European war. . . . An executive 
minister is at his post to act, and not to feel. . . . The rule has never been 
transgressed without our having ample cause to regret the inadvertence 
which did not shrink from involving the honour of England in order that 
a sentence might be pointed in a despatch, or a cheer elicited from the 
thick-and-thin partisans of an idea. . . . From this, however, to active inter- 
ference, there is a great step indeed. England can only act at a great crisis 
in the world's history, and then in a manner worthy of her own position 
and of the importance of the cause. Those who have accused us of holding 
back should look to what is passing in the Black Sea at the present moment, 
and ask themselves if action of that kind can be called into play, save for 
the most momentous causes, without rendering the habitable globe one 
large battle-field, and entailing endless misery upon mankind. 

" It is not for a slight cause that six hundred ships, freighted with the 
disciplined valour of the picked troops of France and England, have been 



368 



THE WAR: 



directed against the stronghold of that sovereign who is the incarnate prin- 
ciple of despotic government. The operation is one which will modify history, 
either by its own success or by the success of others which will follow upon 
it, should the present attack, contrary to reasonable expectation, be frus- 
trated. France and England, once fairly roused into action, will not he balked 
of their purpose ; and that purpose is to take ample security that the semi- 
barbarian power of the Russian Czar shall no longer disturb the tranquillity 
of Europe. We are not answerable for the remoter effects of the policy which has 
been forced upon us, although we know well what those effects must be upon the 
polity of nations. It is, however, a course of action which will do more to free the 
nations of Europe from the stem thraldom in which they have been held since 1815 
than all the desultory risings of self-styled patriots in the various countries of 
Europe. When 'their masters can no longer rely upon the bayonets of a 
foreign supporter, they must leam to rely upon the hearts of their own 
subjects, or prepare for a conflict in which their weakness will be brought 
face to face with the strength of a gigantic opponent. The defeat of the Czar 
means the inauguration of a more liberal policy than has yet prevailed from the 
Baltic to the Mediterranean, or a page in history the like of which is not yet con- 
tained in the annals of Europe. England, then, has struck her blow at last. If 
her strength has not been put forth in a manner to gain the applause of 
the distempered fanatics who have caused precious blood to flow like water 
in cases where the sacrifice could be of no avail, at least her present inter- 
ference is marked by three qualities which will commend it to the applause 
of rational men. In the first place, we do not imperil the safety of any helpless 
people or nation. If we fail, at least there will be no series of military execu- 
tions and massacres to commemorate England's failure. The consequences 
of our policy recoil upon ourselves, if we have miscalculated our strength, 
or mistaken our position ; others will reap the benefit of it if we succeed. 
In the second place, there is parity between the means employed and the 
end in view. A sufficient force is employed to overcome the resistance 
which may be expected. It was the Duke of Wellington who said that he 
never would risk a great battle, unless compelled, save with reasonable cer- 
tainty of success. Now, although this may not appear a sufficiently high-flown 
idea to meet the exigencies of romance, at least it is a more practical one 
— a notion far more calculated to maintain the existence of states, and to 
guard them against dire calamity. It is very true that we are not rousing 
an unarmed multitude to contend against disciplined troops, prepared with 
all the munitions of war ; but we have better chances of obtaining our ends 
than the gentlemen who see fit to adopt that course for the liberation of 
Europe. In the third place, we have the direction of the measures — of course, in 
conjunction with our great ally — upon whic/i the success of the operations must 
depend. It would be difficult to exaggerate the importance of this consider- 
ation, for we more than suspect that the fierce declaimers who have so 
abused us for withholding the ' moral ' support of England in the hour of 
their need, would have dealt in astrange manner indeed with the resources 
England might have placed at their disposal when the hour came for ms- 
/■oHJ/ting ideas into realities. 



who's to blame: ? 



369 



" The kings and the ministers of kings who have so freely abused us, can 

scarcely hope that the chapter of the ' subsidies' has been torn out of the history of 
England or blotted from the recollection of Englishmen. The nations, too, must 
forgive us if we refuse to intrust the honour of our country to the keeping 
of the first severe and sallow man who chooses to dub himself the archpatriot 
of a particular people. We have not forgotten the nature of the support our 
troops met with during the peninsular war from the people whose freedom 
they were endeavouring to purchase with their blood. We have not for- 
gotten the history of our failures in South and Central America, in the Spanish 
Peninsula, and in the modern kingdom of Greece. The simple truth is, that 
a stranger's hand cannot manufacture freedom and send it home to the first 
customer who may desire it — on credit — as he would a penny roll. If you 
free a people from the dominion of their masters tohen they are not able to win that 
freedom for themselves, you do so at the expense of succeeding to the masters you 
have displaced. That is the law of nature and the tradition of history. 
Freedom is a plant of home growth ; it cannot be imported from abroad 
and acclimatized ; the action of a people must be upon the pathway of their 
own destiny. Woe to themselves and those they would benefit, if they mis- 
take the feebleness of the stra?iger for their own strength" 

Here are startling statements, and statements, it is to be feared, 
intended to be realized in all their strength and in all their daring and 
naked deformity — here, insolence and menace, surpassing anything 
ever shown by Napoleon I. in his greatest strength, or Zenghis Khan 
in his highest barbarian fury. It is degrading, and far below the dig- 
nity of the British Government, and cannot be too soon repudiated if 
not correct and not intended. Here we are told that a great power like 
Prussia is to be swept from the earth in "tiventy-f our hours" and that any 
declaration he makes in favour of Russia " is not worth the hreath with 
which it was uttered." The power that uttered such a menace must be 
deranged, but not the less dangerous, if armed and abroad. Let them 
try. There was a day when there was not a woman in Prussia who 
would not have sold the clothes from off her back to enable her 
sovereign to find money to resist even less audacious threats on the part 
of Napoleon I. Such, it is to be hoped, yet live in Prussia, and will 
live in it so long as it continues to be Protestant. We are further told 
that everything in Europe is to be changed and remodelled by, and to 
suit the policy of France and England ; that the terrible and just con- 
test which terminated in 1815 only tended to establish tyranny and 
oppression in Europe, and that France and England, by now pursuing 
exactly a similar course of policy, namely, overturning by relentless 
force, as France did from 1792 to 1812, are to change all things, and 
bring about a perfect millennium under their beautiful system of mili- 
tary coercion and terror, and general devastation, " armed with cdl the 

B B 



370 



the war: 



implements of destruction which science has invented /" We are also told 
by this official oracle, that the Christians in Turke} T may remain as 
they are, that their state requires no haste to dwell on it, and that s to 
free a people from the dominion of then* masters when they me not 
able to win that freedom for themselves, yon do so at the expense of 
succeeding to the masters you have displaced/' Therefore. Islamism, 
riot in the East uncontrolled ! If this is true, it is much to be 
lamented that it was not sooner found out ; it would at least have saved 
solemn promises and claptrap bravado being expended upon it by poli- 
tical knaves and charlatans. Further, we are told that the sovereign 
of Russia u is the incarnate principle of despotic power," to be lawfully 
hunted down ! This is too bad from the organ and the eulogist of 
France, Austria, and Turkey, all three of which are not only most 
despotic governments, but whose despotism is supported and main- 
tained by military force and power. The British Government must be 
hard run for political ammunition and arms to support its cause when 
it has recourse to such sweeping revolutionary declarations and designs 3 
before Avhich, if carried into effe-c-t, her Indian ernynre could not, and 
ought not to stand one day. It also is purely despotic. 

But there is a still more ominous declaration put forth in the above 
manifestoes ; namely, that Napoleon III. " knows well enough that he 
carries France with him in this Russian ivar, and that his own position 
has been infinitely strengthened by the untimely crusade of the Rus- 
sian Czar. He knows, too, that if any German power should make a 
mistake, it is he (Napoleon III.) that must profit by its error !" Well, 
then, Napoleon III. having France with him in this Russian war, no 
more cogent reason can be adduced than this, that he should not have 
England with him in the strife. But this menace also tells us that, if 
Germany does not assist the holy alliance — for after such unqualified 
applause we must not call it unholy alliance — she is to be overrun 
and extinguished by France, aided by England. But what is of still 
more serious importance, and exhibiting a mournful prospect to 
Europe and to France herself, is, that the throne of Napoleon III. can 
only be " strexgthexed" and maintained by carrying on foreign and 
aggressive wars. It is greatly to be feared that there is too much 
truth in the harsh announcement made ; and with the greatest respect 
for France as a nation, and also for her present sovereign as a man, 
still this disposition, so fiercely proclaimed, gives warning of a dan- 
gerous state of things, and affords a melancholy and cheerless pro- 
spect for the future, not only to France herself, but also to all her 
neighbours. In the Downing Street thunder, however, as directed 
against Russia and Germany, the voice that makes it is still but 



who's to blame ? 



371 



mortal, while it is a threat intended and expected to terrify. It is the 
language of the bully, who knows that he has a bad cause on hand ; 
the menace of the bravo, who trembles at the prospect of the storm 
which he perceives that he has so greatly aided to raise — 

io 92H9CJZ9 ouj jjs 03 oh nov, {SOYlDanioiiJ" lot niouQ&n. Icdi iiiw od" oIJjs 

" Trembling and talking loud went Fear ; " 

and that it will, if it has not already produced a totally different result 
to that which was anticipated, and instead of fear and submission, 
has called forth a spirit of independence and indignation against the 
menacing power. It is most desirable that this country should remain 
at peace with France, and surely we are not to be told that we cannot 
do so without engaging with her in any crusade against other conntries 
that she may meditate or rush into from any cause or motive whatever. 
- Having arranged all this mass of destruction and human misery and 
violence to his satisfaction, and as things certain and inevitable, the 
Government trumpeter, after throwing dust in the eyes of his country- 
men, presumes — dares to make the attempt to practise the same fraud 
on his Maker, and calls upon his countrymen " to be of good cheer 
during the hour of suspense," and being thoroughly honest and good 
men, insinuates that they might "with confidence come before Almighty 
God" as suppliants meriting his protection and consideration ! Like 
the Pharisee of old (Luke xviii. 11, 12), he says, Thank God, we are not 
like other men; we fast twice a- week, give tithes of all we possess, love 
to sit in the highest rooms at feasts, and when we give alms, sound a 
trumpet that all the world (Turkey and Rome) may know it. " They 
do not despoil any one," g nor aim at conquest in short, we are not 
like that Ci impious publican" the Emperor Nicholas ! Such are the 
" blind guides" that this country follows and is called upon to follow ! 

" France has," says Napoleon III., 1 " as much, and perhaps more, 
interest than England that the influence of Russia should not extend 
indefinitely to Constantinople. To reign over Constantinople is to 
reign over the Mediterranean." This would prove to be the case if 
Constantinople were in the hands of France, or perhaps in the hands 
of England, but certainly not if it were to remain in the hands of the 
Turks, or if it should come into the power of Russia ; because the 
latter power (Russia) has not a navy to cope with either France or 
England ; and still less has Turkey a naval force adequate to oppose 
either. The danger then is, that if France gets Constantinople, she 
would thereby " cripple " Russia, and, in defiance of England, command 
the Black Sea and also the Mediterranean. There stationed, and 
firmly established, the united powers of England and Russia, in all 
her strength, could only control and drive her out. France at Con- 
1 Speech, March 2d, 1854. 
B B 2 



372 



THE war: 



stantinople and Algiers, commands Egypt and Syria ; and under such 
circumstances, a French army and influence in Georgia aud Anatolia 
would be infinitely more dangerous to our East Indian possessions 
than anything that ever Russia could do, even if she intended anything 
— but which she does not — against our Indian possessions. The efforts 
of Russia to disturb these, is a piece of humbug and delusion that has 
lasted long enough. The danger that England has to apprehend in 
India, will arise from internal, not from external, force : and the appli- 
cation of that internal force is more likely to be accelerated than 
retarded by England employing her whole force, naval and military, 
against Russia, or any part of Russia, whether in the Black Sea or 
in the Baltic. We have helped to place 70,000 Frenchmen in the 
Black Sea and the Dardanelles ;. and he must be a great simpleton who 
does not see that they will retain their position there as long as the 
" '•interest'' and glory of France are considered by France to require it ! 
— always allowing her to be the judge of the time and the reason. 

" Russia," says the same French document, " possesses almost exclu- 
sively the two interior oceans, from which she can dart forth upon our 
civilization/' The civilization here alluded to is not defined, nor is it 
material ; but cannot the Imperial mind perceive, that as France and 
England possess the will and the power to " dart'' into these interior 
seas — which are far distant from the limits of either — to overwhelm 
Russia, therefore it is just and proper that Russia should have the 
power to " dart " out from these seas, to meet in battle those who 
threaten and come to overthrow her. The reasoning here advanced 
is only French Imperial reasoning, and as such goes for little in the 
scale of reason and justice ! 

In reference to the delusions of dangers to India from Russia, it is 
a monstrous proposition to maintain that the Ottoman empire must 
be maintained to prevent — as if that could prevent — the apprehended 
consequences. A large portion of the world, and that in its finest parts, 
is not to be kept in chains and degradation, lost to itself and to the 
rest of the world, on account of India. Moreover, it is remarkable 
and most inconsistent, that while we put down the political power of 
Maliommedanism in India, we should put forth all our strength to 
prop it up as a political power in Eastern Europe and Western Asia. 
If it is not " interest : ' that leads us to do this, what is it ? 

" Enormous tying" led us into this war ; enormous lying sustains 
it ; enormous lying will carry it on, and lead us on, step by step, till 
we cannot advance without danger, nor retreat without defeat and 
disgrace. In this odious system of deception, if British functionaries 
do not take part, as I for one believe they really do, they at least 
eagerly swallow everything they hear, and transmit it to mislead their 



who's to blame? 



373 



Government and to irritate their country — the objects for which the 
falsehoods were invented. Tn this odious and dangerous system our 
enormous consular establishments figure to a most reprehensible 
extent in everything and on every occasion. This system wants some 
pruning } and had Lord George Bentinck lived, I know it would have 
secured it. The public, the Government, and the Legislature are, 
or have been made fully aware of the grievous fictions which Sir H. 
Seymour transmitted from St. Petersburg, about the immense armies 
and great military movements which Russia was making in her 
southern provinces, especially about Bessarabia. From the earliest 
period of 1853 he began this system. Every page almost of the 
Correspondence is filled with the idle and mischievous reports which 
evil-minded people sent him, till England believed that Constantinople 
and Turkey were then about to be devoured by Russia. What says 
Consul Yeames, at Odessa, as late as the 7th of October 1 ? (Part IL 
p. 183): "The design of offensive hostilities may not be entertained 
here ; and it is a fact that no preparations for them have been made, 
or can he made for a long time to come. Since the first occupation of 
the Principalities, there have been no movements of troops that way. 
They may rather be apprehended on the Asiatic frontier." 

To-day we are told that Russia is a power so strong and so voracious 
that she can swallow up Europe at a mouthful. To-morrow we are 
told that she is powerless and exhausted, and that Turkey can beat 
her single-handed. Then why not let Turkey do it, and settle her 
own quarrels 1 Such inconsistency shows our ignorance or our dis- 
honesty, or both ) and is by no means creditable to the character of 
this country. 

For more than twelve months we have been told by our public 
instructors, that the Emperor Nicholas was much worn down by the 
dread of the united action and might of France and England — that 
he was wasting away, and had become almost bent double. We had 
this latter fact certified by an admiralty official. Well, let us hear 
what a brave British naval officer, who saw him only the other day, 
says of him ) namely, Lieutenant Royer, of the Tiger, on his 
introduction to the Emperor by the express desire of the latter 
(p. 168) : — "He was standing in the middle of the room, dressed in 
the plain dark-blue uniform of a general-in- chief, and wore a simple 
white enamelled cross at the button-hole in his shirt. T expected 
to see a fine tall man ; but was not prepared to find his Imperial 
Majesty so much superior to the generality of men in height and appear- 
ance. He certainly did not look more than fifty ; nor were there any 
particular signs of care on his countenance, at lenst not more than one 



374 



THE WAR : 



sees in every man of his age. His features, were fine and regular, his 
head bald on the centre, and his eye expressive of mildness, quite in 
accordance with his words"! And this is the care-worn madman ! 
We forget how much we lower the character of our country, and irri- 
tate great nations, by such ungenerous and false accusations as have 
been made, and how little honour we should gain by vanquishing 
opponents, if these were really the mad and degraded" people that we 
represent them ! 

We do not, we are told, combat for religion. That can readily be 
believed on the part of a Government in whose e} T es all religious 
systems are the same — Islamite, Mormonite, Romanite, and any other 
ite. Nor does Great Britain combat for interest. This is not to be 
credited. Witness Sinope — we ostensibly regarded the carnage and 
destruction there as an insult upon the honour of England ; in short, 
the, destruction of the Turkish fleet there only touched our interest, 
inasmuch as having idly taken in hand to watch Russia in the Euxine, 
and to preserve Islamism rampant, it will require. .more British ships, 
and consequently increased expense, to perform the discreditable work 
after the destruction of the Turkish fleet, than before it ! hide irce j 
And hence Sebastopol, and the Eussian fleet there, are to be destroyed, 
in order to save the expense of a British fleet and armies in the Euxine, 
to protect a power that is not worth the protecting ! 

How loud we boast — how inconsistent in our actions and proceed- 
ings ! A Mussulman Turk oppresses Christians, affronts and defies 
a Christian power, denies redress when calmly sought. We defend 
the former, and slaughter the latter. But when the petty Roman 
sovereign dared to exercise a direct political prerogative, the actual 
prerogative of our sovereign, within our realm, and sent priestly hosts 
to our shores to put his acts into execution, what did we do 1 Instead 
of sending an army and a fleet to the mouth of the Tiber — as we 
ought to have done, and as the case demanded, in order to compel 
that small potentate to relinquish his offensive movement and give us 
satisfaction and a " material guarantee " for security for the future, — 
we make a religious matter of it — produce Ecclesiastical Titles' Bills, 
only to have them emasculated and prove good for nothing. And 
why did we act thus 1 Because there was a French garrison in Rome, 
and we dared not disturb its repose. Can this be denied? We 
embrace the false prophet, and bend the knee before his brother in 
iniquity— that tyranny that has " two horns like a lamb, and speaks as 
a dragon." Notwithstanding the boasts of our independence and 
power, the Protestant United Kingdom is at this moment ruled, our 
Ministry maintained in power, and our Legislature directed, by the 



who's to blame ? 



375 



creatures of the Papal power — a few Irish Roman Catholic priests, 
British renegadoes, and constituencies, and the representatives returned 
by those, the most, as we are told, corrupt and profligate that ever 
disgraced this country. Hence we are plunged into an unnecessary 
and impolitic war; and hence we shall be continued in it till our 
pockets get lighter, or we get our skulls cracked, when daylight 
and common sense and honesty may get into them. 

We announce, that in conjunction with France we are contending 
for " the freedom of the seas and to prove this, we desire " the com- 
mand of the Black Sea and the Baltic !" What Napoleon I. in all his 
strength and power never ventured to demand, or even to think of, 
his successor, backed (wonderful !) by England, calls for! Will the 
nations around the shores of either submit to this insolent demand 1 
Will Europe, prostrated and threatened as she is, submit to it ? Will 
the United States of America acquiesce in it? Certainly not ! And 
why not the command of the Straits of Dover? why not also the 
Straits of Gibraltar 1 why not the mouths of the St. Lawrence, from 
the impregnable islands of St. Paul's and Miquelon? and why not the 
southern mouths of the Red Sea, or Straits of Babelmandel, as the 
Foreign Office must know, and do know, was the object of the French 
Government under the Thiers administration, about fourteen years 
ago 1 All these things Would follow in due course, after that which 
has been so insolently demanded is, if it can be, obtained ; when 
the mouth of the Thames would be the next requisition, then not to 
be resisted. "§*K>a \U. 

We have just had, and most properly thanked Heaven for, a boun- 
tiful harvest. And what do we do after this act of humiliation 1 ? 
Why, like the thoughtless Israelites of old, we grow fat and kick, and 
go forth in the pride of the arm of flesh to browbeat the world, and 
spread fire and sword, blood and destruction over it, amongst all who 
resist our march, or show any inclination to do it. And this we call 
Christianity, industry, justice, and civilization" ! 

We are told that we are fighting to secure and maintain the balance 
of power in Europe ! Well, we haye been fighting for this bubble, 
and chiefly with France as our opponent, for nearly three centuries. 
It has cost this country above 3,000,000,000^. of money, and many 
millions of lives ; and the rest of Europe more lives, and probably as 
much money ; and we are, if we are to believe the balance oracles, 
as far from our purpose as ever. Wer thought we had gained it after 
a bloody struggle of twenty-five years. And what we had gained, we 
now go forth to destroy. Russia is the only counterpoise to France 
in the balance, as regards the continent of Europe ; crush her, if we 



376 



THE WAR : 



can, and where then is the balance of power 1 France may then plact 
her foot upon the neck of Europe, and also of England, without the 
latter then having the power to prevent it, but by a sanguinary con- 
test within her own borders, and such scenes of bloodshed and devas- 
tation there as we are now busy in spreading over the world ! 

Unfold the map of the world. Is it not clear that three-fourths of 
the Russian empire and people are dependent upon the free navigation 
of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, for their communication with the 
rest of the world ? Is it just that she should be deprived of that ? or 
will she submit to be so, while she has a man or a rouble left her ? 
Certainly not. And I, for one, trust that she will not yield, in order 
by doing so to aggrandise any other great power whatever. Russia, 
we are told, is a growing, increasing, and grasping power : — so are 
France and England ; both extend their victories daily in Africa, Asia, 
and Australasia. They come in contact with barbarous peoples, which, 
it is admitted, compel them, in some measure, in self-defence, to 
subdue them, and thus to extend their dominions. While these two 
powers have added enormously to their dominions, and, we presume, 
also improved them, and thereby proportionally increased their strength 
and resources, Russia, while she has scarcely added an inch to her 
dominions since 1815, has, however, vastly, and for the benefit of the 
human family in general, improved her own territories, &c, doing in 
Asia what France and England are doing — or at least what they pro- 
claim they are doing — in India, Australia, and Africa; spreading 
industry and knowledge amidst tribes the remains of most barbarous 
and ruthless conquerors, which for centuries have never known or 
enjoyed security, peace, or education — she is re-peopling depopulated 
countries, and restoring the desolations of many generations. Do we 
envy her in this work ? Yes, we do ; and say that she shall no longer 
be permitted to have peace, and the means to preserve it, in those 
quarters ! 

Now, in reference to the possession of Constantinople, it is quite 
clear that the Turks cannot retain it in their possession much longer. 
Who then is to obtain it amongst the European powers, and which of 
them has the deepest interest in its fortune 1 Russia, most certainly. 
England scouts the idea of gaining and retaining it. Well, then, we 
have to choose between Russia and France. Our interest and our 
safety clearly go with the former, rather than with the latter. Russia 
could never wish the Dardanelles closed against any commercial power, 
because the interests of three-fourths of her dominions require that 
that passage should remain open. Not so with France ; she could 
only retain it to curb Russia, and to advance her own exclusive 



who's to blame? 



377 



interests and dangerous power. Russia placed at Constantinople would 
meet French power in the Mediterranean ; and the collision that 
would ensue between them could only tend to exhaust the strength of 
each, and bring advantages to Great Britain, if we remained at peace 
with Russia. This latter power can never suffer France to establish 
herself, or maintain herself there. But necessity can only induce 
Russia to look to the possession of Constantinople, which would 
weaken, instead of strengthening her power jj because her territories, 
so greatly extended, would render these more vulnerable to any great 
maritime power, such as the United Kingdom. Hence it would 
always, and under all circumstances, induce Russia to remain at peace 
with Great Britain; give her the benefit of, and the preference in the 
trade with her dominions ; and this, more than anything else, would 
tend to curb the restless and insatiable ambition of France. 

In the present unhappy contest, England comes before the world in 
quite a new character. In all her former wars, she fought and she 
conquered to preserve, and not to destroy. Destruction — stern, unre- 
lenting, and general — is now her avowed, applauded, and immediate 
object ; and she shows the world a base spirit, and her weakness, when 
she says, I will utterly destroy, because I cannot keep ! She proclaims 
it as the destruction of Government establishments only; as if the 
property of any Government was not the property of the population of 
a country j though even to that she does not very strictly confine 
herself. Are not the dockyards, ships, and fortifications of England 
and her colonies the property of the people of England, and produced 
and paid for by the taxes extracted from their' pockets and labour 1 
Certainly. So it is with Russia. Therefore the hypocritical pretence 
of injuring or destroying Government property only, is all humbug, 
and of a piece with the rest of the delusions which are spread amongst 
us, to deceive and cheat us out of our money and our senses. Eager 
for the crusade against Russia and the Greek Church in Asia, England 
and France marshal their hosts for the battle. Singly, they thus 
admit, they could not accomplish the object ; united, they said, or 
they thought, they could do it. They had scarcely advanced a step, 
when they were obliged to seek further help, and proceed to gain it by 
coercing Austria, and are also endeavouring to coerce the rest of Conti- 
nental Europe ! It is not the humble individual who writes this that 
has placed his country in this humiliating position. It is her rulers and 
her people who have confessed that the United Kingdom now cannot 
do that which she formerly could do and did do. Even if the fact had 
been so, — but which may be disputed, — they ought to have been the last 
to proclaim it, and that they are now placed in a position where they 



378 



THE war: 



must play second fiddle to France, and move as she directs them ! To 
this state we have reduced ourselves ! Is this the sad result of all our 
liberal policy ? 

Eussia has been accused of concealment, and underhand dealings 
with this country, in everything regarding this Eastern question. 
But this admitted, — but which it is not, — what has been our conduct 
to her in reference to this question 9 On the 5th June (Drouyn de 
Lhuys, Part I. p. 229), we commenced our negotiations with France 
for a determined league to oppose her. On the 2d August, Lord 
Clarendon (Part II. p. 22) satisfies Count Walewski that England "in 
conjunction with France" was ready, and had determined "to take 
more active measures for the protection of Turkey." On the 13th 
August (Part II. p. 54), we find Count JSesselrode telling Count 
Brunnow about the late confidential overtures which Sir Hamilton 
Seymour had been instructed to make to us on the pari: of the British 
Government, of a conciliatory disposition, on which we set a high 
value." On the 8th June (Part I. p. 233), three clays after he had 
begun negotiations with France hostile to Bussia, Lord Clarendon 
instructs Sir H. Seymour to tell Russia thus : " The Emperor cannot 
doubt the warm feel ings of friendship towards himself entertained by 
our gracious Sovereign, and his Imperial Majesty must also be aware 
that it is both the duty and, the desire of her Majesty's Government to 
maintain the most cordial relations with Russia, feeling how essential 
such relations are to the peace of Europe, and viewing, as they do, 
with alarm and abhorrence whatever may tend to the interruption of 
that peace." In Pari: M p. 181, Oct. 11th, 1853, Sir H. Seymour 
tells Count JSTesselrode : " You may be very certain that no disposition, 
however slight, exists with us to humiliate either Russia or the Emperor, 
or even to deprive Russia of any jjortion of her just influenced In the 
same Part (II. p. 349, Dec. 26th, 1853) Sir H. Seymour again tells 
Count Nesselrode : " Dismiss, I pray you, from your mind the 
unfounded notion of the existence, on the part of her Majesty's 
Government, of a desire to humiliate Russia ; no feeling of this sort exists. 
Do not imagine, either, that it can be for our interests that Russia 
should be injured: quite the contrary!" Lord Clarendon (January 
28th, 1854, Part I. p. 399) tells us that France and England united 
could and would " cripple the resources, &c. of Russia." And Lord 
Stratford tells us (Part II. p. 167) that "the interests of France and 
England are adverse to those of Russia," which declaration led the 
Turks to depend upon those two Western Powers, whatever their con- 
duct and proceedings might be ! Is all this our sincerity ? 

Considering the whole subject deeply and attentively, the conclusion 



who's to blame? 



379 



is forced upon the mind, that the attack by England and France has 
long been brooding and festering in the public mind, and meditated 
by the two nations ; otherwise the hostility now evinced could hardly 
have broken out to such an extent and with such virulence as it has 
done, and which sets all prudence, reason, and common sense, at 
defiance. Lord Stratford, however, does not mince matters in his 
desire for haste, to keep up the spirit thus artificially created. In 
No. 70, Part II. p. 74, he says : " There are, no doubt, reasons for 
exhausting all the means of negotiation to avert a disaster ; but there 
are also reasons for pursuing negotiation with vigour to a definite end, 
and still more for preparing and combining other and stronger ways of 
rescue, in case of diplomatic failure." In Part II. p. 205, Seymour 
tells Count Nesselrode : " Certainly Russia had possessed a claim to 
obtaining a full acknowledgment of her rights at Jerusalem, a security 
against their being called in question afresh ; but that the ivhole 
difference between us had, from the commencement of the affair, been 
this, that an undue extension had been sought upon a particular jyoint /" 
that is, the construction of the treaty of Kainardji. In short, the sooner 
war ensues the better, says the ambassador ; while Lord Clarendon, 
in one of his calmer moods, tells us (Part II. p. 144, No. 135), "If 
Europe is, for &uch causes, to be exposed to the calamities of war, they will 
be without parallel in history." This is, no doubt, true ; and yet now 
we have war, and there is too much reason to fear that its course and 
duration " will be without parallel in history." There is a broad hint 
in a letter from Lord Stratford (Part II. p. 244) that they delayed 
— "held on" to gain more time, because "the exportation of grain to 
England and France is going on to a great extent !" Well, a rogue 
in grain may make a tolerably good diplomatist ! 

The conduct of Austria in the matter has been, so far as we 
have proper authority to guide us, deceitful and disgraceful in the 
highest degree. Down to the beginning of 1854 she continued 
to act as an impartial arbitrator ; but, threatened by France and 
England with insurrections in Hungary, Gallicia, and Italy, and 
an actual attack by France in Italy, and the promise of a slice of 
Turkey, or Eussia, or of both, she turns round on her former friend 
and benefactor, and involves Prussia in a treaty totally at variance 
with her feelings and interests, and from which she cannot get 
clear without some sacrifice of character. This was done to in- 
volve her in direct hostilities with Russia, so as to aid efficiently 
the dangerous schemes of France and England against her. It is 
difficult to find language sufficiently strong to characterise the conduct 
of Austria in the manner that it deserves. It is a stain, not only on 



380 



THE WAR : 



her character as a nation, but also a stain upon the character of nations 
in general. It marks her name with ingratitude to a magnitude and 
extent that no time can efface. But for the generous and efficient as- 
sistance from Russia in the Hungarian rebellion, in 1848, the Austrian 
empire would have been dislocated and overthrown. The Roman 
Pontiff has, as is now well known, seconded the threats of France and 
England, and driven Francis Joseph to act as he has done. The safety 
of Austria, Prussia, and the smaller German States, consisted and con- 
sists in combiniug with Russia against France and England : coalescing 
with those two powers will only secure their destruction. But let 
both Rome and Austria beware, and remember that there are many 
millions of Protestants and adherents of the Greek Church in Austria, 
and further, that amongst her population are many millions of the 
Sclavonic race, — of that portion of the human family to which 
00,000,000 of Russians belong. The very fact that when Austria, and 
the rest of the continent of Western Europe, were torn to pieces by 
violent republican revolutions, Russia, instead of attacking Turkey, 
assisted to secure their thrones, is an invincible proof that Russia had 
no such designs against Turkey in view as have been attributed to her. 

On the 14th June, the Sultan, commanded by England and France, 
contracted a treaty with Austria by which the latter was with her 
troops to occupy the far-famed Danubian Principalities, and, if they 
could not get the Russians out by negotiation, " to employ, in case of 
need, the number of troops necessary to accomplish that object." No 
authority in the Principalities was B to exercise any control over the 
imperial army." And the two parties engage " not to enter into any 
accommodation with the imperial court of Russia which shall not have 
for its starting point the sovereign rights of the Sultan and the integrity 
of his empire." Not one syllable appears in this treaty to allow any 
other troops to enter these Provinces but Austrian troops ! 

We have already noticed and considered various protocols as the 
basis of treaties of peace, and observed how these vary. The latest of 
this prolific and dishonest family is one called "the four points," 
hatched in Paris, and, as a matter of course, consented to in London. 
It is here subjoined as propounded by M. Brouijn de Lhuys (Paris, 
July 22d, 1 854), and is another proof and instance of the frauds and 
delusions to which these ambitious states have recourse to support their 
unjust and rotten cause; a cause which they find and feel is daily sink- 
ing in the estimation of every honest man in every country of this world. 
Russia, in justice to herself, refuses to listen to them. Austria, says Count 
Nesselrode, joins the Western powers, in order f to impose upon us, with 
them, conditions which, in the openly avowed idea of the latter, have for 



who's to blame ? 



381 



their object to materially humiliate Russia, and not, as they pretend, to 
secure the balance of power in Europe, but to change it for their 
exclusive benefit, or to compromise it indefinitely." " Nothing therefore 
remains to us, to our great regret, but to accept the position ivhich 
has been created for tcs, and to wait until events produce a moree 
favourable opportunity for opening negotiations for peace." 1 

" Eussia, for instance, has taken advantage of the exclusive right of sur- 
veillance, which treaties have conferred on her, over the relations of 
Moldavia and Wallachia with their suzerain, to enter these provinces, as 
though she were acting on her own territory. Her privileged position on the 
Black Sea has enabled her to found establishments on that sea, and to form 
there a naval force, which, from the want of any counterpoise, is a perpe- 
tual menace for the Ottoman empire. The uncontrolled possession by 
Russia of the principal mouth of the Danube has caused to the navigation 
of that important river moral and material obstacles, which affect the com- 
merce of all nations. Lastly, the articles of the treaty of Kutchuk-Kainardji, 
relative to religiotts protection, have become, in consequence of an unioarranted 
interpretation, the original cause of the struggle which Turkey ?ww maintains. On 
all these points there are new regulations to be established and important 
modifications to be made in the status quo ante bellum. It may, I think, be 
said, that the common interest of Europe would require • — 1. That the 
protectorate hitherto exercised by the imperial court of Russia over the 
Principalities of Wallachia, Moldavia, and Servia, should cease for the 
future, and that the privileges granted by the sultans to the provinces 
dependent on their empire should be, in virtue of an arrangement to be 
concluded with the Sublime Porte, placed under the collective guarantee of 
the powers. 2. That the navigation of the Danube to its mouth should be 
released from all impediments, and subjected to the principles sanctioned 
by the Congress of Vienna. 3. That the treaty of the 13th July, 1841, 
should be revised in concert by the high contracting parties, in the interest 
of the balance of power of Europe, and in the sense of a limitation of the power 
of Russia in the Black Sea. 4. That no power should claim the right of 
exercising an official protectorate over the subjects of the Sublime Porte, 
to whatever rite they may belong, but that France, Austria, Great Britain, 
Prussia, and Russia, should lend their mutual cooperation to obtain from 
the initiative of the Ottoman Government the sanction and the observance 
of the religious privileges of the different Christian communities, and 
take advantage, for the reciprocal interest of their co-religionists, of the 
generous intentions manifested by his Majesty the Sultan, without any 
attack resulting from it for the dignity and independence of his crown." 

What has just occurred shows the value of treaties in the eyes of the 
members of this holy alliance, and the extent of their honour and sin- 
cerity in their most solemn public acts and proceedings. While these 

1 Nesseh-ode, Despatch to Baron Budberg, at Berlin, dated, St. Petersburg, August 14th, 
1854. 



382 



THE war: 



sheets were going to press, an important reply from Austria, dated 
Sept. 30th, to Prussia, has made its appearance. In it the profligate 
sovereign and ministers of Austria tell Prussia and the world, and tell 
them, too, with exultation, that Austria cannot under that treaty 
hinder, nor do they mean to hinder, Turkish troops, English troops, 
or French troops, to enter these Provinces and pass the Russian 
boundary, to attack Russia on her own dominions j but if Russia 
in her turn should drive back any or all of these troops into the Prin- 
cipalities, that then Austria would consider herself at war with Russia, 
and join all the others to attack her and to enter into her dominions ! 
The history of the world does not furnish us with an instance of greater 
profligacy or cowardice than is here exhibited by Austria. Justice will, 
most assuredly, overtake such criminal and disgraceful conduct. Yet 
such powers prate about the violation of treaties ! ! 

Lord Clarendon has stated (Xo. 88, Part II. p. 95), and Lord Aber- 
deen has repeated more than once in the House of Lords, that there 
existed "no treaty stipulations" that bound Great Britain to assist 
Turkey in her quarrel with Russia. Yf e rose, entirely from a generous 
and disinterested feeling, to protect the weak against the strong, with- 
out any consideration for the fact that it was the weak who had 
offended the strong on this occasion, and did so because she was quite 
aware, and was made well acquainted with the fact, that the jarring 
interests and jealousies of the Western powers of Europe would, to 
advance and secure their own interests, support her in that wrong, 
however far she had carried or might carry it. Their Lordships and 
this country seemed to consider that no treaties were or could be 
violated by any power, except those treaties which existed between 
Russia and Turkey. But they might have reflected, that the first 
movement of a British fleet to assist Turkey against Russia, and the 
menace it conveyed, was not only a violation of the treaties between 
this country and Russia, but of all the treaties of 1815, and pro- 
ceedings of the Congress of Vienna, by which those treaties were 
acknowledged and guaranteed. By our first hostile feeling and move- 
ment against Russia, we tore asunder, without any open declaration of 
war, all the treaties of 1815 that bound European nations together. 
To those treaties Turkey was no party. And one treaty thus specifi- 
cally violated, so might another be ; and the same force that was 
applied to tear the Russian treaty asunder might be applied, and has 
been applied by France and England to tear up those between them 
and other countries. Though the act may not be in some instances com- 
pleted, still the hostile principle is established that goes to enforce it. 

Lord Aberdeen has been much and grossly, but unjustly abused for 



who's to blame? 



383 



holding back instead of advancing the cause of the war. On the con- 
trary, his lordship has been the greatest advocate for precipitating 
hostilities with Russia. In No. 103, Part II. p. 113, and in No. 108, 
Part II. pp. 114, 115, we are told that, in reference to the non- 
acceptance by Turkey of that note, it was directed, by himself and 
Lord Clarendon, who rashly and unconstitutionally assumed all the 
powers of the cabinet on the occasion, that the Vienna note should 
not again be pressed upon Turkey; and that the fleets should be 
directed to move to the Turkish waters, and should be " called up 
to Constantinople for the security of British and French interests, 
and, if necessary, for the protection of the Sultan." For these acts 
the two noble Lords have much to answer for, and will yet have to 
answer to the country. Taking possession of the sea was just as great, 
nay, a greater violation of the laws of nations, as it is called, than 
taking possession of any portion of land, belonging to any power, 
by another power. These two acts placed England in direct hostility 
with Russia ; they formed menaces and showed intentions that could 
not be mistaken. They precipitated the war, and rendered it from 
that moment unavoidable. They emboldened the Turks, and they 
irritated Russia ; in fact, they compelled the latter power to have re- 
course to arms to maintain her power and independence. Lord Aber- 
deen, therefore, the head of the cabinet, did not retard, but precipitated 
the war. 

The British Government sadly neglected its first duties on this and 
other occasions. They not only allowed the country to be misled, but 
suffered them to remain in ignorance on the most important subjects, 
nay, encouraged them to be ruled by error. The Government, instead 
of guiding and instructing the country, as they ought to have done, 
and as it was their duty to do, suffered themselves to be driven by the 
country ; they, consequently, have raised a storm which they cannot 
allay, and whieh will, at an early day, return upon their own heads 
with a terrible retribution. We see the unseemly and dangerous 
spectacle of the party in power, by every art and exaggeration and 
misrepresentation, even to direct falsehood, that they can use, seeking 
to maintain themselves in power ; and another party, by similar pro- 
ceedings and the cry for war, endeavouring to gain that power and to 
displace their opponents, by alleging that they are not sincere in their 
intentions to carryjthe contest on with activity. The reasons ad- 
vanced by some of the latter, in aid of their war views, and to gain 
popular applause, are sometimes not only ridiculous, but ludicrous. 
Thus, Mr. Newdigate, a strong and honest Protectionist, told a public 
meeting, about two months ago, that we ought to go to war with 



384 



THE WAR: 



Russia, because she laid an import duty of ten per cent, upon foreign 
commodities imported into Russia ! Amidst this war of parties the 
public mind is left misinformed and misled on most essential and 
important points, and, in consequence, most dangerous steps are taken, 
and proceedings forced upon the Government, willing to listen to 
those, though most dangerous and hostile to the national character, 
interests, and honour. " In the multitude of counsellors," says the 
wise man, "there is safety." Of course he means honest counsellors; 
but when the multitude become counsellors, the history of all nations 
shows us that there is neither safety, peace, nor justice. 

Lord Stratford tells us that the Turks are " cruel and fanatic." The 
history of their race and religion attests this, throughout Asia and 
Europe, in indelible and disgraceful characters. Why, therefore, was 
he so eager to call that cruelty and fanaticism into active operation % 
To show the public what kind of spirit his lordship has been the chief 
cause to evoke, the following tale is extracted from the columns of one 
of our most cautious and ably-conducted public journals, namely BelVs 
Weekly Messenger. Let Lord Stratford and the country peruse it, and 
see what the world has to expect, in the contest which has been pre- 
cipitated by his lordship more than others : — 

EXECUTION OF A SUPPOSED RUSSIAN SPY. 

" The criminal was led out to a spot in view of all present. Ishmael 
Pasha and .his staff alighted. The preparations for execution were very 
soon finished ; nothing, in fact, having been done except the binding of the 
man's eyes, and the tying of his hands more tightly. No paper was read, 
nor anything said explaining the cause of the man's execution. The pasha 
gave the signal to nine soldiers, who were placed at twenty-five yards from 
the condemned man, to fire. Three fired first, but only one of their shots took 
effect : it made him stagger and fall. Another three then fired, but with 
little more effect ; after which the remaining three discharged their muskets 
at him. Four balls, in all, seemed to have struck him, but, as he was not 
dead, three other soldiers were ordered to fall out of their ranks, and -to 
fire upon him. After they had done so, several men went up to the un- 
killed man, and stuck their bayonets into his skull. He groaned so heavily 
that the crowd heard him. The want of precision with which the men 
fired, and the tardiness they showed in doing their work, were very repre- 
hensible, and gave much pain to the foreign officers who had seen military 
executions ; but the finishing part of the business was little else than re- 
volting to their feelings. Several Turkish officers went up to the mutilated 
man, drew their swords across his throat, and then licked the blood from 
their sides." — BelVs Weekly Messenger, June 3d, 1854. 

That nobleman, Lord Stratford, has played his cards very ill, not 
only for himself, but for his country. While he aimed at, and 



who's to blame? 



385 



believed that he had reformed Islamism, and crushed the Greek Church, 
that he might substitute in its place in Turkey some purer faith of 
his own, he has, in fact, as far as lay in his power, prostrated both. 
The Turks tried to overreach him ; and they have, in their cunning, 
overreached themselves. He has misled his country by a tissue of fables 
and misrepresentations regarding the state of Turkey ; precipitated 
Great Britain into a dangerous war, wherein, while Turkey will fall, his 
country will lose both in resources and character, and France enter 
into possession of all the advantages which she calculates may be 
gained. The clap-trap about seeking the freedom of the seas — as 
will soon be found, if it has not already been found, out, in more 
quarters than one, — means that the Black Sea and the Mediterranean 
should belong to France — become French lakes, and all that are in 
them to be under her control and command. 

Nations, we are told, from high authority, have no cousins ; no, nor 
relatives, nor gratitude of any kind. They never had ; and they never 
will have, so long as they are guided by the passions and interests that 
rule and direct mankind. What a proof Austria affords of this truth, 
in her conduct to her late deliverer, Russia ! nor are we behind her in 
the course of ingratitude against the same friendly power. She broke 
the giant's arm, by her patriotism and firm resistance, in 1812 ; and, 
consequently, saved England from certain invasion, and all its terrible 
consequences, — saved her from being added, as our formidable enemy, 
Napoleon I., threatened he would do, as one of his tributary provinces 
and mushroom states subjected to his sway. We go now to crush the 
power that saved us, and raise up and assist that power that then 
threatened to pull us down. If we expect any disinterested friendship 
from France, or assistance in the day of danger, we live in a dangerous 
delusion. Crush Russia, if we and France can do so, and we enable 
this ally at once to place her foot not only upon the neck of Europe, 
but also upon our own. It matters not what her sovereign, or even her 
people, may at present intend ; it is what her people, goaded on by 
national ambition and Popish influences, will compel him and them 
to do, that we must keep in mind. 

While these pages were going through the press, the official note 
from Baron Manteuffel to the British Government, dated Berlin, 
September 5th, made its appearance. In it Prussia decidedly tells 
Lord Clarendon that she will lend her u moral support " at St. Peters- 
burg " to the four points," in the sense she applied to the protocols to 
which she had already been a party ; but at the same time this will 
be done " in a way that should place beyond doubt that she would 
not recognise any obligations on her part to enforce them by military 

o c 



386 THE WAR : 

cooperation against Russia /" This resolution of Prussia, doubtless, occa- 
sioned the thunders of Downing Street, the Tuileries, Vienna, and the 
Vatican, to be directed against her, through the columns of the Times, 
on the 18th and 19th of the same month, as has been already noticed. 
Such bullying, however, defeats itself, as clearly appears to have been 
the case on this occasion. Because France and England have chosen 
to quarrel with, and to go to war with Eussia, for any cause or for no 
cause, it is monstrous that Prussia and every other state should be 
compelled to follow their footsteps and join with them in tyranny. 
Why do not they also try to force the United States to follow the 
same course 1 The answer they would get if they made the attempt 
may easily be guessed. Moreover, why not compel Protestant Holland 
to join them also 1 

Russia, it is quite evident, had no intention of overthrowing the 
Ottoman Government. Her Government, again and again, disclaimed 
any such intention. It was not, in fact, her interest to do so. Turkey 
could never " cripple " nor control Russia ; but Turkey, coalesced 
with and " coerced " by France and England, could do so to a serious 
extent. What Russia never thought of before war was declared against 
her by France and England, now becomes a duty and a necessity on 
her part ; she has now to contend not only for her independence, but, 
to a great extent, for her existence as a great power. And she will con- 
tend against her gratuitous and inconsiderate enemies. She sought only 
religious liberty for 15,000,000 of Greek Christians in Turkey. The 
allies, to counteract her influence (for these or for Turkey, those allies 
care not one straw), demand not only full religious liberty, but an 
equality of civil rights, to all the above multitude of people. Let 
them obtain this, and where is a Mussulman Government and power 
in those parts, that is now ruled by the Sultan ? A schoolboy might 
answer the question. The affections of these 15,000,000 of enfran- 
chised Christians must ever go with their co-religionists, that is, with 
Russia. If the allies try to maintain, as they say they mean to do, 
a Mahommedan sovereign dominant in Turkey, the Christian popula- 
tion will never submit to it, and the more political power they obtain 
the less likely are they to continue to do so, and the more they will 
be inclined to coalesce with Russia, and look to her for aid to obtain 
their liberty and independence from the grievous Ottoman yoke. 
England and France united cannot prevent this result. Russia knows 
her ground, and she will not quit it. So long as the church of St. 
Sophia remains a mosque, so long will the Christian population of the 
East remain hostile to the power that rules over it ; and if it is 



who's to blame? 



387 



attempted to turn it into a Latin cathedral, as report says is meditated 
by Rome and by France, then an enmity against those who do so, 
equal to the enmity against their present Mahommedan rulers, will 
be the certain result, and under such circumstances, continue to add 
to the influence of Russia in that quarter of the world. 

Of the characteristic spirit and haughtiness of the Turks, we have 
a striking instance in their manifesto of October 4th, (Part II. p. 154 
— 159,) where the Porte, despising the treaties with Russia, boasts 
of their intention to maintain the religious privileges and immu- 
nities which their nation had granted to the Greek Christians in 
Turkey "before the existence even of Russia as an empire"'!. Russia 
became a state under Rurik, about 840, and soon after a Christian 
nation, before the present race of Turks left their habitations, between 
the Caspian and the Sihon or Jaxartes, to escape from the arms of 
Zenghis Khan. The Russians are, moreover, one of the most ancient 
nations of Europe, and known to the Romans, in their early days, 
by the name of Sarmatce; and were ever known as superior to other 
nations in personal elegance and strength. They dwelt on that part 
of Russia, between Borysthenes and the Don, and from Kieff, north- 
ward and north-eastward; and this long before the Turks existed, or 
were known as slaves to Tartar tribes or people. 

As regards the British empire in India, we see it perilled in the 
same way, and from the same cause, that the Ottoman is now endan- 
gered. With our conquest we did not spread Christianity, that sure 
and true amalgamator of nations. We have kept them, Mahommedans 
and Hindoos, a separate people from ourselves, exactly as the Mahom- 
medans have done with the Greek Christians in the Ottoman dominions. 
They will mark at this moment the inconsistency of our national con- 
duct. We cage and keep down without much ceremony, Emperors, 
Ranees, and Ameers, in India, and these too Mahommedans ; while in 
Eastern Europe and Western Asia, we rise in arms to support and 
maintain Mahommedans against Christians, and liberate every maraud- 
ing chieftain we can find out to help us to oppose the latter ! What, 
suppose the Mahommedans in India should take it into their heads to 
rise against us in a religious and political contest 1 What could we do 
to prevent it 1 We have aided and called forth the fanaticism and fury 
of that creed against Christians, and they may neither be able nor 
willing to make any distinction of Christians. They are, if possible, 
as fanatic in India at this moment as they ever were, if they might 
exercise their feelings. The last number of " The Church Missionary 
Intelligencer" for November 1854, (Paper 256 — 259, &c.) gives us 

c c 2 



388 



THE WAR: 



numerous instances where the missionaries of that Society find, in 
their discussions with the Mahominedans, the latter broadly inti- 
mating that the best way to defend their religion was by the appli- 
cation of the sword, and that, if they dared, they were ready to do so. 
Another striking and important fact it disclosed to us in the number 
of the publication mentioned, (p. 258,) that the priests of the Latin 
Church, the twin brother of the False Prophet, in the form of a 
Bishop, comes forward, "helping the Mussulmans by his advice and his 
books, as much as he can, to enable them the better to oppose us." Thus 
we find the Latin Church is everywhere in a state of the greatest 
activity ; and if it once gets itself established at Calcutta, Delhi, and 
Constantinople, as it is really intended it should be, then neither 
British fleets nor armies could prevent it from crushing Mahom- 
medanism, and banishing Protestantism from those quarters of the 
world, and with the latter, human liberty and independence. 

To-day we are told that the Christian population of Turkey are so 
ignorant and degraded that they are incapable of any improvement. 
If so, who has degraded them 1 Have 1000 years of Islamite tyranny 
ever, in one instance, tended to instruct or to raise them from degra- 
dation 1 To-morrow we hear that they have, of late years, so rapidly 
improved, that in future they may safely and properly be left to them- 
selves and their hard-hearted rulers in everything connected with their 
welfare for the future. A writer in Blackwood's Magazine, November 
Part, 1854, p. 500. and who writes from what he saw with his eyes 
and heard with his ears in Turkey, settles the point of improvement 
thus : "Men have been impeded by the road-side for selling the remainder 
of their crop after they have paid the tenths ; and we have known a 
man killed, in full Divan, with a battle-axe, for refusing to sell his 
crop to the governor of the town in which we were residing at the 
time !" And at p. 502 the same winter tells us, and tells us truly, 
" that in all civilized countries a very great diminution has been made 
in the expense of transport since the conclusion of the last war ; but, in 
Turkey, the expense of transport has of late years been increasing, and 
hence the cultivation and export of several articles peculiarly adapted 
to the soil and climate have diminished ! " What an improving 
country and good government that of Turkey must be ! It is, more- 
over, rather a singular, though to me not unexpected circumstance, 
that the Government which is, and that which is expected to be, 
have got all their clever workmen at present employed to prove that 
Turkey never can be improved unless agriculture is extended and 
protected in it ; and that as the Turks can never accomplish either 
the one or the other, so therefore Great Britain, as a duty, must get 



VYHO'S TO BLAME? 



389 



such a hold of the country as will enable her to do it. Disinterested 
souls ! 

Amongst the ridiculous and acrimonious propositions on foot in 
order to cover our blindness and ignorance, is that one to prohibit 
the trade in Russian produce through independent and neutral ports — 
Memel, for example. This place is in Prussia, and a great eye-sore to 
some of our speculators. But is it the only one 1 Let those, and such 
as those, take up a map, and they will see that there is a water com- 
munication between the Dnieper and the Vistula, and consequently 
that all the produce from some of the finest provinces of Russia can 
reach the Baltic by the Vistula and Dantzic. A Prussian mer- 
chant buys that produce in Russia. It becomes lawfully his. It is 
not contraband of war. We cannot — we dare not stop such a trade, 
even if we were so unwise as to cut off our nose in order to be revenged 
on our face to effect it. Well, if we cannot stop this trade, we cannot 
destroy the resources of Russia and vanquish her, say the advocates of 
brute force in everything. For that there is no just remedy. We 
should have thought upon this sooner. But then Russia will grow rich 
in spite of us. Very probably she will do so ; she is getting money 
and resources more and more every day. Well, let us tell these wise 
men how this comes to pass. Russia is now nearly independent of the 
world for every real necessary that her population requires for food, 
raiment, or comfort. She can do without luxuries. She therefore 
keeps her money at home which she previously lavishly expended in 
French wines, French ornamental furniture, and jewelry, and knick- 
knackeries. Ask the Parisian manufacturers of these things how much 
they now feel the want of that Russian trade. They will tell you, 
their Government will or can tell you. The continuance of a Russian 
war is, under such circumstances, more likely to starve Paris than to 
starve or to ruin Russia ! Next, we are told to cut off her supply of 
salt required for Finland and Poland, &c. Well, do so. Then there 
is to the north of the sea of Aral and the Caspian, plains so immense, 
and composed of it, that a quantity can be found to supply the whole 
world for a million of years. They can carry it through Russia by 
means of the Caspian, the Wolga, the Ural, and their numerous tri- 
butary streams. Moreover, Prussia, or any other continental nation, 
could consume the Russian produce they bring in, and export their 
own to this country ! 

We have heard much of late about " the disturber of Europe." 
Applied as it is, and has been, to the present sovereign of Russia, 
the charge is most unjust and most ungenerous. More than once 
and at a great expense and inconvenience to himself, he has saved 



390 



THE WAR: 



Europe from disturbance instead of creating it. Twice he has, since 
1820, saved the Ottoman empire from destruction. The disturbers of 
Europe, the official despatch from Saxony tells us, do not travel with 

" Russian 'passports',' but with , the Foreign offices of London 

and Paris may fill up the blank at their leisure and their pleasure. 
The disturbers of Europe nestle in London and Paris. The last place, 
in particular, has been their head quarters for more than three cen- 
turies. The disturbers of Europe are those men who, in money specu- 
lations, " discount " victories — anticipated or fabricated — those men 
who pronounce with composure a carnage like that of Alma " a good, 
butcher's bill " (the actual jargon of bourses and money-grinders) — such 
men, in short — tigers in human shape — who call out to slay as many 
men as possible, and they will not grudge the cost of doing so. Let us 
have as much blood and flesh as possible for our money ! We can 
afford it. It is true that we owe 800,000,000^., but all that we will 
honestly discharge the moment Mahommedan power is firmly esta- 
blished in Eastern Europe and in Western Asia ! The disturbers of 
Europe are the men who propose, as Lord Aberdeen told the House of 
Lords, " horrible notions " — indiscriminate slaughter and destruction. 
These are the disturbers of Europe — of the world — they and the Go- 
vernment which suffers itself to be led or driven by them — an unholy 
and merciless coalition, each of whom separately would, had they the 
power, fj sell a boy for an harlot and a girl for wine that they may 
drink 1" Men, in short, like the following : — 

" Sebastopol, Oct. 26th— Constantinople, Oct. 28th, 1854. 

" Menchikoff had asked for three hours to bury his dead ; but it teas 
refused, on the ground that the allies had no dead to bury, themselves, and 
thought there tcould be no reciprocity /" — Times, Nov. 9t/i, 1854. 

And next, the French cavalry officer, who writes under the walls of 
Sebastopol, Oct. 26th :— 

" The Kussians are frightened at the French, and call us devils. As 
regards the English, they have much less fear of them. They acknowledge 
in us a very marked superiority; this is to their praise. The battle of 
Alma has had a magnificent success — more than 12,000 killed and 8,000 
wounded remaining on the field. You see that the sum total is hajstdsome ! ! " 
— Morning Chronicle, Koc. 9th, 1854. 

Such beings are the disturbers, and proper tools for the disturbers, of » 
Europe ! 

Amongst the remarkable occurrences of the day, is the singular 
appearance of the more prominent organs of public instruction, who 
lately failed in energy to defend successfully a high and valuable 



who's to blame? 



391 



British interest, now standing most prominently forward as the de- 
fenders of a rotten cause, and in support of that cause urging the pro- 
priety and practicability of defending and maintaining the integrity and 
the independence of the Ottoman empire. It is, however, too late. In 
national guilt, the day of grace is often neglected, and in this instance 
has been allowed to pass away. The irreversible decree is gone forth 
against it, and the Mahommedan population thereof, as a ruling 
power. They have long been the rod 1 in the hand of the Most High, 
to punish a corrupt people. These punishments, in tyranny, oppres- 
sion, cruelty, and injustice, they inflicted, not for His sake, but to 
gratify their own ambition, tyranny, and injustice. In them, there- 
fore, the world is about to behold another instance, out of the many 
that the history of nations affords to those who study it, namely, that 
when * the rod " has performed the work for which it was appointed, 
it is broken and thrown into the flames ! The position of Mussulmans 
is now similar to the position of the irreclaimable Jews, as recorded in 
2 Chron. xxxvi. 16 : " But they mocked the messengers of Gop, and 
despised his words, and misused his prophets, until the wrath of the 
Lord arose against his people, till there was no remedy." There is 
a time, therefore, when there " is no remedy " for continued national 
transgression in this world. Let the United Kingdom never lose sight 
of this great and important truth. 

What can our present Premier think, if he has time to think at all, 
upon the present position of this country? He was one of the noble 
host who aided to put down, and who did put down, the gigantic 
tyranny of France forty years ago. He now joins her, to enable her 
to put her heel once more upon the heart of Europe, Great Britain 
included. Every blow that we inflict upon Russia, we inflict two 
upon ourselves. He told us lately at Aberdeen, that the union and 
power of his Government was to carry out the principles of Sir Robert 
Peel. Were his principles to join France, threaten Europe, insult 
every principle of true liberty, attack friends, assist profligate people 
in every quarter, such as in Turkey 1 It may be so ; and may, amidst 
the contradictions which human nature exhibits, especially under 
liberal principles, account for the judgment and the apparent insin- 
cerity of all the great guns of the agricultural interests of this country 
— supporting, as they do, his most inveterate and dangerous warlike 
policy. If the toils and labour of this country from 1793 to 1815 are 
valueless, and to be blotted from our national records, why is not the 
debt contracted to support these toils and labours expunged also 1 

1 Isaiah x. 5 fully explains the metaphoric meaning of rod, thus : " Assyrian, the rod 
of mine anger, and the staff in their hand is mine indignation." 



392 



THE WAR: 



Sir H. Seymour has told us, in one place, that French threats had 
'"'frightened the unfortunate Turks and in another, that French 
threats had procured for France " a moral influence at Constantinople." 
Of these facte there can be no doubt; and haying succeeded so well at 
Constantinople, it is not to be wondered at that the sovereign of 
France should make the attempt by similar means in other quarters, 
and that, confident of his position, he should aim at higher game, as 
the annexed remarkable communication proves that he has done. He 
knows that he has Great Britain hooked, and that he can manage her 
at his pleasure : — 

" The Emperor has addressed the following letter to Mine, de St. Amaud, 
dated St. Cloud, October 16th :— 

" 1 You know, Mine, la Marechale, that no one takes a larger share than 
I do in the grief which oppresses you. The Marshal united himself in my 
cause from the day when, quitting Africa to take the portfolio of the war 
department, he co-operated in the re-«stablishment of order and authority 
in this country. He united his name to the military glories of France from 
the day when, decided on landing in the Crimea, in spite of timid counsels, 
he gained with Lord Eaglan the battle of the Alma, and opened to our army 
the road to SebastopoL I have, therefore, lost in him a devoted friend in 
difficult trials, as France has lost in him a soldier always ready to serve 
her in the hour of danger. So many claims to my gratitude and to that of 
the public are doubtless without power to assuage a grief like yours, and 
I confine myself to assuring you that I transfer towards you and the family 
of the Marshal the sentiments with which he had inspired me. Accept, 
Madame la Marechale, the sincere expression of them. 

" ' Napoleon.' " 

Look around, and see what our efforts are producing ; and what we 
are gaining, and must gain, from the blood and money we spend, and 
must further spend. In Asia, we replace the church by the mosque, 
the Christian pastor by the Mahommedan mufti. In Circassia, we 
extinguish the feeble remains of Christianity which has there existed 
since before the days of Justinian ; and we restore to its former 
strength the detestable Circassian white-slave trade ; and at the same 
time, with Turkish prosperity and safety, the vast African black-slave 
trade, which Turkey in all her borders carried on, and has long and 
always carried on. British bayonets, ships, sailors, and soldiers main- 
tain and guard all these vile systems, openly and before the eyes of 
the whole world ; and this too at the very moment we are denouncing, 
in the Western world, evils and actions of a similar description. This 
is our present position. This is our present work, or rather but one 
portion thereof, all being of a similar kind and description. The very 
muskets, that are so profusely used to help robbers to become more 
independent, are taken by the Abhasians, to whom they are given, to 



who's to blame? 



393 



invade their neighbours, and to purchase or catch their wives and 
daughters to carry to Constantinople, to sell them for slaves ! I 

In Part I. p. 228, Lord Clarendon tells us that in this Eastern 
question, the views " and interests of England and France were entirely 
identical." And in Part I. p. 228, M. Drouyn de Lhuys tells us, that 
France and England united would maintain the integrity and inde- 
pendence of the Ottoman empire in their present condition." And 
France and England united are strong, but after all their might is 
only human. Can they oppose with success the decrees of the Sove- 
reign of the Universe % Can they, in their pride and self-sufficiency, 
"hold the waters in the hollow of their hands?" Can they "weigh 
the mountains in scales, and the hills in a balance Can they, in 
their pride and self-sufficiency, recal the days that are past ? Can 
they collect the scattered clouds of yesterday? Can they bind the 
sweet influences of Pleiades, or loose the bands of Orion ? Can they 
send lightnings, that they may go and say unto thee, Here we are 1 " 

" Can thy arm. measure with an arm Divine? 
Or canst thou thunder with a voice like mine ? " 

No ! No ! France and England united can do none of those things ; 
md till they can do them, they cannot maintain the Ottoman empire 
and the Mahommedan rule in their present position in Asia and 
Europe ; but they will, in their attempts to do so, bring down on 
their heads the severe and terrible punishments and destruction which 
the Almighty has decreed shall fall upon the Mahommedan empire 
nd delusion. Let them read its history, accompanied by the Omni- 
>otent decree : " He who leadeth into captivity, shall go into captivity; 
ind he who killeth with the sword, shall be hilled by the sword." Let 
them read their fate in the fate of ancient Babylon (see Isaiah xii. xiv. ; 
and Jeremiah 1. li.), and that of obstinate and devoted Jerusalem. 
" Though Babylon should," says Jeremiah, li. 53, " mount up to 
heaven, and though she should fortify the height of her strength, yet 
from me shall spoilers come unto her, saith the Lord." And of wicked 
and irreclaimable Jerusalem, the same prophet says, (xxxvii. 10,) — the 
threatening warning directed alike to all ages and nations — thus : " For 
though ye had smitten the whole army of the Chaldeans that fight 
against you, and there remained but wounded men among them, yet 
slioidd they rise up every man in his tent, and burn this city with fire !" 
No human might, nor mortal diplomacy, can turn aside the decrees 
and the judgments of the Almighty. Neither Stratford's cunning, nor 
Seymour's petulance, though backed by France, England, Austria, and 
Turkey; nor national feelings misled ; nor national prejudices called forth, 
can avert or turn aside what Omnipotence has decreed. Lord Clarendon 



394 



THE WAR: 



probably did not consider the matter in this light/ when he, never- 
theless, predicted (Part II. No. 100, p. Ill), that the apprehended 
"war would entail the dissolution of the Ottoman empire." But as 
light began to dawn, he states, in the Secret Correspondence, p. 20, 
" that the first cannon-shot may be the signal for a state of things 
more disastrous even than those calamities that war inevitably brings 
in its train." Little did Sir H. Seymour imagine " the storm " he 
coveted and did his utmost to call forth, when, in his ignorant pride, 
he bullied the venerable Count Nesselrode, with the announcement 
" that it mattered little to her Majesty's Government (that is, the 
Government of England), whether the storm broke now or two years 
hence /" Indeed; but it does matter a great deal whether we should 
have aided to call forth that " storm" to rush into it — that " storm " 
which is to sweep from the face of this earth kingdoms and empires 
who gratuitously mix themselves in it, and who will receive of the 
punishment decreed against the great aggressors and every auxiliary : 
— " Reward her even as she hath rewarded you ; as she hath done, 
do unto her," — " double unto her double," — " for she hath been proud 
against the Lord, against the Holy One of Israel!" 

In their boasted and indissoluble alliance, England and France Papal 
come forward in the face of the world to protect, support, and main- 
tain, as it may suit their self-interest and ambition, the two great 
corrupt religious systems, that have so long trampled upon, enslaved, 
and scourged the world. First, that of the false prophet ; secondly, 
that of the second wild beast, or tyranny, personified in that one that 
had two horns like a lamb, and spoke as a dragon ;" the immediate 
successor of his great and ferocious predecessor, who was " wounded 
to death by the sword, and did live." The two Western powers not 
only take the cause of these two odious systems of fraud, force, 
and iniquity in hand, but they reduce them to a state of servile 
obedience to them, mount on their respective thrones, and united they 
proceed to exercise all the power of both before their eyes, and to do 
their will with greater energy and effect than those, in their decayed 
state, could themselves do. Dignify or degrade it as we may, this is 
our position — our unenviable position ; a position in which the future 
Christian historian will record our actions and proceedings. They thus 
become united as one tyrannic power (the Siamese twins of the political 
world) for the same object and purpose. They, in short, become one 
savage beast or tyranny, and probably may — we may fear, certainly — 
represent that beast which was to make his appearance at this eventful 
period, which was to collect all the forces of the " kings of the earth" 
to fight under their banners, "against the Lord, and against his 
anointed;" which kings were, however, only to have "power one hour" 



who's to blame? 



395 



with their master, — showing how short this new reign of terror is to be. 
Still, all their rage and fury were controlled, and by Almighty power, 
"to fulfil his will," and to make these kings and their masters the in- 
struments of destroying that which they had been collected to support 
and maintain. These will in the most disinterested manner turn 
upon the idol they had previously worshipped, and " eat her flesh 
and burn her with fire." The great and unholy combination and 
collective force, — kings, counsellors, ministers of state, and followers 
of every rank, especially volunteer followers, — all the % mixed multi- 
tude " that join themselves to them, are however to be destroyed. 
Neither fleets nor armies, long guns nor short guns, nor " irritated 
enemies armed with all the implements of destruction which science 
has invented, and with the wealth of the world at their backs" can 
resist the artillery of Heaven — the arm of Omnipotence. Amidst 
carnage previously unknown in the world, victory is certain to the 
" King op Kings." % The beast was taken, and with him the false 
peophet that wrought miracles before him. These both were cast 
alone into a lake of fire, burning with brimstone" — bold metaphorical 
expressions to denote utter extinction. "And the remnant were slain 
with the sword of Him that sat upon the horse, which sword proceeded 
out of his mouth : and all the fowls were filled with their flesh ! " Let 
not Lord John Kussell and his colleagues and followers doubt, or 
deceive themselves : 

God will defend the right. 

But to conclude. Who is to blame? That point is sufficiently 
settled by the consideration of the whole of the official papers referred 
to. France, at the commencement of her late republican revolution, 
first announced the abrogation of the treaties of 1815, and then broke 
the* treaty of 1841, by sending, as a matter of course and of right, a 
three-decker line of battle ship to Constantinople, to browbeat the 
Turk into surrender of rights contrary to treaties with Russia ; which 
rights, gained by France as she demanded, constituted the Latin 
Church, and France as its head, the supreme Christian Church in the 
East. Russia claimed redress. After much difficulty it was yielded 
to her ; but no sooner yielded to her, than it was again taken away at 
the threats of France. Menchikoff came to Constantinople. After 
much negotiation, a settlement of the question of the Holy Places as 
between France and Russia was agreed to, but a settlement of the 
points in dispute between Russia and Turkey was, in the main point, 
refused on the part of Turkey. In this refusal, after having pressed 
Turkey to yield the point in prudence and in justice, France and Eng- 
land—secretly meditating war while preaching peace — turn suddenly 



396 



the war: 



round; bully Russia; support Turkey; and finally declare war against 
Russia, because she would and could not yield that which Turkey 
ought to have done, and which those powers and the other great powers 
in Europe pressed her to do. French threats and menaces, says Sir 
H. Seymour, "frightened the unhappy Turks"' So he thought ; while 
the happy, not the " unhappy" Turk, was glorying in his shame, and 
calculating that while so doing he might, as in the days of yore, refuse 
redress with safety ; because the jealousies and interests of Christian 
powers would bring some of them to support him, and by " setting 
Christian against Christian," as in bygone times, he would, in the melee 
thus created, regain all that in past times he had justly lost, and become 
as great and powerful as ever 1 Vain hope ! He has produced by his 
perfidy and cunning the strife he sought ; but, in doing so, he has sadly 
miscalculated his position, and the feelings of Christendom ; and by the 
course he has pursued, he has raised a storm, which, however it termi- 
nates in reference to others, he cannot allay, and which is sure to sweep 
him and his power from the face of the earth. His counsellor and ad- 
viser, Lord Stratford, the real Padishah at Constantinople, finds himself 
equally out in his calculations ; and that by his insidious advice he has 
brought an old house about his own ears and the ears of the Ottoman 
Government. Lord Stratford advised, and doubtless by the command 
of his Government, the Sultan and his ministers on all occasions ; 
told them, as he himself tells us, what they ought to do; while Lord 
Clarendon (No. 180, May 24th) acknowledges that the union of France 
and England gave "confidence" to Turkey in all her more violent 
and rash proceedings, — in fact, produced them. Unfortunately for 
the United Kingdom, she, during this serious emergency, had Lord 
Stratford at Constantinople, and Sir H. Seymour at St. Petersburg, 
to represent her. These diplomatists, by false reports, led her into 
the present war, to support and maintain a power, which both Lord 
Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon tell us decidedly We were under " no 
treaty obligations" to assist or maintain, and, consequently, were not 
called upon to interfere in any active way in any quarrel that that 
antichristian power might, according to its old custom, get into with 
her neighbour. Under such circumstances, we were not called upon 
by any principle of honour or immediate interest, political or com- 
mercial, to interfere as principals in the contest. The war on our 
part was unnecessary and impolitic, and cannot, therefore, be just. If 
we had had any other ambassadors at Constantinople and St. Peters- 
burg, we should have had no war with Russia. Moreover, in our 
course of proceeding we have, in the blindest, silliest manner possible, 
u followed in the wake of Turkey' and of France ; while, if the Foreign 
Office do not know, they ought to know, and they might know, that a 



who's to blame? 



397 



solemn compact exists between the sovereign of Rome and the Emperor 
of France, to the effect that the present war is to be made the means 
of establishing the Latin Church as the supreme Church in every 
quarter in the world, and especially in the East ! The Turks/ for the 
basest and most ambitious purposes, were first to blame. The British 
Government, from imbecility or ignorance, and a subserviency to 
France, were next to blame ; and the people of England have them- 
selves to blame, for allowing themselves to be so grievously humbugged 
and misled as to induce them to rush into the present terrible contest, 
the enormous cost of which they will most certainly have to bear. It 
would be well for us if we, as Christians, would adopt and follow the 
pure Christian maxim, to " take the beam out of our own eye, before 
we attempt to pull the mote out of our brother's eye." 

Let us glance for a moment at the cost of our actions, confining our 
observations only to the more important items. First, the enhanced 
price of grain. Taking into account the decreased cultivation of wheat 
in Ireland (2,500,000 qrs.), the crop of the present year, rather above 
an average in Great Britain, is only equal to what it was in full years a 
short time ago. This leaves a deficiency for internal consumption of 
4,500,000 qrs., rather more than one-fifth deficiency upon the whole 
consumption. Every one knows how greatly such a deficiency must 
enhance prices. Wheat is now 80s. The remunerating price being- 
taken at 56s. will leave, on a moderate estimate and an average, 20s. 
as the enhanced price. All other grains bear a similar ratio. There 
is no source from which any supply can be obtained. Turkey, Egypt 
excepted, has none, but requires large external supplies ; Russia, the 
former great and sure source of supply, sends us no more. Therefore, 
while the war lasts, we may calculate the enhanced price as above. 
The total yearly enhanced price for food, and for different articles, and 



other increased expenditure, will stand thus : — 

Wheat £25,000,000 

Other grains 25,000,000 

Increased price, hemp, &c. (manufactures) . 3,000,000 

Marine insurance on 250,000,000/. at 10*. . 12,500,000 

Freights transferred to foreigners .... 5,000,000 

Increased price of malt liquors and spirits . 7,500,000 

Ditto candles 3,000,000 

Ditto coals 8,000,000 

Increased taxation, 1854 10,000,000 

Vote of credit, spent 4,000,000 

Got in debt further, at least 10,000,000 



Amount for first year . . . £111,000,000 



398 



THE WAR: WHO'S TO BLAME? 



Now this enormous sum (still it is not all, and in some things only the 
beginning of increased burdens) is surely a severe penalty to pay on 
account of Seymour's diplomatic misrepresentations, and confiscated 
wardrobe animosities; and for Stratford's diplomatic fables, conceal- 
ments, and resentments ; and for the errors, or the knavery, or both, 
of a cabinet and a legislature, which have suffered themselves to be 
misled and imposed upon by them, and by their and our allies. 



APPENDIX. 



I. NESSELEODE'S DESPATCHES. 

It is considered unnecessary to advert minutely to Lord Aberdeen's 
letter, 14th Sept. 1829, to Lord Heytesbury, at St. Petersburg, regarding 
the treaty of Adrianople ; first, because the Government has not thought 
it prudent to give us the Eussian reply to that letter ; and secondly, because 
the war payment exacted by Eussia from Turkey chiefly complained of was 
subsequently reduced to a very small sum— a fact which has been disin- 
genuously concealed. Annexed is an important circular despatch extracted 
from " the Greek Papers," from Count Nesselrode, showing the views 
of Eussia regarding the Greek revolt, in reference to which so much 
misrepresentation had gone abroad. We, in fact, claim a monopoly in 
instigating insurrections ; and while we scatter these to the utmost of our 
power into the Eussian territory, we denounce her, even on suspicion, for 
having recourse to similar hostile weapons, in order to counteract our 
efforts to injure her. 

Count Nesselrode to Russian Diplomatic Agents abroad. 
[translation.] 

"St. Petersburg, * 4 March, 1854. 

" Sir, — The annex to my memorandum of the 18th ult. has enabled you 
to communicate to the Government, under whose authority you are placed, 
a faithful and detailed account of the causes of our difference with Turkey, 
and of the efforts employed by us to bring Turkey to a more just appre- 
ciation of our demands, and of the unlooked-for difficulties caused by the 
interference of the cabinets of Paris and London, as well as of the hostile 
position they have taken against us, whilst they come forward as peace- 
makers between us and the Ottoman Government. 

" Affairs now have become very serious, and consequently we fear for 
the tranquillity of Europe. We are persuaded by our duty to the Courts 



400 



APPENDIX. 



which to the present moment have judged of our acts without prejudice 
and impartially, not to cease to keep them informed of the course of 
affairs, by which they may judge with the same justice of the position into 
which great European powers have tried to place the future relations 
between Russia and Turkey, as well as the obligations prescribed to the 
Emperor on this subject. 

" One of these obligations affects nearly the conscience of the whole of 
Eussia and that of its prince. This obligation relates to the state of the 
Christian people subject to Turkey ; so much the more as the Government 
and the Ottoman people, both excited by their fanaticism, encouraged by the 
sympathy and the aid which the Christian powers grant them with unjustifiable 
haste, whilst, we say, they think they can with impunity commit the 
greatest crimes. 

" Some of these people, especially those in the neighbourhood of inde- 
pendent Greece, driven to despair and having lost all hope of improving 
their condition, have taken arms to be able to shake off their yoke, become 
insupportable. 

" This revolution, foreseen and predicted for several years, occupies and 
excites now the minds and the press of Europe, on account of the subse- 
quent contradiction of those who wish to sustain the power of the Crescent 
and the rights of the Sultan ; they only can explain it to us. Here is the 
contradiction : these same powers who declare war against us because wc 
have wished to maintain the religious rights of the Christians in Turkey, say 
that they wish to accomplish for the Christians the enjoyment of the same 
civil rights as the Mussulmans. 

"We will not pronounce fatal fears ; but these tardy promises which the), 
make now, and which accompany their acts which proclaim them, we feai 
that they will have no other result than to excite further the oppressors agains . 
the oppressed, to occasion bloody revenge, and to prevent effectually in the 
end, the submission of these people to the Turkish dynasty. 

" On our part, we have never required from the Porte, on behalf of his 
Christian subjects, anything but what was just, practicable, and sanctioned 
by the acts of the Sultans. But, whilst others than ourselves come and 
occasion troubles and calamities which weigh on our fellow-Protestants, 
and drive them to an unequal and bloody conflict, certainly we cannot 
deny to our struggling fellow-Protestants our sympathy and our assistance. 

" If the revolution of which we speak takes a wider spread ; if it become 
an obstinate and bloody battle, and of long duration, like that of the Greeks 
in 1821, we believe that any of these Christian powers, if she did not wish 
to oppose it to her conscience, could aid in bringing these people to submit 
anew to the Ottoman yoke ; the Emperor, in any case, would not hear of 
coimtenancing it. 

" During the time of the war, the same as during the establishment of 
peace, the condition of these people will be the subject of the Emperor's 
care. We hope, moreover, that God will not suffer, on account of unjust 
hostilities against Russia, that Christian princes allow their armies to con- 
tribute to the work of extermination. These renegades, gathered together 



APPENDIX. 



401 



at the camp of Omar Pasha, plan, without doubt, at this moment, against 
those who have taken up arms for their hearths and their churches. 

" It is in this way, Sir, that we ought to contemplate the revolution (of 
Epire), the consequences of which we avoid, and which we have not called 
for, and of which our conscience is free, having done nothing, and which it 
does not depend upon us, to prevent, notwithstanding our desire. 

" You are requested to make use of all that we have communicated to 
you above, in order that you may be able to refute the false reports and the 
malevolent interpretations which, in these circumstances, people will endea- 
vour to spread against Russia and her dispositions." 



Memorandum by Count Nesselrode, delivered to her Majesty's Government, and 
founded on comnmnications received from the Emperor of Russia subsequently 
to his Imperial Majesty' 's visit to England in June 1844. 

{Translation^) 

" Russia and England are mutually penetrated with the conviction that 
it is for their common interest that the Ottoman Porte should maintain 
itself in the state of independence and of territorial possession which at 
present constitutes that Empire, as that political combination is the one 
which is most compatible with the general interest of the maintenance of 
peace. 

" Being agreed on this principle, Russia and England have an equal 
interest in uniting their efforts, in order to keep up the existence of the 
Ottoman Empire, and to avert all the dangers which can place in jeopardy 
its safety. 

" With this object, the essential point is to suffer the Porte to live in 
repose, without needlessly disturbing it by diplomatic bickerings ; and 
without interfering without absolute necessity in its internal affairs. 

" In order to carry out skilfully this system of forbearance, with a view 
to the well-understood interest of the Porte, two things must not be lost 
sight of. They are these : — 

" In the first place, the Porte has a constant tendency to extricate itself 
from the engagements imposed upon it by the treaties which it has con- 
cluded with other powers. It hopes to do so with impunity, because it reckons 
on the mutual jealousy oftJie Cabinets. It thinks that if it fails in its engage- 
ments towards one of them, the rest will espouse its quarrel, and will 
screen it from all responsibility. 

" It is essential not to confirm the Porte in this delusion. Every time 
that it fails in its obligations towards one of the great powers, it is the 
interest of all the rest to make it sensible of its error, and seriously 
to exhort it to act rightly towards the Cabinet which demands just 
reparation. 

* As soon as the Porte shall perceive that it is not supported by the 
other Cabinets, it will give way, and the differences which have arisen 

D D 



402 



APPENDIX, 



will be arranged in a conciliatory manner, without any conflict resulting 
from them. 

" There is a second cause of complication which is inherent in the situ- 
ation of the Porte ; it is the difficulty which exists in reconciling the 
respect due to the sovereign authority of the Sultan founded on the Mus- 
sulman law, with the forbearance required by the interests of the Christian 
population of that empire. 

" This difficulty is real. In the present state of feeling in Europe, the 
Cabinets cannot see with indifference the Christian populations in Turkey 
exposed to flagrant acts of oppression and religious intolerance. 

" It is necessary constantly to make the Ottoman Ministers sensible of 
this truth, and to persuade them that they can only reckon on the Mend- 
ship and on the support of the great powers, on the condition that they 
treat the Christian subjects of the Porte with toleration and with 
mildness. 

" "While insisting on this truth, it will be the duty of the foreign repre- 
sentatives, on the other hand, to exert all their influence to maintain the 
Christian subjects of the Porte in submission to the sovereign authority. 

" It will be the duty of the foreign representatives, guided by these 
principles, to act among themselves in a perfect spirit of agreement. If 
they address remonstrances to the Porte, those remonstrances must 
bear a real character of unanimity, though divested of one of exclusive 
dictation. 

" By persevering in this system with calmness and moderation, the 
representatives of the great Cabinets of Europe will have the best chance 
of succeeding in the steps which they may take, without giving occasion 
for complications which might .affect the tranquillity of the Ottoman 
Empire. If all the great powers frankly adopt this line of conduct, they 
will have a well-founded expectation of preserving the existence of 
Turkey. 

" However, they must not conceal from themselves how many elements 
of dissolution that empire contains within itself. Unforeseen circum- 
stances may hasten its fall, without its being in the power of the friendly 
Cabinets to prevent it. 

" As it is not given to human foresight to settle beforehand a plan of 
action for such or such unlooked-for case, it would be premature to discuss 
eventualities which may never be realized. 

'•' In the uncertainty which hovers over the future, a single fundamental 
idea seems to admit of a really practical application ; it is that the danger 
which may result from a catastrophe in Turkey will be much diminished, 
if, in the event of its occurring, Russia and England have come to an 
understanding as to the course to be taken by them in common. 

" That understanding will be the more beneficial, inasmuch as it will 
have the full assent of Austria. Between her and Russia there exists 
already an entire conformity of principles in regard to the affairs of Turkey, 
in a common interest of conservatism and of peace. 

" In order to render their union more efficacious, there would lenaain 



APPENDIX. 



403 



nothing to be desired but that England should be seen to associate herself 
thereto with the same view. 

ft The reason which recommends the establishment of this agreement is 
very simple. 

" On land Eussia exercises in regard to Turkey a preponderant action. 
" On sea England occupies the same position. 

" Isolated, the action of these two powers might do much mischief. 
United, it can produce a real benefit : thence, the advantage of coming to 
a previous understanding before having recourse to action. 

" This notion was in principle agreed upon during the Emperor's last 
residence in London. The result was the eventual engagement, that if 
anything unforeseen occurred in Turkey, Eussia and England should 
previously concert together as to the course which they should pursue 
in common. * 

" The object for which Eussia and England will have to come to an 
understanding may be expressed in the following manner : — 

"1. To seek to maintain the existence of the Ottoman Empire in its 
present state, so long as that political combination shall be possible. 

" 2. If we foresee that it must crumble to pieces, to enter into previous 
concert as to everything relating to the establishment of a new order of 
things, intended to replace that which now exists, and in conjunction with 
each other to see that the change which may have occurred in the internal 
situation of that empire shall not injuriously affect either the security of 
their own states and the rights which the treaties assure to them respec- 
tively, or the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe. 

" For the purpose thus stated, the policy of Eussia and of Austria, as 
we have already said, is closely united by the principle of perfect identity. 
If England, as the principal maritime power, acts in concert with them, 
it is to be supposed that France will find herself obliged to act in con- 
formity with the course agreed upon between St. Petersburg, London, 
and Vienna. 

fj Conflict between the great powers being thus obviated, it is to be 
hoped that the peace of Europe will be maintained, even in the midst of 
such serious circumstances. It is to secure this object of common in- 
terest, if the case occurs, that, as the Emperor agreed with her Britannic 
Majesty's Ministers during his residence in England, the previous under- 
standing which Eussia and England shall establish between themselves 
must be directed." 



ea c4 eeujo? orii od 
.<di bo r Urw gnibn* 



404 



APPENDIX. 



ni jjagnt orij b®b»j ,T89't 9d.j ; aJrrgj utiw trawivoiq 9xt? ctbaj BiBDaBmoacn 
rfoidw ,8ai&te qwle -wvt msdt rfriw vrriio tsuT— : isarmm §niwofi6i 
. 89V198 doi&w <6timm im$& xit ^9x1* 9«9rfi noqn bne Jmiiktrj 9iii oini sv'nb 

II. TARTARS 

Amongst the additional and respected allies that we are ready to pick up, 
we proceed to get hold of the Tartars resident in some parts of South- 
eastern Russia. These are now but comparatively few in number ; and 
have of late years been by degrees brought, by the energy of the Russian 
Government, into a state of considerable civilization and settled habits. 
These people are of the same race as the Turks— in fact, brothers of the 
human family ; and are the remains of those fearful and ferocious swarms 
of demi-savages which nearly 900 years ago issued from Eastern and 
Central Asia, and spread the extremes of desolation and destruction over 
all Asia, and also over a large portion of Europe. We are, it appears, 
about to call out and aid the few survivors of them to resume their ancient 
work ; a line of conduct which the future impartial historian will doubt- 
less correctly designate, and justly and severely denounce. In those parts 
of Russia eastward of the Caspian, the Government have on the southern 
frontiers established numerous and excellent schools, for the purpose of 
extending practical and good education amongst the population. These 
schools are well attended, and make great progress. Even the Kirghises, 
one of the most uncultivated and independent of the tribes on the 
southern Asiatic frontier of Russia, readily send their children to these 
schools, visit them, and encourage them to attend to their education ; and 
thus the parents themselves become more and more reconciled to the 
advantage of knowledge and a settled life,, and desirous of not only living 
at peace with Russia, but to look to her for assistance to protect them 
against the inroads of their barbarous neighbours. All this progressive 
and most beneficial improvement in these countries we go not only about 
to disturb, but to destroy, and to call forth the passions of the people to 
resume the devastating work of their ancestors ! But the counsels and 
arm of Omnipotence are wiser and stronger than ours. The following is 
the picture of our new allies, as drawn by Sir J. Chardin, about 150 years 
ago. Let Englishmen look at it, and take shame to themselves for seeking 
the assistance of such associates : — 

CViardi,/, vol. 163 — 165. {Pink, Col.) 

" Every Tartar that goes into the field carries with him two horses, 
which are taught to follow without being led ; and are consequently useful 
to, without embarrassing their master. On these horses they lay a sack 



APPENDIX. 



405 



of rye meal, and another with biscuit and salt, which is all the baggage 
and provisions wherewith they are encumbered. It is only a few of the 
commanders that are provided with tents ; the rest pass the night in the 
following manner : — They carry with them four sharp stakes, which they 
drive into the ground, and upon these they fix their mantle, which serves 
for a bed ; their wooden saddle supplies the place of a pillow ; and a coarse 
thick cloth, which is thrown across the horse's back, under the saddle, 
becomes a coverlid. The horses are tied to the pickets, with pretty long 
cords ; and while their masters sleep, the beasts very handily remove the 
snow with their forefeet, and feed upon the grass that is under it, taking 
now and then a mouthful of snow to moisten it. When a horse tires, his 
master cuts his throat upon the spot, and distributes his flesh among his 
friends, who make' him the same compliment when occasion offers. The 
best part of the flesh they cut in slices of an inch thick, and these they 
place very neatly under the saddle of the horse they ride upon. When 
they have travelled three or four leagues, they dismount, turn all the 
pieces of flesh, and mix them very carefully with the sweat, which they 
turn up with their fingers ; then to horse again, and at night they sup 
upon this dainty dish, which they take ready dressed from under their 
saddles. 

" In this manner they will traverse two or three hundred leagues of 
ground, without ever lighting a fire, which they carefully avoid, to prevent 
being discovered ; and they choose the depth of winter for their expedi- 
tions, that, the bogs, lakes, and rivers being frozen, they may avoid all 
interruptions, and prosecute their march with great expedition. Thus the 
Tartars march one hundred in front, that is, three hundred horses ; every 
one of them has two, which serve for relays, as has been said before ; their 
front may extend eight hundred or one thousand paces, and they are eight 
hundred or one thousand in file, which reaches four long leagues, or three, 
when they keep close ; for at other times they extend above ten leagues. 
This is wonderful to those that have not seen it ; for eighty thousand 
Tartars make up above two hundred thousand horses. Trees are not 
thicker in the woods than horses are at that time in the field ; and to see 
them at a distance they look like a cloud rising in the horizon, which 
increases as it rises, and strikes a terror into the boldest ; I mean those 
who are not used to see such multitudes together. Thus these mighty 
armies march ; halting every hour about half a quarter of an hour to give 
their horses time to stale ; and they are so well managed, that they do it 
as soon as they stop • then the Tartars alight too. They remount imme- 
diately and go on ; all which is done only by the signal of a whistle : and 
when they are come within three or four leagues of the borders, they He 
•still two or three days in some place chosen for that purpose, where they 
think they are concealed; there they give out orders, and refresh their 
army, which they dispose of in this manner : — they divide it into three 
parts ; two-thirds are to compose one body, the other third is subdivided 
into two parts, each making a wing, one on the right, the other on the left. 
In this order they enter the country. 



406 



APPENDIX. 



" The main body moves slowly, which, in their language they call cocke, 
with the wings, but continually, without halting day or night, allowing but 
an hour to refresh till they are got sixty or eighty leagues into the country, 
without doing any harm : but as soon as they begin to march back, the 
body holds the same pace ; then the general dismisses the two wings, 
which have liberty, each on its own side, to stray ten or twelve leagues 
from the main body ; but that is to be understood half of the way for- 
ward, and the other half sideways. Each wing, which may consist of eight 
or ten thousand men, is again subdivided into ten or twelve squadrons, 
of five or six hundred men each, who run up and down to the villages, 
encompass them, making four corps de garde about each village, and great 
fires all the night, for fear any peasant should escape them. Then they 
fall to pillaging and burning, kill all that make any resistance, and take 
and carry away all that submit, not only men, women, and sucking babes, 
but the cattle, horses, cows, oxen, sheep, goats, &c. As for the swine, they 
drive and shut them up in a barn, or such-like place, and fire the four cor- 
ners ; so great is the loathing they have for those creatures. The wings, 
being allowed to stray but ten or twelve leagues (as has been said), return 
with their booty to their main body ; which is easily done ; for they leave 
a great track, marching above fifty in front, so that they have nothing to 
do but to follow, and in four or five hours they join their body again ; 
where, as soon as they are come, two other wings, consisting of the like 
number as the former, go out on the right and left, to make much the 
same havock ; then they come in, and two others go out, and so continue 
their excursions without ever diminishing their body, which, as has been 
mentioned, makes two-thirds of the army, and move gently, to be always 
in breath, and ready to fight their enemy, if they should meet them, 
though their design is not to meet, but to avoid them as much as possible. 
They never return the same way they broke in, but take a compass, the 
better to escape ; for they always fight only in their own defence, nay, and 
they must be forced to it, without they know themselves to be ten to one ; 
and yet would they consider of it before they fell on : for these Tartars do 
not enter Poland to fight, but to pillage by way of surprise. When the 
Polanders meet them, they make work, forcing them to get home faster 
than their usual pace. At other times, after they have sufficiently plun- 
dered and robbed, they enter upon the desert plains in the frontiers, thirty 
or forty leagues in length, and being in that place of safety make a great 
halt, recovering breath, and putting themselves into order, if they were 
in any confusion on account of meeting the Polanders. 

" At their return from such an incursion, the Khan receives his tenth of 
the whole booty, which is afterwards divided amongst the several hordes, 
and every Mirza receives the tenth of the share that belongs to his horde ; 
after which, what remains is divided fairly and regularly amongst all that 
served in the excursion. It is undoubtedly one of the most shocking 
spectacles that can be beheld, to see the unhappy people of all ages, ranks 
and sexes, that have been thus carried away, — separated from each other, 
and torn away by their relentless masters, who either keep and employ 



APPENDIX. 



407 



them in servile work, or sell them, if they think proper, to the Turks, 
Persians, Circassians, or any of the adjacent nations, or to the merchants 
who come up into their countries on purpose to buy slaves. It is from 
their fortune in these kind of excursions that the Tartar princes become 
rich and potent ; for what they receive from their parents is very incon- 
siderable, and they make no scruple of telling strangers, when they 
admire the number of their tents, horses, cattle and slaves, that what 
they have was acquired by their sword and bow ; and that if they had 
been less lucky in their expeditions, they had been as poor and as miserable 
as any of their subjects. By leading this kind of life they become very 
active and vigorous, capable of enduring prodigious fatigue, so as to go 
without sleep for many nights together, and with little or no food for many 
days ; but when they come to have more leisure, they will fetch this up 
by sleeping forty-eight hours upon the stretch, and will crowd three or 
four meals into one." 



III. CIRCASSIAN SLAVE TRADE. 

The following is the firman lately addressed by the Sultan to Mustapha 
Pasha, general-in-chief of the imperial army of Batoum, interdicting the 
commerce of slaves in the Black Sea : — 

" Man is the most noble of all the creatures formed by the hands of God, 
who destined him to be happy in making him free-born ; but, contrary to 
that decision, the Circassians indulge in the strange habit of selling their 
children and relatives as slaves ; and even of stealing children from each 
other, in order to sell them like animals or articles of furniture. These 
proceedings, incompatible with the dignity of man, and contrary to the 
will of the Sovereign Creator, are altogether reprehensible, and I condemn 
them absolutely. Wherefore, I have just given orders that, to prevent 
that state of things from being continued, counsels and directions should 
be given to the Circassians, and at the same time proper measures be 
adopted, to prevent the embarkation of slaves on the coast ; and in order 
that this decision be known to all the civil and military authorities in 
these districts, the present firman has been rendered expressly by my 
Imperial divan. Wherefore, a vizir being thus informed of what I desire, 
you will proceed, with that zeal and high intelligence which distinguish you, 
to make known my sovereign will to the Circassians and all others con- 
cerned, by publishing it in the most detailed manner. You will do all that 
your sagacity and experience will suggest to you, to put an end to that 
traffic, and to prevent the passage and embarkation of slaves in the waters 



I 

f 



408 



APPENDIX. 



under your command ; and besides, as it is urgent to punish all who con- 
travene these orders, and are guilty of selling their children or relatives, or 
the children or relatives of others, you will not lose sight of that point ; 
in fine, you will pay every attention to do everything indicated above, and 
you will show foil respect to the noble cipher with which the present 
document is adorned. Given in the second decade of the month of Mou- 
harrem, 1271 (beginning of October, 1854)." ^ 

A second finnan to the same effect was issued on the same day, to pre- 
vent the commerce of slaves in Georgia. 



THE END, 



R. CLAY, PRINTER, BUEAD STREET HILL- 



I 



f 

P 



